Brickbat: It Was There the Last Time I Looked

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The Massachusetts State Police says it can’t locate most departmental emails sent before 2018, and that may put into jeopardy payroll fraud and larceny charges against a former trooper. An attorney for David Keefe has asked a court to dismiss charges against his client because the police turned over only about 4,500 of an estimated 34,000 emails Keefe says would show he was working when prosecutors say he was absent but on the clock. Keefe is one 20 troopers charged with overtime fraud. The agency blames a change in email programs for the loss of the emails. But outside experts note that Keefe and other troopers were under investigation at the time of the switch, which placed a legal obligation of the agency to maintain evidence in the case.

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Brickbat: It Was There the Last Time I Looked

deletedemails_1161x653

The Massachusetts State Police says it can’t locate most departmental emails sent before 2018, and that may put into jeopardy payroll fraud and larceny charges against a former trooper. An attorney for David Keefe has asked a court to dismiss charges against his client because the police turned over only about 4,500 of an estimated 34,000 emails Keefe says would show he was working when prosecutors say he was absent but on the clock. Keefe is one 20 troopers charged with overtime fraud. The agency blames a change in email programs for the loss of the emails. But outside experts note that Keefe and other troopers were under investigation at the time of the switch, which placed a legal obligation of the agency to maintain evidence in the case.

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Wealth Taxes Make Us Poorer

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Politicians are renowned for their shortsightedness. During the post-war period, for example, Republicans have very publicly opposed most tax increases. I like small government, so I’m good with that. Where I part ways with the Grand Old Party is with its failure to oppose big spending that’s funded with debt, meaning future tax hikes.

Their lack of spending restraint, also encouraged by Democrats, is inconsistent and means that a new source of government revenue is likely in our future. And, if that is the case, it may very well be a wealth tax.

Support for taxing wealth (as distinct from income) has been picking up momentum in the United States as progressives have argued that the tax is an effective way to reduce inequality. We frequently heard calls for tax hikes on the rich like those during the Democratic presidential primary season when both Sens. Bernie Sanders (I–Vt.) and Elizabeth Warren (D–Mass.) prominently proposed such a wealth tax. And while Joe Biden hasn’t endorsed a wealth tax, his spending plan is so vast that it’s difficult to see how it won’t be on his agenda soon. Always eager to demonstrate its progressive cred, California is considering adopting such a tax, which would make that state the first in the nation to do so.

A wealth tax has many problems. While it makes for great “soak the rich” soundbites, in reality, it’s ineffective at reducing inequality. What wealth taxes do best is to disrupt the accumulation of capital. Since most wealth is invested and provides capital for innovators and producers to draw upon—and for workers to work with—all Americans would suffer from a wealth tax.

In a recent paper published by the Center for Freedom and Prosperity, economists John Diamond and George Zodrow of Rice University’s Baker Institute added to the extensive evidence on wealth taxation’s negative effects.

The authors simulated the Warren wealth tax’s economic effects and how that impacts the lifetime earnings of different income groups. They estimate that long-run GDP would be 2.7 percent lower than it would be without a wealth tax. They also found declines in lifetime wealth from the upper to lower-middle classes.

To gauge the wealth tax’s impact, Diamond and Zodrow had to make assumptions about how the money would be used. Paying down the national debt, for instance, has different implications for capital allocation than beefing up welfare programs. Since tax proponents tell us they prefer to do the latter, the simulation assumes that wealth tax revenues would be used for redistribution in similar proportions to current spending. The authors thus found small increases in lifetime per-household wealth for bottom income earners, ranging from $100 to $500.

These very small “benefits” (to use the term rather loosely) come at very high costs. Initial losses in average household income would amount to about $2,500.

Europe has traditionally shown a greater affinity for taxing wealth than the United States. But even in Europe, the administrative difficulties, low level of revenue collection and utter lack of impact on inequality have led many nations to abandon wealth taxation. Whereas 15 European countries have implemented wealth taxation, only three have stuck with it.

Nations like France, which dropped its wealth tax in 2018, learned the hard way that taxpayers don’t sit idly by while the fruits of their life’s labor are looted. They go elsewhere.

The wealthy are already fleeing California as it continues to increase its fiscal reliance on a tiny number of highly successful individuals. This trend cannot continue, and to quote economist Herbert Stein, “If something cannot go on forever, it will stop.”

It’s bad enough for legislators in the state with the nation’s largest economy to hit the accelerator as they approach a cliff. It would be even more foolish for the rest of the nation to follow suit.

