How Injustice at Home Damages the US Position in the World

Over the last few days, several different friends, relatives, and members of the media from foreign countries have reached out at least in part to ask whether I am safe and well. One was even a high-ranking public official in his own country.

For the record, I’m happy to assure everyone that my family and I are safe and well, and that life in northern Virginia has been essentially normal these last few days (or at least as normal as it gets during the pandemic).

However, the fact these people thought they needed to inquire about my safety is just one of many indications of the severe damage the crisis caused by police abuses such as the death of George Floyd and resulting protests and riots have done to the image of the US across the world. Such queries are usually directed at people in the midst of natural disasters, or those visiting a dangerously unstable authoritarian state.

The harm to the standing of the US is even greater because these events come on the heels of several other blows to America’s image, such as Trump’s brutal family separation policy, multiple trade wars with allies, the badly flawed handling of the coronavirus pandemic, and so on.

Russian, Chinese, North Korean, and Iranian propagandists are having a field day:

Officials in Iran, mainland China, Russia, Venezuela, North Korean and the pro-Chinese government in Hong Kong have all called out U.S. President Donald Trump after he told state governors to “dominate” those protesting the death of George Floyd — something that he has criticized other nations for doing in the past. Trump has also claimed without evidence that the protests are illegitimate, and described the protesters as “terrorists,” “thugs” and “lowlifes…”

Zhao Lijian, the spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry, also called out the U.S. at a news conference in Beijing. He said the protests “once again reflect the racial discrimination in the U.S., the serious problems of police violent enforcement and the urgency of solving these problems.”

Zhao, whose government has put more than 1 million Muslim-minority Uighur people in detention camps, urged the U.S. to “safeguard and guarantee the legal rights of ethnic minorities…”

Russia, which meddled in the 2016 U.S. election in part by exploiting movements like Black Lives Matter, also condemned the latest violence.

“The United States has certainly accumulated systemic human rights problems: race, ethnic and religious discrimination, police brutality, bias of justice, crowded prisons … to name a few,” Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement.

Even before the events of the last few months, surveys show that the US image in the world has declined since 2016, driven in large part by widespread revulsion at the Trump administration’s policies on trade, immigration, and other issues. In most countries, Trump was viewed much less favorably than such brutal despots as the rulers of Russia China. During the 2016 campaign, Trump famously claimed that other nations were “laughing” at the US and that he would take steps to strengthen our position. Today, more and more of the world views us with derision, contempt, and revulsion—and foreign leaders are laughing at Trump more openly than with any of his recent predecessors.

In response, we can (correctly) point out that US police abuses are nowhere near as bad as the massive human rights violations practiced by Valdimir Putin’s and Xi Jinping’s regimes, that several European countries have higher pandemic death rates than we do, and that the US is a victim of double standards.

But at the end of the day, it is unavoidable  that the nation that seeks to lead the free world is going to be held to a higher standard than the Putins and Xis of the world. And we should work to meet those standards, rather than evade them. We can and should aspire to more than being not as bad as the likes of Russia and China.

America’s position in the world does not depend only on “hard power,” such as having a powerful military and a large and productive economy. It also critically depends  on “soft power”—the appeal of our ideas and our political and economic systems to the people of the world. Foreign governments—especially democracies—are more likely to cooperate with us if we have a favorable public image with their people.

As during the Cold War the US is engaged in a a war of ideas with authoritarian states, most notably China and Russia. Unlike during the Cold War, our current adversaries lack an ideology with broad, international appeal. Few people outside of these two countries are enthusiastic about Chinese or Russian nationalism, or about these two powers’ authoritarian systems of government. Nonetheless, we are doing poorly in the war of ideas, largely through our own errors, rather than because of any great skill on the part of our  opponents.

During the Cold War, US leaders—including political conservatives—well understood the the importance of the war of ideas, and that winning it depended in significant part on the image America’s domestic policies projected abroad. As legal historian Mary Dudziak recounts in her important book Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy, one of the reasons why the federal government began to support the Civil Rights Movement in the 1950s and 60s was the growing recognition that ending racial discrimination would boost the US image in the world and counter communist propaganda.

Even at its awful worst, American racial oppression in the twentieth century was not as bad as the horrific mass murders of communist states, or their repression and deportation of entire ethnic groups. But US leaders of the Cold War era knew that we could not prevail in the war of ideas merely by being less awful than the communists. We had to do a lot better than that.

As was the case during the Cold War, cleaning up our own house is a key element of winning the war of ideas internationally. There is much we can do to curb police abuses, reform cruel immigration policies, stop self-destructive trade wars, and address other issues that have damaged the US image in the world in recent years.

