The 5 Dumbest Laws Restricting the Sale of Booze

On July 1, Virginia’s General Assembly voted to allow bars and restaurants to advertise happy hours, which is the latest in a series of minor victories for the movement to liberalize U.S. liquor laws. In 2019, Congress lifted the ban on distilling spirits on Native American land, and a Supreme Court decision opened the door for constitutional challenges to state laws that restrict liquor sales across state lines.

Many of these laws date to the period immediately following the appeal of the Volstead Act, says Jarrett Dieterle, who’s the director of commercial freedom at the free market policy group R Street, and the editor of drinksreform.com. These changes may seem small, says Dieterle, “but they are slowly pointing us towards a better, boozy future.”

To continue the progress, Dieterle has identified five dumb booze laws that lawmakers should eliminate next.

Produced, shot, and edited by Mark McDaniel.

ColorBlind Images Blend Images/Newscom

akg-images/Newscom

Paul Moseley/MCT/Newscom

Douglas R. Clifford/ZUMA Press/Newscom

Maximilian Schonherr/picture alliance/Maximilian Sc/Newscom

Richard B. Levine/Newscom

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Trump Is Hosting a Very Weird Social Media Summit at the White House

Our very online president is hosting a very online social media summit at the White House today.

There’s no public guest list, but such pro-Trump online personalities as Bill Mitchell and an anonymous person who goes by the handle “CarpeDonktum” have announced that they will be attending. More conventional right-of-center groups such as TurningPoint USA and the Heritage Foundation will reportedly be there too, as well such Trump-friendly politicians as Rep. Matt Gaetz (R–Fla.) and Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R–Tenn.). 

Every president is trailed by a cast of eclectic characters, some of them odder than others, but typically the strangest are kept at arm’s length. And as The Daily Beast reports, some of the fringiest Trump-era personalities weren’t invited. Still, the guest list shows how the internet has changed political influence in recent years, allowing weirder and less mainstream voices to stand out, an effect that has probably been exaggerated by the particular quirks of President Donald Trump. 

One topic expected to come up is online bias against conservatives.

This is at least a little odd, given how well conservative media is doing on social media these days. 

Yesterday, Axios reported that right-leaning media outfits dominated news coverage following the first Democratic primary debates, with sites such as Fox News, Breitbart, The Blaze, and The Daily Wire publishing many of the stories that generated the most shares, likes, and interactions. For former Vice President Joe Biden, Sen. Kamala Harris (D–Calif.), Sen. Cory Booker (D–N.J.), and former Obama Housing Sec. Julián Castro, the most-engaged-with story came from a conservative site. Whatever else may be happening on social media platforms, these outlets and their stories haven’t been suppressed. 

This morning, Trump bragged about “hosting a very big and very important Social Media Summit today,” even while insisting that he would probably have become president without social media. His choice of venue for the remark was typical, but still telling: He said it on Twitter. 

The question of whether social media platforms are actively discriminating against conservative figures will probably go unanswered today by the organizations most in the position to really know: Facebook and Twitter reportedly won’t be at the event. (In the past, major social media companies have denied any direct bias against conservatives.) Like so much Trump-era politics, this is a party for the president and the strange collection of figures who adore him. 

ELECTION 2020 

  • Joe Biden, the nominal frontrunner for the Democratic primary nomination, is feeling pressure to campaign more aggressively. 
  • Before his dad’s death, Ross Perot’s son donated to Trump’s re-election campaign. 
  • Haim Saban, a billionaire who gives lots of money to Democratic politicians, likes everyone in the primary except Bernie Sanders, who he called “a communist under the cover of being a socialist.” 

FREE MINDS

How did Republicans, initially wary of President Trump, come to embrace an outsider president? A new book—American Carnage, by Politico reporter Tim Alberta—tells all. Via The Washington Post:  

The book is filled with vivid details and on-the-record quotes from prominent Republican officials and includes an interview with Trump, who gleefully takes credit for the GOP’s shift while standing over the Oval Office desk and waving a poll that shows his approval numbers as soaring from his State of the Union.

“Can there be a question?” Trump says, smirking, when asked by Alberta if he is transitional or transformational. “Honestly, can there even be a question?”

“The tea party still exists—except now it’s called Make America Great Again….The Republican Party was in big trouble. I brought the party back. The Republican Party is strong. The Republican Party is strong,” he says, before pausing, according to the book. “They’ve got to remain faithful. And loyal.”