So, Republicans, if you really believe in lower taxes, think of that next time you feel generous with taxpayers’ money.

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Wealth Taxes Make Us Poorer

reason-bernie2

Politicians are renowned for their shortsightedness. During the post-war period, for example, Republicans have very publicly opposed most tax increases. I like small government, so I’m good with that. Where I part ways with the Grand Old Party is with its failure to oppose big spending that’s funded with debt, meaning future tax hikes.

Their lack of spending restraint, also encouraged by Democrats, is inconsistent and means that a new source of government revenue is likely in our future. And, if that is the case, it may very well be a wealth tax.

Support for taxing wealth (as distinct from income) has been picking up momentum in the United States as progressives have argued that the tax is an effective way to reduce inequality. We frequently heard calls for tax hikes on the rich like those during the Democratic presidential primary season when both Sens. Bernie Sanders (I–Vt.) and Elizabeth Warren (D–Mass.) prominently proposed such a wealth tax. And while Joe Biden hasn’t endorsed a wealth tax, his spending plan is so vast that it’s difficult to see how it won’t be on his agenda soon. Always eager to demonstrate its progressive cred, California is considering adopting such a tax, which would make that state the first in the nation to do so.

A wealth tax has many problems. While it makes for great “soak the rich” soundbites, in reality, it’s ineffective at reducing inequality. What wealth taxes do best is to disrupt the accumulation of capital. Since most wealth is invested and provides capital for innovators and producers to draw upon—and for workers to work with—all Americans would suffer from a wealth tax.

In a recent paper published by the Center for Freedom and Prosperity, economists John Diamond and George Zodrow of Rice University’s Baker Institute added to the extensive evidence on wealth taxation’s negative effects.

The authors simulated the Warren wealth tax’s economic effects and how that impacts the lifetime earnings of different income groups. They estimate that long-run GDP would be 2.7 percent lower than it would be without a wealth tax. They also found declines in lifetime wealth from the upper to lower-middle classes.

To gauge the wealth tax’s impact, Diamond and Zodrow had to make assumptions about how the money would be used. Paying down the national debt, for instance, has different implications for capital allocation than beefing up welfare programs. Since tax proponents tell us they prefer to do the latter, the simulation assumes that wealth tax revenues would be used for redistribution in similar proportions to current spending. The authors thus found small increases in lifetime per-household wealth for bottom income earners, ranging from $100 to $500.

These very small “benefits” (to use the term rather loosely) come at very high costs. Initial losses in average household income would amount to about $2,500.

Europe has traditionally shown a greater affinity for taxing wealth than the United States. But even in Europe, the administrative difficulties, low level of revenue collection and utter lack of impact on inequality have led many nations to abandon wealth taxation. Whereas 15 European countries have implemented wealth taxation, only three have stuck with it.

Nations like France, which dropped its wealth tax in 2018, learned the hard way that taxpayers don’t sit idly by while the fruits of their life’s labor are looted. They go elsewhere.

The wealthy are already fleeing California as it continues to increase its fiscal reliance on a tiny number of highly successful individuals. This trend cannot continue, and to quote economist Herbert Stein, “If something cannot go on forever, it will stop.”

It’s bad enough for legislators in the state with the nation’s largest economy to hit the accelerator as they approach a cliff. It would be even more foolish for the rest of the nation to follow suit.

So, Republicans, if you really believe in lower taxes, think of that next time you feel generous with taxpayers’ money.

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Mariska Hargitay Is Wrong About the Rape Kit Backlog

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In 2016, then–Vice President Joe Biden appeared on Law and Order: Special Victims Unit. He was there to talk about the “rape kit backlog,” the untested rape kits languishing indefinitely across the U.S.—an issue he’d been working on alongside Mariska Hargitay, one of the show’s stars.

The scenario was reversed Wednesday night, with Hargitay getting a spot at the Democratic National Convention to make her pitch for a President Joe Biden. But the subject was the same: ending the “rape kit backlog.”

“I created the Joyful Heart Foundation to help survivors heal and to change the way society responds to sexual violence,” she said. Biden “will end the backlog of hundreds of thousands of untested rape kits….Testing kits not only makes our country safer, but it sends a vital message to survivors that what happened to them mattered.”

It’s a real problem. Rape kits—which contain DNA evidence from rape victims’ bodies that can be used to locate the alleged offender—too often remain untouched. It goes without saying that testing such kits can help find rapists, and yet hundreds of thousands of them have collected dust in police stations over the years.

But this “backlog” isn’t really a backlog: Law enforcement agencies shoved those kits aside without ever sending them to a lab. That’s called negligence. And it’s not something that should be rewarded by throwing more money at the responsible parties, which is precisely what Hargitay would like to do.