We should not necessarily reverse any and all policies that are unpopular abroad. But, as with desegregation during the Cold War, there are many ways for us to improve our image abroad by doing things that are also right in themselves and beneficial to US domestic policy. Such measures as curbing police misconduct and racial profiling, letting in refugees fleeing the oppression of our adversaries, and ending trade restrictions that damage our economy can benefit Americans at home at the same time as they strengthen our position in the world.

If we want to win the international war of ideas and thereby make our America’s position in the world great again, we have to pay more attention to the ways in which what we do at home affects our position abroad. Right now, we’re a long way from being able to say we’re winning so much we can be sick and tired of all the winning.

UPDATE: I have made minor additions to this post.

 

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2Y45lKK
via IFTTT

How Adversarial is the Relationship Between African Americans and the Police?

According to the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics, 8.7% of African Americans initiate contacts with the police annually, vs. 11.9% of whites. By contrast, the police initiate contact with whites and blacks at the same rate of 11%. The gap in the first statistic, one presumes, represents a trust gap between African Americans and whites in the police, and there is plenty of anecdotal evidence that this trust gap exists. Indeed, those figures likely underestimate the trust gap; African Americans are more likely to live in high-crime neighborhoods, which would imply a higher likelihood of calling police to report criminal activity.

On the other hand, some of the rhetoric from Black Lives Matters and other radical activists would suggest that the relationship between African-Americans and the police is almost entirely adversarial. The fact that one out of every twelve African Americans voluntary initiates contact with the police annually strongly suggests otherwise.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3dEgTLt
via IFTTT

Rep. Justin Amash Wants To End Qualified Immunity. Where Are the Republicans?

Rep. Justin Amash (L–Mich.) wants to end qualified immunity.

The insidious legal doctrine allows police officers to violate your civil rights with absolute impunity if those rights have not been spelled out with near-identical precision in preexisting case law. Theoretically, it protects public officials from bogus civil suits, but practically it often allows egregious misconduct.

George Floyd’s death at the hands of former Minneapolis cop Derek Chauvin forced new life into the debate, shining light on a doctrine that many people say has contributed to an environment of police abuse. Amash announced late Sunday that he would introduce the End Qualified Immunity Act, with Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D–Mass.) signing on as a cosponsor Thursday.

“It is the sense of the Congress that we must correct the erroneous interpretation of section 1983 which provides for qualified immunity,” the bill reads, “and reiterate the standard found on the face of the statute, which does not limit liability on the basis of the defendant’s good faith beliefs or on the basis that the right was not ‘clearly established’ at the time of the violation.”

That “clearly established” bit is what’s most important, as the standard has become increasingly impossible to meet. Two cops in Fresno, California, were afforded qualified immunity after allegedly stealing $225,000 while executing a search warrant because it had not been “clearly established” in case law that stealing is wrong. An officer with the Los Angeles Police Department was given qualified immunity after shooting, without warning, an unarmed 15-year-old boy who was on his way to school, because the boy’s friend was holding a plastic airsoft gun replica. A sheriff’s deputy in Coffee County, Georgia, received qualified immunity after shooting a 10-year-old boy while aiming at a nonthreatening dog. The list, unfortunately, goes on.

The courts’ decisions in those cases mean that each appellant had no legal recourse to seek compensation for lost assets or medical bills.

As of Friday, 16 additional legislators had signed on to Amash’s proposal. Not a single one of them is a Republican.

The dissonance is mind-boggling: The GOP claims to be the party of small government and freedom, and they now have the opportunity to squash a dangerous doctrine that has put deadly power in the hands of the state at the expense of the little guy.

Republicans rightly criticize public sector monopolies that inevitably hurt the people the government is supposed to serve. Take teachers unions, for instance, which the GOP has historically railed against for propping up teachers at the expense of students. They’re not wrong: Unions wield enormous political power that can be weaponized to skirt responsibility and accountability.

But why, then, are they so slow to apply that very same logic to the institutions emboldening the police?

“In case after case, police unions have defended deadly misdeeds committed by law enforcement,” writes Reason‘s Peter Suderman. Consider the case of Eric Garner, who died in 2014 after New York City Police Department (NYPD) officer Daniel Pantaleo placed him in a chokehold for selling loose cigarettes. “I can’t breathe” were his last words, captured on video.

Pantaleo was fired after a police administrative judge ruled that he had violated official NYPD protocol. Although the officer broke those rules with fatal consequences, the union chose not to cast Pantaleo as an outlier—a cop who never should have been one—but instead chose to continue defending him.

As Suderman notes, “Patrick Lynch, the president of the Police Benevolent Association, Pantaleo’s union, criticized the city for giving in to ‘anti-police extremists’ and warned that such decisions threatened the ability of city police to do their jobs,” as if all officers need to reserve the right to use excessive, forbidden amounts of force.