FREE MARKETS

Private space company Virgin Galactic has successfully launched a rocket dropped from a modified 747. Via Wired:

The advantages of an air-launch system have been known for decades, but only recently has the space industry started to show interest in the concept. The exception is Orbital ATK, which became the first company to use an air-launched rocket to deliver a satellite to orbit, in 1990, and continues to use that system to this day. The last decade has seen a resurgence of interest in the concept, attracting new space companies like Stratolaunch, XCOR, and Generation Orbit, as well as old guard contractors like Boeing and Lockheed Martin. Even SpaceX briefly flirted with the idea of an air-launch system for a modified Falcon 9 rocket before abandoning the project in 2012. But among the new guard, only Virgin has brought its air-launch system to fruition. 

QUICK HITS

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Google Told Employees to Delete Politically Incorrect Language From Code

Google has instructed employees to stop using politically incorrect terminology, and to edit existing code in order to remove offensive language.

That’s according to The Daily Caller, which obtained a copy of a “respectful code” policy written by Google Senior Fellow Sanjay Ghemawat and Vice President of Engineering Suzanne Frey. The document was shared with employees a year ago—around the same time Python stopped referring to components that control or are controlled by other components as “master” and “slave,” which some people found offensive.

The master/slave example is specifically cited in the Google document, The Caller reports:

The FAQ of the document also clarifies that this does not seem to be a program with well-defined procedures:

Who decides which items in this document are approved (anointed as “disrespected”) What procedure is followed to make this decision? Which senior executive established that procedure? Can you inserted a link to that procedure? [sic]

There is no official procedure right now. The baseline is that “master”/”slave” should definitely change (it is explicitly called out in the policy doc), but other terms in “ongoing cleanup” have enough people in agreement they should be changed that cleanup work is actively happening. The guidance from the policy doc is to use your judgement, and ask your project/organization’s D&I [diversity and inclusion] team.

“We ask that people use their judgement about what terms might be inappropriate,” the document reads. “If you have any questions, you can ask your D&I [diversity and inclusion] product team at app-product-inclusion@. If you think that some people could be offended by a term, avoid that term. One clear example to avoid is the use of the term ‘slave’ which is often used in a ‘master/slave’ association. Teams renaming these terms should decide what best replacement terms fit their product.”

Engineers are exhorted to avoid “problematic terms” in: “Names of variables, types, functions, build rules, binaries, exported variables”; “Test data”; “System output and displays”; “Documentation”; and “Comments.”

Progressive hostility to the words “master” and “slave” are not new. “Master” used to be the title used by residential deans at universities such as Yale, but this was changed to “head” in 2017. Google apparently considered the notion that words can have multiple meanings, but it decided this was no reason not to strive for maximum sensitivity. “While one person might not think about the sensitive non-technical meaning of a world, another person might, depending  on their background,” wrote Ghemewat and Frey. “The argument ‘I don’t think of this word as a problem’ should not exclude it from critiquing.”

Google has the right to set its own rules and goals; if it thinks it is a good use of company time and resources to compel its employees to sanitize their past work in order to appease the diversity and inclusion team, then that is how the company’s time and resources will be spent. So goes the swift rise of the hyper woke.

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Must-See BBC Documentary on Antisemitism in the UK Labour Party

 

This seems like a propitious occasion to reprint something I wrote for the VC in 2016:

Writing in the left-wing Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz yesterday, Joel Braunold, a former member of the executive council of the British National Union of Students (NUS), reaches essentially the same conclusion about left-wing anti-Semitism as I did: The far left refuses to recognize Jews as a legitimate ethnic group, and for Jews to think of themselves as such is “racist.” I wrote, “Exactly why Jewish solidarity is racist, but not solidarity among other groups, is never clearly explained, but it seems to have something to do with the fact that Jews aren’t a legitimate ethnic group to begin with,” and that the far left believes that Jews have a duty to ultimately “assimilate or disappear.” Braumold writes:

I would engage those who were part of the hard left – those who saw themselves as belonging to the same leftist faction as Ken Livingstone – on how they could possibly justify their anti-racist credentials when they were doing things that were so offensive to the Jewish community.

It all came down to their inability to understand why Jews were anything more than a religious group….

Jews did not have a place in the traditional liberation campaigns of the NUS. Being Jewish was not the same as being black, LGBTQ, female or disabled. Jews were hated by fascists; the hard left just wanted them to assimilate. According to the hard left in the NUS, being particularist about your Jewish ethnic background was to buy into a racism that was forced upon you.