The entire purpose of the Debbie Smith Act of 2004 is to send cash to state and local law enforcement agencies so they are able to test rape kits. The legislation has been reauthorized multiple times over the last 15 years, and it has funnelled more than a billion dollars toward the cause.

Even so, Biden and Hargitay successfully lobbied for the Sexual Assault Kit Initiative, launched in 2015, which has given federal money to police departments that already had the money to test such rape kits but opted not to. Worse yet: That same year, when the Manhattan District Attorney’s Office announced it would kick in $38 million to the cause, those funds came from civil asset forfeiture seizures, the program that allows police officers to take possessions from people merely suspected of committing crimes.

By and large, police budgets have grown over the years, with staffs increasing and DNA technology continuing to advance. Yet Meaghan Ybos, founder and executive director of People for the Enforcement of Rape Laws, has documented an incredible level of rape-kit negligence:

In 2009, a Human Rights Watch report exposed over 12,000 untested rape kits in law enforcement storage throughout Los Angeles County. That same year, inquiries by the Cleveland Plain Dealer about the failure of law enforcement to stop serial rapist and mass murderer Anthony Sowell spurred the city’s police department to announce plans to process over 4,000 untested rape kits of its own. Also in 2009, after the FBI took control of the Detroit Police Department property room, officials revealed over 8,000 rape kits in police storage had never been submitted to a lab. In 2013, the Memphis Police Department admitted it had failed to test over 12,000 rape kits. In 2014, a New Orleans Police Commander who had been lauded in 2011 for testing at least 800 unprocessed rape kits revealed the department had failed to submit more than 400 rape kits collected since 2011. In 2017, the Wayne County Prosecuting Attorney’s office admitted at least 555 rape kits collected by Detroit Police since the 2009 public outcry weren’t tested until 2015, a fact that was never announced to the public.

Hargitay partially explains that by saying sex crimes departments are scantily resourced and understaffed. But it is the police departments themselves that allocate staffing and other resources. When violent crime gets the short end of the stick, that’s not a funding issue; it’s a priorities issue.

Given all that, law enforcement’s apathy toward rape kits and the ensuing investigations can’t be explained by a dollar amount. Nor can it be solved by one.

“If we are to try to imagine any solutions to this, it’s not going to be ‘Believe women,’ or more training for the police, or trauma-informed training,” says Ybos, who was raped in 2003 and had her own kit sit untouched for nine years in Memphis, Tennessee. “People bring things up like, ‘We need more female police officers.’ No. No. Solutions like that, that compartmentalize this and don’t address the policing issues overall—this is just going to be a perpetuation of the problem that caused this situation.”

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Mariska Hargitay Is Wrong About the Rape Kit Backlog

Webp.net-resizeimage (5)

In 2016, then–Vice President Joe Biden appeared on Law and Order: Special Victims Unit. He was there to talk about the “rape kit backlog,” the untested rape kits languishing indefinitely across the U.S.—an issue he’d been working on alongside Mariska Hargitay, one of the show’s stars.

The scenario was reversed Wednesday night, with Hargitay getting a spot at the Democratic National Convention to make her pitch for a President Joe Biden. But the subject was the same: ending the “rape kit backlog.”

“I created the Joyful Heart Foundation to help survivors heal and to change the way society responds to sexual violence,” she said. Biden “will end the backlog of hundreds of thousands of untested rape kits….Testing kits not only makes our country safer, but it sends a vital message to survivors that what happened to them mattered.”

It’s a real problem. Rape kits—which contain DNA evidence from rape victims’ bodies that can be used to locate the alleged offender—too often remain untouched. It goes without saying that testing such kits can help find rapists, and yet hundreds of thousands of them have collected dust in police stations over the years.

But this “backlog” isn’t really a backlog: Law enforcement agencies shoved those kits aside without ever sending them to a lab. That’s called negligence. And it’s not something that should be rewarded by throwing more money at the responsible parties, which is precisely what Hargitay would like to do.

The entire purpose of the Debbie Smith Act of 2004 is to send cash to state and local law enforcement agencies so they are able to test rape kits. The legislation has been reauthorized multiple times over the last 15 years, and it has funnelled more than a billion dollars toward the cause.

Even so, Biden and Hargitay successfully lobbied for the Sexual Assault Kit Initiative, launched in 2015, which has given federal money to police departments that already had the money to test such rape kits but opted not to. Worse yet: That same year, when the Manhattan District Attorney’s Office announced it would kick in $38 million to the cause, those funds came from civil asset forfeiture seizures, the program that allows police officers to take possessions from people merely suspected of committing crimes.