That police unions have taken that road shouldn’t be surprising. But it also reminds us why it’s time for them to go, since they enable behavior that threatens the very people they are supposedly protecting and serving.

So, too, is the story with qualified immunity—a doctrine that has allowed a collection of rogue cops to throw civil rights to the wind without any fear of comeuppance. Shielding the police from accountability at all costs does not advance freedom. When it comes to qualified immunity, where are the Republicans?

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2XEpPeb
via IFTTT

The FDA Deserves Credit for Easing Food Ingredient Labeling Rules in Response to COVID-19

Earlier this week, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) announced it was relaxing food ingredient labeling rules due to ingredient shortages associated with the COVID-19 pandemic. The move is intended to benefit food manufacturers, grocers, and consumers. I think it will do just that.

Practically, the flexibility around “minor formulation changes” will allow food makers to substitute small amounts of food ingredients temporarily without necessitating the creation or use of a new food label. That will get more food in front of consumers.

Under existing FDA rules, all food ingredients must generally be listed on every food label “in descending order of predominance”—based on the weight of each ingredient that appears in the given food. For example, in a hypothetical ingredient list on a can of tuna fish that features “Tuna, Water, and Salt,” the quantity of tuna in the can weighs the most; the salt weighs the least.

American food manufacturers, just like the rest of us, have been coping with ingredient shortages as supply chains are stretched to their breaking point. Flour shortages, for example, have become increasingly common in recent weeks and months. That’s exactly the sort of issue this regulatory flexibility is intended to address.

“Given significant supply chain disruptions for [flour] during this time, we do not intend to object to the use of products labeled with ‘bleached’ flour ingredients that substitute for the ingredient ‘unbleached flour’ without making a corresponding label change while there continues to be ‘bleached’ flour shortages as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic,” the FDA explains here, in an announcement explaining the regulatory flexibility.

While the new FDA guidance allows food makers to substitute food ingredients, the agency’s flexibility isn’t without some limitations. For example, it doesn’t extend to known allergens, meaning a food maker may not swap out an existing ingredient for nuts, shellfish, or another allergen the agency requires food makers to disclose on the food label. It also allows substitutions only of ingredients that comprise up to two percent of the food’s total weight. 

The FDA gets a lot wrong, but the agency’s move this week is just the latest example of welcome and much-needed regulatory flexibility in the face of the pandemic.

In an April column, for example, I complimented the FDA, U.S. Department of Agriculture, and state and local regulators for “loosening rules to ensure the nation’s food system—and the people and businesses that drive that system—continues to be able to provide American consumers with adequate food.” In that piece, I noted both the FDA and USDA have temporarily relaxed food-labeling rules to allow food sellers to sell foods that are not labeled for individual sale; the FDA had backed off on its food-safety inspections; and some state and local governments had loosened rules on restaurants and bars that want to sell alcohol for takeout.

The FDA’s move this week does face some mild resistance. According to a writer for The Counter (to which I also contribute), “some worry” the changes could become permanent.

I don’t necessarily worry about that. I support the FDA’s move this week. And I’d love to see many of the aforementioned regulatory rollbacks made permanent. But it’s also true that mandatory food-ingredient labels serve a vital role in food safety and consumer choice. 

In a 2013 column detailing the shortcomings of many federal food-labeling schemes, for example, I also argued that mandatory, “accurate ingredient and allergen labeling” should appear on all packaged foods. Why? Because the FDA’s proper role is limited to combating the adulteration and misbranding of food that’s in interstate or foreign commerce. Proper ingredient labeling is a key part of fulfilling that mission. That’s why I would oppose making the food-ingredient flexibility permanent.

For now? Fret not. No one is going to be harmed by the FDA’s move this week, while millions will benefit from this temporary change. Kudos to the FDA.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3cHXwj8
via IFTTT

Alone Together in the Pandemic

The past is a different country, one I used to live in.

In that country, as I remember it, people moved about and met with others freely, passing close to strangers on the sidewalk, wearing gloves and scarves only when the weather required it. They rode crowded buses and packed subway trains, commuting to their offices so they could sit through meetings in close proximity to their yawning colleagues. They stood in lines and watched kids climb on playground equipment. They went to restaurants with dates and had intimate conversations over dinners prepared by someone else, delivered by platoons of waiters whose hands touched each and every plate. They shared sips of expensive cocktails with fussed-over garnishes containing liquors imported from all over the world. They propped themselves up on comfortingly scuzzy stools at crowded dives, drinking cheap beer as other patrons unthinkingly brushed against them. They watched sports, and they played them.

In that country, people sweated out their frustrations in gyms, sharing weights and treadmill grips. They watched suspenseful movies in darkened theaters, never knowing who might be sitting nearby, breathing in unison as killers stalked through crowded streets onscreen. They hugged each other. They shook hands.