Braunold, though very critical of his former left-wing comrades, is nevertheless too easy on them. The far leftist opposition to recognizing Jews as an ethnic minority, which Braunold suggests is based on a coherent if misguided version of anti-racism, disappears when it’s politically convenient, which suggests a lack of principle. Britain, after all, has a large, vocal contingent of “As a Jews”–left-wing individuals of Jewish descent, typically atheists with no ties to the organized Jewish community, who preface their harsh criticisms of Israel with “As a Jew…” “As a Jews” were mercilessly satirized as “ASHamed Jews” by Howard Jacobson in “The Finkler Question.”

The “As a Jews” are especially valuable to the anti-Israel left, for obvious reasons. I have yet to see any British “anti-Zionist” leftist respond to an “As a Jew” by stating something along the line of, “I appreciate your anti-Israel sentiment, but as a good anti-racist I don’t recognize Jewish ethnicity. Therefore, being that you’re an atheist and all who hasn’t observed any Jewish ritual since at least your circumcision, you’re not a Jew, and it’s highly offensive to cynically use the fact that your ancestors were of the Jewish religion to try to score political points.” Instead, the “As a Jews” are trotted out, front and center, to serve as “anti-Zionist” spokesmen.

This accentuates my point that the far left is, in fact, willing to acknowledge Jewish corporate existence beyond religious ties, but, as a I wrote, only “to the extent Jews rely on their residual memories of collective oppression to aid left-wing liberation movements,” including and especially the Palestinian nationalist movement. As I’ve pointed out before, if you’re only against racism when it serves your broader political goals, then you’re not really against racism.

UPDATE: It’s also worth noting that while the British far left relegates Jewish identity, which has always had an ethnic/peoplehood component, to oblivion except when it’s political useful, it has racialized Muslims, so much so that the Malia Bouattia, who is of Algerian descent and not of especially dark complexion, is said to be the “first Black president” of the National Union of Students. There’s no rhyme or reason to any of this except what’s politically useful.

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Limits of “Revenge Porn” Laws

As I mentioned in an earlier post (“Rape Claims, Speech Restrictions, and Consent“), prominent whistleblower lawyer Jesselyn Radack had accused prominent political publicist Trevor FitzGibbon of rape; prosecutors declined to bring charges; and FitzGibbon then sued Radack, claiming her allegations were false.

FitzGibbon’s complaint included some partly naked photos that Radack had allegedly sent him, which FitzGibbon said were evidence that their relationship had been consensual and that her claims of rape were therefore libelous. Radack sought a restraining order against FitzGibbon based on that, claiming that this violated Virginia’s “revenge porn” statute—but the D.C. court disagreed (Radack v. FitzGibbon, No. 2018 CPO 1516 (D.C. Super. Ct. July 20, 2018)):

[T]he pertinent inquiry [in this restraining order proceeding] is whether there is “good cause” to believe that Respondent “committed or threatened to commit a criminal offense against the petitioner” as per D.C. Code § 16-1005…. [The criminal offense alleged here was] unlawful dissemination of [intimate] images, [which requires] an “intent to coerce, harass, or intimidate” and “malicious[] disseminat[ion].” Va. Code Ann. § 18.2- 386.2(A).

Respondent credibly testified that he filed the lawsuit in order to clear his name. Respondent did not testify that he intended to publish the photos maliciously or with the “intent to coerce, harass, or intimidate” Petitioner. Petitioner did not testify and did not put forth any evidence of Respondent’s malice or intent to “harass or intimidate.”

The context alone of the instant “dissemination”—i.e. a civil action in a federal district court—coincides more with the purpose of obtaining civil relief than with the purpose of “intimid[ating]” Petitioner. The only extant evidence of intent was the testimony under oath by Respondent, which was unrebutted and unimpeached. Petitioner’s argument is seemingly grounded in a per se malicious intent theory given that Respondent could have filed the complaint under seal. However, Petitioner’s argument—which concedes the relevance and materiality of the images in question to the underlying suit—does not take into account that sealing is an extraordinary measure as an exception to the public’s right to trial information.

Accordingly, given that Petitioner has failed to demonstrate “intent,” the court need not address the other issues presented—such as i) whether publication in a court database constitutes “dissemination” or ii) whether such actions are “privileged” by a litigation privilege and iii) whether Respondent should have known he was not authorized to distribute the photo given the absence of evidence in the record.

Sounds quite right to me, though I personally think the better way of crafting these laws (which I think may be constitutional, if properly written) is to expressly exclude certain uses of such sexual images—including in filings with government agencies—rather than using an intent test (see pp. 1405-06 of my Freedom of Speech and Bad Purposes article for more on that). But the result in this case, under the Virginia statute as it’s now written, strikes me as quite correct.