By and large, police budgets have grown over the years, with staffs increasing and DNA technology continuing to advance. Yet Meaghan Ybos, founder and executive director of People for the Enforcement of Rape Laws, has documented an incredible level of rape-kit negligence:

In 2009, a Human Rights Watch report exposed over 12,000 untested rape kits in law enforcement storage throughout Los Angeles County. That same year, inquiries by the Cleveland Plain Dealer about the failure of law enforcement to stop serial rapist and mass murderer Anthony Sowell spurred the city’s police department to announce plans to process over 4,000 untested rape kits of its own. Also in 2009, after the FBI took control of the Detroit Police Department property room, officials revealed over 8,000 rape kits in police storage had never been submitted to a lab. In 2013, the Memphis Police Department admitted it had failed to test over 12,000 rape kits. In 2014, a New Orleans Police Commander who had been lauded in 2011 for testing at least 800 unprocessed rape kits revealed the department had failed to submit more than 400 rape kits collected since 2011. In 2017, the Wayne County Prosecuting Attorney’s office admitted at least 555 rape kits collected by Detroit Police since the 2009 public outcry weren’t tested until 2015, a fact that was never announced to the public.

Hargitay partially explains that by saying sex crimes departments are scantily resourced and understaffed. But it is the police departments themselves that allocate staffing and other resources. When violent crime gets the short end of the stick, that’s not a funding issue; it’s a priorities issue.

Given all that, law enforcement’s apathy toward rape kits and the ensuing investigations can’t be explained by a dollar amount. Nor can it be solved by one.

“If we are to try to imagine any solutions to this, it’s not going to be ‘Believe women,’ or more training for the police, or trauma-informed training,” says Ybos, who was raped in 2003 and had her own kit sit untouched for nine years in Memphis, Tennessee. “People bring things up like, ‘We need more female police officers.’ No. No. Solutions like that, that compartmentalize this and don’t address the policing issues overall—this is just going to be a perpetuation of the problem that caused this situation.”

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Democratic Convention: The Dems Want to Stop Gun Violence, But They Can’t Say How

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The Democratic Party led off tonight’s installment of its national convention with a video lamenting the scourge of gun violence. It is a problem that has been rising this year, though longterm trends since the early ’90s show gun murders per capita as a significantly smaller problem for America now than it was then.

Whenever it happens, however often, gun violence is as devastating a tragedy as one can imagine. The segment ended with a statement from former Arizona Rep. Gabby Giffords, herself a victim of gun violence. Yet this part of the evening offered no specific policy recommendations beyond stressing the party’s commitment to ending this source of human pain.

There is a reason for that. The “common sense gun law reforms” that the Democrats have been pushing for years—generally things like toughening background check requirements, banning certain classes of weapons for cosmetic features, or limiting legal magazine sizes—would in nearly every case have no actual effect on any of the heinous gun tragedies that drive the public outcry against them.

Instead of specific policy recommendations, the video spotlighted the pain of shooter drills, a dilemma caused less by the actual threat of school shootings than by the fear of them this video is trying to instill. It brought up the particular pain brought to black and brown communities by gun violence, but evaded the question of how asking the American police to enforce laws against possessing certain kinds of weapons might affect those same communities. (The Democrats’ vice presidential candidate, Kamala Harris, is all for forcefully taking back peacefully owned weapons if the law decides to ban them.)

The politics of these stances is easy to understand. A majority of Americans now want stricter laws on gun sales, and the issue has traditionally energized the party’s base. (Though this year’s urban riots making clear police’s inability and/or unwillingness to defend individual’s lives and property might make individual gun ownership seem more sensible to many Americans across party lines.) But when it comes to policy, doing anything effective and constitutional about the problem of gun violence is a lot harder. Hence tonight’s lack of specifics.

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Democratic Convention: The Dems Want to Stop Gun Violence, But They Can’t Say How

zumaglobalnine800344

The Democratic Party led off tonight’s installment of its national convention with a video lamenting the scourge of gun violence. It is a problem that has been rising this year, though longterm trends since the early ’90s show gun murders per capita as a significantly smaller problem for America now than it was then.

Whenever it happens, however often, gun violence is as devastating a tragedy as one can imagine. The segment ended with a statement from former Arizona Rep. Gabby Giffords, herself a victim of gun violence. Yet this part of the evening offered no specific policy recommendations beyond stressing the party’s commitment to ending this source of human pain.