They gathered together, to celebrate, to mourn, to plan for a future that seemed, if not precisely knowable, likely to fall within expected parameters. And, though it seems foreign now, they treated each and every one of these moments as ordinary and unremarkable, because they were.

No longer. Over the course of a few weeks in March, America, along with much of the Western world, became a different country. A novel coronavirus was spreading via physical proximity. So in order to slow its transmission, the places where people gathered together—bars, restaurants, gyms, stadiums, movie theaters, churches—were closed. Workers were sent home from offices. Much of the populace was put into lockdown, under orders to shelter in place. People were effectively sent into hiding. What they were hiding from was each other.

The toll taken by the virus and COVID-19, the deadly disease it causes, can be measured in lives, in jobs, in economic value, in businesses closed and plans forgone. That toll is, by any accounting, tremendous—more than 74,000 dead in the U.S. by the first week of May, more than 33 million unemployed, an economy that may shrink by 20 percent or more—and in the coming weeks and months, it is certain to rise.

As lockdowns swept the country, we lost something else, too, something harder to measure: connection, intimacy, the presence of others, the physical communities of shared cause and happenstance that naturally occur as people go about their lives. We lost our social spaces, and all the comforts they brought us. Yet just as quickly, we went about finding ways to reclaim those spaces and rebuild those communities, by any means we could.

Friendship Machine

Among the first casualties of the pandemic were sports. After a player for the Utah Jazz tested positive for COVID-19 in early March, the National Basketball Association (NBA) suspended its season. Major League Baseball quickly followed, canceling spring training and postponing the start of the regular season indefinitely. In the space of a few days, every other professional sport currently in season followed suit.

Athletics facilities of all kinds—from YMCAs to Pilates studios—closed their doors, with no idea when they would reopen. In multiple cities under lockdown, public officials singled out pickup games as prohibited. This was the country we were suddenly living in: You couldn’t watch sports. You couldn’t play them. Group exercise of almost every kind was all but forbidden.

Games and athletic pursuits have many purposes. They strengthen the body and sharpen the mind. They pass the time. And they build bonds of loyalty and friendship, camaraderie and common purpose. In short, they’re a way of making friends. In the days and weeks after the shutdowns, people found ways to quickly, if imperfectly, replicate or replace all of those things.

With facilities closed, fitness centers began offering online classes and instruction. Vida Fitness, a major gym chain in Washington, D.C., rolled out virtual memberships, featuring a regular schedule of live workouts and a library of full-length instructional videos. Cut Seven, a strength-focused gym in D.C.’s Logan Circle neighborhood owned by a husband-and-wife team, started a free newsletter devoted to helping people stay in shape from home. All over the country, group Pilates and yoga classes moved to videoconferencing apps like Zoom, with individual lessons available for premium fees. A mat and a laptop in a cluttered bedroom isn’t quite the same experience as a quiet studio with fellow triangle posers, but it beats nothing at all, and has even become a kind of aspirational experience. We’re all Peloton wives now.

Competitive sports went virtual as well. The National Football League held its annual draft online. Formula One organized a “virtual Grand Prix” around the F1 video game, featuring turn-by-turn commentary from professional sportscasters. Sixteen pro basketball players participated in the NBA 2K Players Tournament, which pitted the athletes against each other on Xboxes, playing an officially licensed NBA video game, with a $100,000 prize going to coronavirus relief charities of the winner’s choice. Phoenix Suns guard Devin Booker won and split the money between a first responders fund and a local food bank.

With traditional sports sidelined, video games stepped into the spotlight. The World Health Organization, which in 2019 had officially classified gaming addiction as a disorder, joined with large game publishers to promote playing at home during quarantine. On March 16, as state-based lockdowns began in earnest, Steam, a popular hub for PC gaming, set a record for concurrent users, with more than 20 million people logged in at once. A week later, it set another record, with 22 million. Live esports events were canceled, but professional players of games like League of Legends, Overwatch, Call of Duty, and Counter-Strike all continued online.

People weren’t just playing; they were watching. In April, viewership of Overwatch League events on YouTube rose by 110,000 on average. Twitch, the most popular video game streaming platform, set new audience-number records. Watching other people play video games, like watching sports, became a way to pass the time.

Video games may not exercise the body—that’s what Zoom Pilates is for—but they can sharpen the mind and help form lasting virtual communities.

That has certainly been the case for EVE Online, one of the oldest and most successful large-group online role-playing games in existence. EVE players build and control massive fleets of ships while participating in a complex virtual economy. More than most of its peers, the game’s story and gameplay are driven by players, who coordinate among themselves to form in-game alliances and trade goods and services, developing complex supply chains and running trading outposts. Many of the game’s core features, including its Alliance system, which allows player-corporations to band together to maintain in-game sovereignty, started as player innovations. In some ways, it’s less a game and more of an economic simulator and an experiment in virtual self-governance.