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School Choice Could Have Stopped Battle Over Holocaust-Denial at a Florida High School

It took a year and a half for public school officials in Palm Beach County, Florida, to remove a high school principal who wouldn’t commit to saying that the Holocaust is a documented fact. It would have saved a lot of time and aggravation if parents horrified by the administrator’s indifference to history had been freer to just pick a better school, managed by better people.

Beyond arguments about teaching philosophy, quality of instructors, and test results, endless battles over curricula make it clear that governments are lousy stewards of education. Conflict is baked into the concept of letting government officials exercise near-monopoly power over schools.

The controversy over former Principal William Latson began with a parent contacting Spanish River High School in April 2018 to inquire as to how the Holocaust was taught to the heavily Jewish student population. Latson responded that the Holocaust was taught, but not emphasized, because not all families have the same beliefs about its occurrence. He doubled down in a second email, writing:

Not everyone believes the Holocaust happened and you have your thoughts but we are a public school and not all of our parents have the same beliefs so they will react differently, my thoughts or beliefs have nothing to do with this because I am a public servant. I have the role to be politically neutral but support all groups in the school… I can’t say the Holocaust is a factual, historical event because I am not in a position to do so as a school district employee.

And so began a running battle that culminated, just days ago, in Latson’s reassignment to a school district position that allows the professional educator to apply his slippery grasp of history and eccentric punctuation in a less public way.

The debate over what to teach kids at Spanish River High School echoes similar controversies around the country over lessons about events past and present. It varies from other such incidents primarily in that it represents a mushy failure to take any position rather than the triumph of one ideological approach or interpretation over another.

“Americans are diverseethnically, religiously, ideologicallybut all must pay for public schools. The intention is good: to bring people together and foster social harmony,” the Cato Institute notes on its Public Schooling Battle Map, which tracks education disagreements nationwide. “But rather than build bridges, public schooling often forces people into wrenching conflict.”

In Michigan over the past year, conservatives and liberals squabbled over whether the U.S. is a “republic” or a “democracy”—and that’s just where the disagreement begins. Lessons over the Alamo, the causes of the Civil War, and states rights set off similar fights in Texas.

Curriculum battles have been common in government-run schools, since they offer an opportunity for victors to “correctly” teach children while suppressing the alleged errors of the opposition. But modern curriculum battles occur in a country where intolerance of disagreement is widespread and on the rise (82 percent of polled likely voters said last year that they think Americans are less tolerant of each other’s opinions). Education doesn’t help, either: Better educated people are less understanding of opponents’ beliefs. That makes conflicts more intractable than ever.

How do public school administrators and teachers keep their “customers” happy when tweaking lesson plans to please one faction means alienating another? Almost certainly, they can’t.

In this environment, William Latson very likely tried and failed to walk an unwalkable line by refusing to commit to fundamental historical facts so he wouldn’t anger anybody. And Latson didn’t confine his bureaucratic slipperiness to this one issue—it seems to be his guiding philosophy.

“I do the same with information about slavery,” Latson told the mother in an email. “I don’t take a position but allow for the information to be presented and parents to be parents and educate their students accordingly.”

“The mother, who asked not to be named to protect her child’s identity, said in an interview that she did not believe Latson was anti-Semitic but worried that he feared confronting parents who deny the Holocaust’s reality,” reported The Palm Beach Post.

Ultimately, refusing to take a position in a futile bid at inoffensiveness bred as big a controversy as the sort of curriculum battle Latson hoped to avoid.

Ironically, Florida is actually pretty good when it comes to educational choice, offering charter schools, scholarships, relatively easy homeschooling, and virtual schools. But traditional public schools remain the default choice for most students. Certainly, the families that currently use Spanish River High School should more thoroughly consider their education options and look for something better; voting with your feet now must be an improvement over waiting a year-plus for a bad administrator to be replaced. At the very least, they might consider charters, which have a good track record in Florida, don’t charge tuition, and offer a variety of educational approaches.

Improving access to education options and encouraging people to choose schools that work for them would replace curriculum battles with self-selection toward people’s preferred offerings. In doing so, it could enhance the “social harmony” that public schools try and fail to generate. Graduating adults might even get along better if more families chose their kids’ educations.