There is a reason for that. The “common sense gun law reforms” that the Democrats have been pushing for years—generally things like toughening background check requirements, banning certain classes of weapons for cosmetic features, or limiting legal magazine sizes—would in nearly every case have no actual effect on any of the heinous gun tragedies that drive the public outcry against them.

Instead of specific policy recommendations, the video spotlighted the pain of shooter drills, a dilemma caused less by the actual threat of school shootings than by the fear of them this video is trying to instill. It brought up the particular pain brought to black and brown communities by gun violence, but evaded the question of how asking the American police to enforce laws against possessing certain kinds of weapons might affect those same communities. (The Democrats’ vice presidential candidate, Kamala Harris, is all for forcefully taking back peacefully owned weapons if the law decides to ban them.)

The politics of these stances is easy to understand. A majority of Americans now want stricter laws on gun sales, and the issue has traditionally energized the party’s base. (Though this year’s urban riots making clear police’s inability and/or unwillingness to defend individual’s lives and property might make individual gun ownership seem more sensible to many Americans across party lines.) But when it comes to policy, doing anything effective and constitutional about the problem of gun violence is a lot harder. Hence tonight’s lack of specifics.

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Trump on QAnon Conspiracy Theorists: ‘They Like Me Very Much, Which I Appreciate’

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At a press conference today, Donald Trump was asked about the QAnon, a loose assortment of conspiracy theorists who think the president is waging a secret war against an international ring of Satan-worshipping Deep State pedophiles; the evil cabal purportedly includes various Hollywood celebrities, media figures, and Democratic Party leaders. Trump responded that he didn’t know very much about the QAnon movement, but he was grateful for the support.

“They like me very much, which I appreciate,” he said.

The president then downplayed QAnon’s kookiness, wrongly portraying its adherents as merely concerned about crime in Democrat-run cities.

“These are people who don’t like what’s going on in places like Portland, and Chicago, and other cities, and states,” said Trump. “I’ve heard these are people who love our country. I don’t know anything about it other than, they do supposedly like me, and also would like to see problems in these areas go away.”

Lest anyone claims that Trump’s ignorance is a defense, the reporter who asked the question then explained that the essential element of the QAnon theory is the Satanic cannibal pedophile part—and that Trump is supposedly at the center of a covert effort to stop this great evil.

“Is that supposed to be a bad thing or a good thing?” Trump responded, prompting at least one laugh. “If I can help save the world from problems, I’m willing to put myself out there.”

It would be trivially easy for Trump to distance himself from an insane conspiracy theory, just as it would be trivially easy for the GOP to shun Laura Loomer, the bigot who just got the party’s nomination for a congressional seat in Florida. Instead, prominent Republicans—including Trump—have endorsed Loomer, and Trump is happy to collect the Q vote. They may be kooks, one imagines Republicans thinking, but at least they’re our kooks.

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Trump on QAnon Conspiracy Theorists: ‘They Like Me Very Much, Which I Appreciate’

dpaphotosfour667112

At a press conference today, Donald Trump was asked about the QAnon, a loose assortment of conspiracy theorists who think the president is waging a secret war against an international ring of Satan-worshipping Deep State pedophiles; the evil cabal purportedly includes various Hollywood celebrities, media figures, and Democratic Party leaders. Trump responded that he didn’t know very much about the QAnon movement, but he was grateful for the support.

“They like me very much, which I appreciate,” he said.

The president then downplayed QAnon’s kookiness, wrongly portraying its adherents as merely concerned about crime in Democrat-run cities.

“These are people who don’t like what’s going on in places like Portland, and Chicago, and other cities, and states,” said Trump. “I’ve heard these are people who love our country. I don’t know anything about it other than, they do supposedly like me, and also would like to see problems in these areas go away.”

Lest anyone claims that Trump’s ignorance is a defense, the reporter who asked the question then explained that the essential element of the QAnon theory is the Satanic cannibal pedophile part—and that Trump is supposedly at the center of a covert effort to stop this great evil.

“Is that supposed to be a bad thing or a good thing?” Trump responded, prompting at least one laugh. “If I can help save the world from problems, I’m willing to put myself out there.”

It would be trivially easy for Trump to distance himself from an insane conspiracy theory, just as it would be trivially easy for the GOP to shun Laura Loomer, the bigot who just got the party’s nomination for a congressional seat in Florida. Instead, prominent Republicans—including Trump—have endorsed Loomer, and Trump is happy to collect the Q vote. They may be kooks, one imagines Republicans thinking, but at least they’re our kooks.

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