EVE has been going since 2003. But in the COVID-19 era it has seen a “massive and unprecedented change in the number of players coming into the game,” says Hilmar Pétursson, the CEO of publisher CCP Games.

The pandemic lockdowns may have brought new players in, but Pétursson believes it’s the community that will keep them coming back. The game’s developers recently commissioned player surveys to find out what motivates them to play. “We had this thesis that people would join for the graphics, and stay for the community,” he says.

It worked even better than the game makers expected. “Self-reported, the average EVE player has more friends than the average human on Earth,” Pétursson says. In player surveys conducted in November and December 2019, roughly three-quarters said they had made new friends through the game, and that those friends were very important to their lives. Their data, he argues, shows that “people were making real, deep, meaningful friendships within the game.”

EVE is made to be a very harsh, ruthless, dystopian game,” he says. “It seems that condition pushes people together to bond against the elements, and against their enemies. That creates real, deep, meaningful friendships.” What the developers eventually realized, he says, was that “actually, we were making a friendship machine.”

That has lessons for a world in which everyone is suddenly shut inside their homes. “What we have been seeing from EVE is that physical distance doesn’t mean isolated at all,” Pétursson continues. A game like EVE encourages players to band together to coordinate complex group actions, from space wars to elaborate trading operations. In a time where everyone is separated, that sort of loosely organized teamwork offers “a proven way to maintain social connection.”

Sports may be benched. Gyms may be closed. Pickup games may be illegal. Yet people are still finding ways to keep their bodies fit, to compete with each other in games of skill, to pass the time by watching others do so, and to bond in the absence of physical proximity.

Let’s Not Go to the Movies

Not every communal experience lost to the pandemic will return. And those that do might be forever changed.

Few social experiences are as common as going to the movies. Even as streaming services have made at-home viewing more convenient than ever, theatrical viewing has persisted and even thrived. In 2019, global box office returns hit $42.5 billion, a new record. But it’s hard to have a global movie business when most of the places where people go to see movies around the globe are shut down. Even in boom times—despite the record box office numbers—making and showing movies is a precarious business. In the midst of a pandemic, it’s nearly impossible.

The lockdowns not only shut down movie theaters, which as large gathering places represented potential vectors of transmission; they also shut down film productions, including some of the biggest movies in the works: a fourth Matrix film, all of Marvel’s next big superhero movies, yet another sequel to Jurassic Park. Meanwhile, with theaters closed all over the planet, release dates for films that were already complete were pushed back by months or postponed indefinitely. The biggest impact was on tentpole films—the expensive-to-make franchise sequels whose budgets are predicated on making billions at the box office. Originally set to open in April, the 25th James Bond film, No Time To Die, was bumped to November. The new Fast and Furious film, originally set for May 2020, was moved back to May 2021. A long-gestating Batman follow-up was pushed to October of that year. The dark knight wouldn’t return for a while—if he ever returned at all.

With theaters empty and nothing on the release calendar, the situation looked grimmer than a gritty reboot. Under the best-case scenario, theatrical grosses are expected to drop 40 percent this year. That’s if theaters reopen at all. Most movie screens are owned by a quartet of companies—AMC, Regal, Cinemark, and Cineplex—all of which were in difficult financial positions when the year began. Even the healthiest of the bunch, AMC, was already deep in debt. In April, just weeks after analysts downgraded its credit rating, the company borrowed another $500 million in order to be able to survive in case of closures through the fall. But this was a risky maneuver. If closures persist long enough, industry analysts warned, AMC could end up going bankrupt. And if AMC bit the dust, the other big chains might follow.

Even worse, from the theaters’ perspective, was that movie studios were starting to break the agreement that had long propped up their entire business model: the theatrical window. Studios gave movie theaters exclusive rights to air first-run productions—typically for about three months—before showing them on other platforms, such as video on demand. For years, theater chains had forcefully resisted even the smallest attempts to encroach on their exclusivity. But with theaters closed, the deal was off: Universal released several smaller genre films, including The Hunt and Invisible Man, to video on demand just weeks after they debuted in theaters. Bigger-budget films followed. Trolls World Tour, an animated family film, skipped theaters entirely. And Disney decided to release Artemis Fowl, a $125 million Kenneth Branagh–directed fantasy in the mold of Harry Potter, directly to its new streaming service, Disney Plus.

This was an existential threat to theater chains—and to the modern theatrical experience. Would cinemas -survive?