“Greater exposure to private schooling is not associated with any more or less political tolerance” than sending kids to public schools, wrote Albert Cheng of the University of Arkansas’s Department of Education Reform in a 2014 paper published in the Journal of School Choice. Even more interesting, “students with greater exposure to homeschooling tend to be more politically tolerant—a finding contrary to the claims of many political theorists.”

That makes sense, given that the public schools that are supposed to bring Americans together have done so only in the sense that the Colosseum brought together Christians and lions. Sure, it’s a shared experience—but not necessarily a positive one.

Ultimately, curriculum battles are inevitable in schools that people are forced to fund with their taxes and which many children have to attend because of government restrictions on alternatives, including regulation of private education. Even for families with means, that can leave little from which to choose.

So, we can continue our endless battles over what our kids are taught, or we could enhance social harmony by replacing struggles for control of shared institutions with choices that prevent conflicts from occurring. There are choices to be made either way; either we make them for ourselves, or they’ll be made for us.

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Are Free Trade’s Best Days Behind Us?

If you were a U.S. trade negotiator in the 1950s or 1960s, you might be a little shocked by the aggressive trade rhetoric thrown around today. China is an existential threat? Our European allies are almost as bad? What exactly went wrong with U.S. leadership of a rules-based trading system?

In truth, the state of American trade policy has been precarious for a while now, and for understandable reasons: the industrial development of a sizeable portion of the developing world; the expansion of trade rules beyond traditional issues of protectionism; and a more powerful international judicial system with “teeth” that can have an impact on U.S. policies. We cannot expect a return to the post–World War II era of bipartisan support for trade agreements.

But thanks to President Donald Trump, the situation has gone from precarious to falling off a cliff. Tariffs have proliferated, as the Trump administration has expanded the use of some trade statutes and dusted off other ones that had been all but forgotten. To the surprise of very few people, U.S. trading partners have retaliated with tariffs of their own.

The Chinese-American relationship may have soured for the foreseeable future. People on both sides of the political spectrum have reasons not to like China these days—human rights violations, security threats—and that will make it difficult to address the trade wreckage left by the Trump administration.

It’s tempting to look for relief from some of the many Democrats running for president. But economic nationalism is alive and well on the left. And while voters support trade openness more than they ever have, they tend not to feel strongly about the issue.

Of course, all of the above relates only to U.S. trade policy. The rest of the world is moving in a different direction. The European Union and Japan have just implemented a new trade deal; Canada, Mexico, Japan, and eight other countries are part of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (from which Trump withdrew); China and New Zealand are updating their trade agreement.

In the United States, some future administration will almost certainly get the country back in the game, but it may not happen until we fall far enough behind that the economic pain forces people to take notice.

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Brickbat: China Calls

In the United Kingdom, the Independent Office for Police Conduct has found that London police arrested a Chinese dissident under pressure from the Chinese government. Cops arrested Shao Jiang, a Tiananmen Square survivor, for a public order offense after he held up pieces of paper reading “End Autocracy” and “Democracy Now” outside the home of London’s mayor during a state visit by President Xi Jinping. After arresting Shao, police searched his home and seized his computers, which Shao believes were turned over to Chinese officials before being returned to him.

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The Property-in-Property Problem in Fourth Amendment Law

A common problem in Fourth Amendment law that Supreme Court cases leave surprisingly unresolved is what you might call the “property-in-property” problem.  It runs like this.  Say a person has evidence of crime A that he puts inside his own bag or backpack or other container B.  Our person then puts B inside a house, car, or other place C that they don’t own or otherwise lawfully control.  The police search place C, and they find container B.  The police then search container B and find evidence A. That leads to charges, and a Fourth Amendment dispute over the admissibility of evidence A.

The property-in-property problem raises two interesting legal questions.  First, if the person is charged, does he have standing to challenge the search of his own property B that ultimately revealed evidence A?  And second, can the owner of place C consent to a search of property B to find A?

Two recent decisions on this issue point in different directions, and I think it’s interesting to see if we can reconcile them. Let’s take the two issues in turn.

I.  The Standing Question

The standing issue breaks down into two steps.  First, who has standing to challenge the search of place C on the way to finding B? And second, who has standing to challenge the search of B, inside C, on the way to finding A?

There is a lot of Supreme Court caselaw on the first step, standing to challenge the search of C.  That is the subject of cases like Rakas v. Illinois, which involved the search of the car to find the gun under the passenger seat, and the recent ruling in Byrd v. United States, on rights in rental cars when the person is not on the contract.  The standard isn’t particularly clear, but at least we have some Supreme Court decisions to frame the answers.  (And note that while Rakas frowns on the use of the word “standing” to describe whether a person’s own Fourth Amendment rights were at issue in a search, Byrd changes course and allows it.  I’ll use the term here, as I think it’s helpful.)