“I would not invest my kid’s piggy bank in any of the big-box, generic movie theaters, as very few general-audience members are brand loyal to a specific theater chain, and these same viewers will not make the efforts to go see a movie in theaters if it is going to be available in their home days later,” says Dallas Sonnier, CEO of the independent production company Cinestate, in an email. (Disclosure: I appear on Across the Movie Aisle, a podcast published by Rebeller, a Cinestate brand.) Cinestate specializes in genre fare made with modest budgets: Its best-known releases are the neo-western Bone Tomahawk, with Kurt Russell, and Dragged Across Concrete, a noirish crime thriller with Mel Gibson and Vince Vaughn, which had limited theatrical showings but found receptive audiences in home viewing. That gives Sonnier a unique perspective on the industry’s current predicament.

“Sure, there will be a brief surge of pent-up demand,” he says, “but that will wane over time, as big theater chains join the ghosts of the retail apocalypse when they cannot force studios back into traditional windows and cannot survive their mountains of debt.” Theaters probably won’t disappear entirely. But if the major chains collapse, far fewer screens will remain. And the survivors will likely be those that offer a premium experience for cinephiles, differentiated from today’s generic cineplexes.

If movie theaters as we know them go the way of the dinosaur, that leaves big questions for moviemakers, questions that producers like Sonnier are already beginning to ponder. “As much as we’d like to say ‘this will all be over soon,'” he says, “with projections being made for second and third waves of infection in this pandemic, we all have to be prepared to continue to release movies from home. If studios aren’t prepared to make that decision on some of their biggest, most anticipated titles, what happens then?”

It’s not that movie producers, large or small, would have to stop making films entirely. But they would have to build in different assumptions about how and where people will see them. That, in turn, would mean making different types of films.

One possibility is that this year’s losses could foster studio consolidation, driving more production under the umbrella of a few big players, like Disney, which recently bought Fox and already nabbed more than 60 percent of total industry profits in 2019. But in May, Disney reported that its profits were down 91 percent in the previous quarter—before the pandemic took its biggest toll. So it’s also possible the crisis could open up new opportunities for smaller-budget, smaller-scale productions that don’t depend on outsized global box office returns—movies, in other words, of the sort that Cinestate specializes in.

Whatever happens, Sonnier believes the movie business won’t emerge unscathed or unchanged. “I think that we’ve yet to witness the big, real changes that are going to happen here,” he says.

The communal experience of watching movies in a pitch-black room with hundreds of strangers might never be common again. But even still, in the weeks after theaters went dark, people found ways to watch things together. New York Times film critics, who suddenly had no films to criticize, started a weekend “viewing party” in which readers were encouraged to watch movies like Top Gun and His Girl Friday over the weekend, with follow-up discussions with Times critics later in the week. In some parts of the country, old drive-in theaters staged a comeback, and restaurants converted parking lots into neo-drive-in experiences. Netflix Party, a web browser extension, allowed viewers in different locations to sync up their shows. The South by Southwest film festival, one of the first major events to shut down in response to the virus, was resurrected in the form of a 10-day online event on Amazon Prime Video. The American Film Institute, a nonprofit that runs several movie theaters, hosted a movie club, encouraging viewers to watch a slate of classic films and releasing short video introductions featuring famous actors and filmmakers. The tagline was “movies to watch together when we’re apart.”

Cinestate found its own ways to keep viewers engaged, hosting viewing events in partnership with the horror-film streaming service Shudder and transitioning a previously scheduled theatrical release to Vimeo On Demand, with part of the proceeds benefiting theaters. “We’re certainly heartsick over the temporary loss of the theater-going experience,” says Sonnier, “but we’re finding ways to keep that spirit of community alive.”

Alone, Together

By now you may have picked up on a theme: communities staying together by going online. Under lockdown, virtually all of what passed for social life shifted to the internet—to video game streaming services and video chats, to Twitter and Facebook, to YouTube and Netflix, and, perhaps more than anything else, to Zoom.

Zoom, an online videoconferencing service that launched in 2011, was the portal through which quarantined life continued. In the weeks after the lockdowns began, it became the go-to platform not only for workplace meetings but for after-work happy hours, birthday get-togethers, dinner parties, even church services. In mid-April, the state of New York legalized Zoom weddings. (Presumably kissing the bride was still done in person.)

Every videoconferencing service saw growth, but from December 2019 to March 2020, Zoom went from 10 million users to more than 200 million. In April, when the British government voted to continue operating by using the service, The Washington Post ran an article headlined “U.K. Parliament votes to continue democracy by Zoom.” In the space of a few months, Zoom became an all-purpose platform for human connection and the functioning of society.

This was a modern blessing: Humans confined to their houses could talk to each other, see each other, smile and laugh in each other’s virtual presences. Technology and human ingenuity had allowed us to preserve our social lives, our religious communities, our family gatherings and friendly outings. There was something heartening about watching people adapt to their new lives, carrying over their old habits and traditions, like immigrants from a previous time.