On the other hand, there is surprisingly little Supreme Court caselaw on the second step, standing to search property B for evidence A.

You can imagine two different approaches, as well as some middle ground between them.  On one end, you might argue that the rules for place C control.  Property B is in place C, after all, so maybe standing to search B is the same as standing to search C.

On the other end, maybe standing to search B is entirely separate.  After all, under the problem, property B is the person’s own stuff. Should the mere fact that the person had no standing in place C mean that they lose standing to challenge the search of their stuff B that stored evidence A?

Two recent cases provide some interesting answers that point in different directions.

First, consider yesterday’s decision in United States v. Sawyer from the Seventh Circuit.  Sawyer broke into an empty home and left his backpack in the basement.  The police searched the backpack and found guns.  Did Sawyer have standing to challenge the search of his backpack left in the home?

No, the Seventh Circuit ruled in an opinion by Judge Amy St. Eve, relying on Footnote 12 in Rakas about the rights of burglars.  Sawyer and the cases it relies on treat the standing rules for the search of property B as equivalent to the standing rules for place C.  Here’s the analysis:

A privacy interest is not reasonable when one’s presence in a place is “wrongful.” Rakas, 439 U.S. at 143, n.12. (citation omitted). Here, the officers responded to a report of a residential break-in and learned from M.G. that the home should be empty and unoccupied. Sawyer and three others then emerged from the home. M.G. requested a search of the home during which the officers discovered and searched the backpack. Sawyer does not assert that his—and therefore his backpack’s—presence was lawful or offer any basis for his privacy interest in the home. Thus, like “[a] burglar plying his trade in a summer cabin during the off season,” Sawyer lacked a legitimate expectation of privacy to contest the search within the home because any expectation he had was not one that society is prepared to recognize as reasonable. Id. (citation omitted); United States v. Curlin, 638 F.3d 562, 565 (7th Cir. 2011).

This determination aligns with the decisions of other circuits that have concluded that a trespasser’s wrongful presence forestalls a Fourth Amendment challenge. See United States v. Battle, 637 F.3d 44, 49 (1st Cir. 2011) (defendant who overstayed his visit became a trespasser with no “legally sufficient interest in the apartment to mount a Fourth Amendment challenge”); United States v. Struckman, 603 F.3d 731, 747 (9th Cir. 2010) (trespassers cannot claim the protections of the Fourth Amendment); United States v. Hunyady, 409 F.3d 297, 303 (6th Cir. 2005) (trespasser who had tenuous connection with otherwise empty house had no legitimate expectation of privacy to contest its search). Because Sawyer has not shown a legitimate privacy interest in the home where the backpack was found, he also cannot contest the search of his effects that he left within the home. See United States v. Mendoza, 438 F.3d 792, 795 (7th Cir. 2006); see also United States v. Gale, 136 F.3d 192, 194–95 (D.C. Cir. 1998) (defendant wrongfully occupying apartment lacked legitimate expectation of privacy to contest search of box containing drugs in apartment); United States v. Jackson, 585 F.2d 653, 658 (4th Cir. 1978) (defendant who placed bag in vacant, otherwise empty home had no legitimate reasonable expectation that his effects would remain undisturbed).

Contrast Sawyer with the Michigan Supreme Court’s decision from this May in People v. Mead.  An officer pulled over a car for expired tags and found that the driver of the car, Taylor, had no license.  During the stop, a passenger in the car, Mead, left his backpack inside. Taylor and Mead had just met, and Taylor agreed to give Mead a ride because they were going in the same direction.  The police seacrhed the backpack and found drugs.

Mead did not claim that he had standing to challenge the search of the car under Rakas.  Instead, he challenged only the search of his backpack.  But did Mead have standing to challenge that search—effectively challenging the discovery of evidence A based on the search of property B, even if he could not challenge the search of place C that held property B?

Yes, the court ruled in a decision by Chief Justice McCormack:

“[O]ne who owns or lawfully possesses or controls property will in all likelihood have a legitimate expectation of privacy by virtue of [the] right to exclude.” Rakas, 439 US at 144 n 12; see also Byrd, 584 US at ___; 138 S Ct at 1528. And a passenger’s personal property is not subsumed by the vehicle that carries it for Fourth Amendment purposes. See, e.g., United States v Welch, 4 F3d 761, 764 (CA 9, 1993) (“The shared control of ‘host’ property does not serve to forfeit the expectation of privacy in containers within that property.”), citing United States v Karo, 468 US 705, 725-727; 104 S Ct 3296; 82 L Ed 2d 530 (1984) (O’Connor, J., concurring). A person can get in a car without leaving his Fourth Amendment rights at the curb. Thus, although the defendant had no (and claimed no) legitimate expectation of privacy in the interior of Taylor’s vehicle, he had a legitimate expectation of privacy in his backpack that society is willing to recognize as reasonable.