Yet as genuinely marvelous as the Zoomification of social life was, it was hard not to wonder: How much had really been salvaged? Yes, there was something reassuring in being able to communicate with other people, but in the course of retaining our connections, we’d transformed all of human existence into a conference call, with all of the frustrations those entail: shaky connections, bad lighting, poor audio quality, confusion about whose turn it is to speak, the inherent alienation of communication mediated through screens. This was, at best, a kind of social limbo, and sometimes it felt like something worse. Hell is other people on Zoom.

The online space we’d moved into was almost certainly better than the alternatives available to us, and it came with tangible benefits. But it was a substitute experience, a simulacrum of human connection, an ersatz social space standing in for the real thing. We’d cobbled together imperfect replicas of our old lives, cramped into tiny boxes on computer screens.

In my last days in the old country, the one I used to live in, I visited the Columbia Room with several friends. The Washington, D.C., establishment is known for its elaborate liquid concoctions; in 2017, it was named best cocktail bar in the country. We spent the better part of the evening there, sitting close together, unconcernedly breathing each other’s air, and even sharing sips of drinks.

A bar like the Columbia Room isn’t just a delivery system for cocktails. With its tufted leather seating and its intricately tiled backbar mural, its plant-walled patio and ink-colored cabinets full of obscure booze, it is also a particular space, designed for comfort and socializing, for being near other people and enjoying conversation and company. It has, in other words, a vibe. Roughly a month later, that place—and every place like it—was closed.

The Columbia Room continued to serve cocktails to go, a legal innovation intended to ease the burden of the lockdowns on businesses and imbibers alike, but it wasn’t the same. It couldn’t be.

Producing take-out cocktails is “very different from the bartending that you’re used to,” says owner Derek Brown. “The main difference is the ritual and engaging with the customer. There’s a ritual to making a cocktail. There’s an interaction to it.” And with the Columbia Room closed to in-person business, that’s gone. “We’re very sad—sad is the only word—that we can’t do that right now,” Brown says.

That’s what we lost to the coronavirus: not the cocktails themselves, but the ability to share them. Not competitive sports, but the companionship of playing games together. Not movies, but the experience of seeing stories on a big screen surrounded by friends and strangers. In the new country, we were suddenly, terribly alone.

Among the most upsetting aspects of the lockdowns, especially for those who live in dense cities, was the closure of many public parks and green spaces. Most beachgoing was prohibited. In New York, playgrounds were shuttered and parts of Central Park were cordoned off. As the orders went out, Gov. Andrew Cuomo complained about crowding in public spaces, warning that although people should try to “walk around, get some sun,” there could be “no density, no basketball games, no close contact, no violation of social distancing, period, that’s the rule.” The message was clear: Stay away from each other.

In Washington, D.C., where I live, authorities blocked road access to the Tidal Basin in late March, as the city’s famous cherry blossoms reached the peak of their annual bloom. The National Arboretum was closed, and the city parks department spent the month of April tweeting the hashtag #StayHomeDC; all the facilities the agency oversaw remained closed.

Officially, nature was more or less off-limits, just as spring arrived. Yet as the weather warmed, and the light lingered later and later into the evening, people emerged from their homes. The streets, mostly emptied of vehicle traffic, created space for runners, allowing them to leave the sidewalks for families and dog walkers. In my neighborhood, a small private park, nestled behind a block of houses and maintained by the community, became a place to stretch out and read a book under the sun.

Before the virus, I didn’t go to the park very often. But in this new country, I found myself visiting more frequently, sometimes in the middle of the day. And so, I noticed, were my neighbors.

People sat in the grass and spread out picnics, walked their dogs, played catch with their kids. The park never became genuinely crowded, but it was always populated, a place where you could see other people and, at an appropriate distance, be reminded of their existence. Somehow, going to the park on a sunny afternoon had become an act of solidarity, of necessity, of rebellion. We were all alone in this strange time, this familiar yet deeply foreign place where the authorities had told everyone to stay apart. But at least we had found a way to be alone together.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2UeE7Qq
via IFTTT

Zip-Lining: Not an “Essential Service”

An interesting little decision on whether contractual waivers of negligence liability are enforceable in recreational contexts: Yes as to zip-lining, under Colorado law, says Judge William J. Martinez in today’s Cowles v. Bonsai Design, LLC (D. Colo.):

Colorado law “distinguishe[s] businesses engaged in recreational activities, which are not practically necessary and with regard to which the provider owes no special duty to the public.” Chadwick v. Colt Ross Outfitters, Inc. (Colo. 2004). Numerous prior cases have confirmed that exculpatory waivers may be enforced in the context of recreational services and activities because such activities do not involve a duty to the public of a kind that would make enforcement of such contractual waivers against public policy. Zip-lining, which involves no matter of great public importance, is clearly recreational in nature. Thus, there is no duty to the public preventing enforcement of the Waiver.