Can we reconcile Sawyer and Mead?

I think so, in the following way.  We can say a person might have three different relationships with a place C that determine the person’s Fourth Amendment rights in property brought there:

  • The person might have a sufficient legitimate connection with C to have standing in C.  In that case, he can challenge the search of C to find his property B as well as the search of his property B to find evidence A.
  • The person might not have enough legitimate connection with C to have standing in C, but enough of a legitimate connection with C to have standing to challenge the search of B to find evidence A.  This is Mead.  Mead had some legitimate connection to the car, in that the driver gave him a ride.  It’s not much of a connection, but it’s something, so Mead lacks standing to challenge the search of the car but has standing to challenge his backpack his placed in the car.
  • The person might not have any legitimate connection at all with C, which means he lacks standing to search C and also forfeits his standing to challenge the search of his property B.  This is Sawyer.  Sawyer was a trespasser, so he loses all Fourth Amendment rights in what he brought into the house.

I think this is a plausible set of rules.  But it also sets up an interesting tiered answer to the property-in-property problem that I’m not sure has been identified before.

II.  The Third-Party Consent Question

Now turn to the third-party consent question.  Can the owner of C lawfully consent to a search of property B to find evidence A?  In the language of Fourth Amendment doctrine, does the owner of C have “common authority” or “apparent authority” to consent to a search of B because it was placed inside his place C?

Again, Sawyer and Mead point in different directions.   Let me tell you a bit more of the relevant facts.

In Sawyer, a co-owner of the house known only as “M.G.,” told the police about the trespasser and asked the police to search.  The Seventh Circuit held that, even assuming that Sawyer had standing, the co-owner’s third-party consent was valid and the search was therefore reasonable under the consent exception:

Moreover, the officers’ search of the backpack did not violate the Fourth Amendment because M.G. consented to the search of his home, which included the backpack. An otherwise unreasonable search is permissible when a third party with common control over the searched premises consents, or when someone with apparent authority to consent does so. United States v. Melgar, 227 F.3d 1038, 1041 (7th Cir. 2000). A general consent to search the premises can include consent to search containers within it if those containers would reasonably hold the expressed object of the search. Fla. v. Jimeno, 500 U.S. 248, 251 (1991). Here, M.G. told the officers that he coowned the house, that it was a rental property with no current tenants, and that no one—and therefore, no personal property—should be inside. When he saw a figure inside the house, he commanded that any occupants come outside and asked the officers to “go inside and check my house.” He did not limit the scope of the search. It was objectively reasonable, then, for the officers to conclude that M.G.’s general consent to search the house included consent to search a container, such as the backpack, that could contain evidence relating to the break-in. See Jimeno, 500 U.S. at 251.

Contrast that with Mead. In Mead, the driver Taylor consented to a search of Mead’s backpack.  The Michigan Supreme Court held that Taylor lacked common authority over Mead’s backpack:

An objectively reasonable police officer would not have believed that Taylor had actual or apparent authority over defendant’s backpack. [The officer] testified that he believed the backpack belonged to the defendant. No evidence suggested that Taylor had mutual use of the backpack. A backpack is used to transport personal items, which suggests individual ownership rather than common ownership. See Utah v Harding, 282 P3d 31, 38; 2011 UT 78 (2011). Burkart knew at the time of the search that Taylor and the defendant were near strangers. Taylor told Burkart that she had met the defendant earlier that night and that she was dropping him off somewhere on her way, and the defendant independently confirmed that.

Given this brief relationship, a reasonable officer could not conclude that Taylor had mutual use of the defendant’s backpack. Taylor was like a rideshare driver who has only short-term contact with passengers—an objectively reasonable officer would not believe (absent unusual circumstances) that an Uber driver could consent to the search of his passenger’s purse, for example. And since Taylor didn’t have the apparent authority to consent to the search of the backpack, the scope of her consent is irrelevant. By definition, the scope of a person’s consent cannot exceed her apparent authority to give that consent. See Rodriguez, 497 US at 188 (cautioning that even when a third party explicitly consents to the search of a particular place, it is unreasonable to act on that consent if “the surrounding circumstances could conceivably be such that a reasonable person would doubt its truth and not act upon it without further inquiry”). Because Taylor did not have apparent common authority over the backpack, the search of the backpack was not based on valid consent[.]

The consenting person in Mead was not the owner of the car, so the two examples aren’t mirror images.  But note the conceptual difference between the consent analysis in Sawyer and Mead.  In both cases, the defendant put his backpack in someone else’s place.  In Sawyer, the court looked to the consent rights of the owner of the place in general.  In Mead, by contrast, the court looked to the specific relationship between the consenting individual and the backpack.  In the first, the consent powers to search the backpack were answered by the rights structure in the place. In the second, the consent powers were treated as a distinct question.

III.  Conclusion

I asked a property-in-property problem on my spring Criminal Procedure problem.  As you might guess, the answers were all over the map.  And I don’t have a grand theory to answer this problem myself, at least yet.  But it seems to me that this is an important set of questions worth focusing on given the range of possible answers courts might plausibly provide.

As always, stay tuned.

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The Global Trade War Comes Full Circle

It has always puzzled me that anyone would believe that protecting the U.S. market with tariffs is a good idea. Yes, U.S. consumers might increase their demand for domestic goods because duties on imported foreign goods make them relatively more expensive. But these duties also create massive market distortions and malinvestments, which often backfire against the very industries that are ostensibly being protected.

Case in point: the steel industry and Trump’s steel tariffs. Back in March 2018, President Donald Trump announced that he would be imposing 25 percent tariffs on foreign steel. The idea was to make the price of foreign steel so expensive that domestic consumers of imported steel would start to consume more domestic steel. For those who defended the steel tariffs, it didn’t seem to matter that at the time 70 percent of U.S. steel consumption was already domestically sourced. The president expected more, and the steel executives who disliked foreign competition cheered him along.

American steel consumers were suddenly forced to buy more expensive steel (whether foreign or domestic) because the president thought it was a better way for them to spend our money. Never mind that the U.S. steel industry often didn’t even produce the type and quality of steel on which the tariffs were imposed. And never mind that steel-consuming American manufacturers and workers begged their government to not punish them for the way they run their business. Tariffs went up.

As a result, the price of steel went up for a while, the U.S. steel industry fired up its mills, and U.S. steel output went up dramatically. For a while, it seemed like it was all working according to Trump’s plan—for the domestic producers of steel, that is, not for consumers. As U.S. companies were still trying to figure out their options, some had no choice but to shift their demand and increase purchases of domestic steel. The industry responded by adding more capacity than they would have had without the protection.

Yet because they were responding to an artificial and temporary increase in demand triggered by the tariffs, as opposed to real market signals, they failed to recognize the global economic slowdown and the subsequent reduction in overall demand. As a result, prices of steel went down quite dramatically. That’s what we economists call malinvestment, and as a result, the older, less productive blast-furnace steel mills are now paying a dire price as they’re unable to stay profitable even with the foreign competition out of the way. And because misery loves company, the furnaces suppliers are in trouble, too.

As Bloomberg‘s Matthew Townsend and Joe Deaux recently reported: “Suppliers to blast furnaces are sounding the alarm. In laying out his vision for iron-ore miner Cleveland-Cliffs Inc. at a recent conference, CEO Lourenco Goncalves painted a bleak future for what makes up the overwhelming majority of his current customers.” The article adds that since “Trump announced the tariffs 16 months ago, U.S. Steel has lost almost 70% of its market value, or $5.6 billion, and idled two American furnaces in mid-June that couldn’t be run profitably at the lowest prices since 2016.”

One takeaway from this story is that markets are extremely effective at striking the right balance by taking advantage of dispersed knowledge. That’s a skill politicians lack. There are reasons why consumers were buying foreign steel in the first place. U.S. steel was often too expensive, not the right type or quality, and needed a serious reshaping of the industry that had too many inefficient producers.

Another takeaway is that reality is always more complex than politicians pretend it is. A great lesson of economics is that global markets are connected in surprisingly intricate ways. As such, something that looks like a simple fix can quickly turn into a serious issue with unintended side effects.

That said, it’s hard to feel sorry for these steel executives. They have been clamoring for the very protection that may end up doing them in. In fact, one reason for the global slowdown is the Trump trade war, which started with the steel tariffs, produced uncertainty, increased costs, and triggered a disruption in the supply chain. As the saying goes, what goes around comes around.

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