Note that such waivers may be unenforceable in some other states—and may be unenforceable even in Colorado to the extent the plaintiff can show gross negligence, as the court suggests in allowing plaintiff to amend the complaint to add a gross negligence claim.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/30ciiop
via IFTTT

Portland Disbands School Police Program

School resource officers (SROs) will no longer patrol the halls of K–12 public schools in Portland, Oregon—the latest major city to announce, in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd, that it’s pulling police out of schools.

Portland Mayor Tom Wheeler announced Thursday that the Portland Police Bureau would be disbanding its Youth Services Division and reassigning all its officers. “Leaders must listen and respond to [the] community,” Wheeler tweeted.

Earlier this week, the Minneapolis school board voted unanimously to terminate its contract with the Minneapolis Police Department. HuffPost reports that other major cities are considering similar measures. The moves come amid nationwide protests and calls for police reforms following the death of George Floyd, who was killed by a Minneapolis officer who pressed his knee on Floyd’s neck for nearly nine minutes. Several colleges have also cut ties with police departments.

Wheeler said $1 million will be taken from the police budget and used for a “community driven process.” That money will fund counselors, social workers, and “culturally specific partnerships,” Portland Public Schools Superintendent Guadalupe Guerrero said.

The number of police in U.S. schools has increased dramatically over the past 50 years, often following school shootings. Groups like the American Civil Liberties Union have made the case that putting more police in schools exacerbates the “school-to-prison pipeline,” and that enforcement of petty disturbances disproportionately affects minorities.

“If black communities don’t trust police on the streets, they shouldn’t trust them in school hallways,” Judith Browne Dianis, executive director of Advancement Project, which runs a national campaign to end school policing, told Ed Week. “We need to be thinking about alternatives to school safety so that children can feel safe and can learn in an environment that is safe for them to thrive. Police undercut that culture.”

Scrutiny of SROs increased last September, when an Orlando school resource officer made national headlines for arresting a 6-year-old girl.

As it has for law enforcement at large, the proliferation of cell phone videos, policy body cameras, and social media has led to numerous viral incidents involving SROs. In February, a school resource officer at a high school in Camden, Arkansas, was relieved of duty after video showed him putting a student in a chokehold and lifting the student off of the ground. Last December, a North Carolina SRO was fired after he brutally body-slammed a middle-schooler. In November, a Broward County Sheriff’s deputy in Florida was arrested and charged with child abuse after video showed him body-slamming a 15-year-old girl at a special needs school.

The National Association of School Resource Officers (NASRO) claims that carefully selected, well-trained SROs can actually decrease arrests by building good relationships within the school.

“There’s a right and wrong way to do law enforcement in schools,” says NASRO executive Mo Canady. “When it’s done wrong, I can understand why someone might want to see it go away, but there are way too many opportunities to do it right and really make a difference in communities.”

Some states, like Pennsylvania, require potential SROs to go through NASRO training, while others, like Florida, leave training requirements up to individual police departments.

Canady noted that the Minneapolis Police Department had never sent its officers to NASRO for training. But NASRO has trained Portland school resource officers, and Canady says the city’s decision caught him off guard.

“They’re actually a model agency in how they do SRO work,” Canady says. “This is the first I’ve heard that there are concerns or potential problems there, so that comes as a shock.”

Activists are calling for SROs to be discontinued in other cities, such as Chicago, Seattle, and Denver.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/376bVVl
via IFTTT

Pro-Riot & Pro-Police-Abuse

Here’s the structure:

Look, normal legal behavior sometimes just doesn’t work to achieve Justice.

We’ve tried and it hasn’t done the job.

[Pick your preference:]

  1. The public / government / power elites / etc. won’t listen to us until we riot.
  2. The criminals won’t be deterred unless they know they’re facing some street justice from the police (a beating, an arrest even if it’s not legally justified, etc.).

We’re just doing what needs to be done.

If you’re too squeamish, don’t interfere with the people who have the guts to do it.

I’m not advocating either, of course; they are bad means that on balance generally lead to bad ends. And each understandably generates serious blowback: The rioters make lots of people appreciate more the need for police presence; the police abuse makes lots of people appreciate more the need for constraining the police. But I thought I’d note the structural similarity.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2A9M1nt
via IFTTT

Martin Luther King Jr.’s Unwavering Opposition to Violence Still Matters

“In the final analysis, a riot is the language of the unheard,” Martin Luther King Jr. told a Stanford University audience in 1967.

Social media users have circulated the quotation, some using it to partially justify the violence and destruction perpetrated by some of the protesters participating in demonstrations that have swept the country over the past week. Last Saturday, King’s son posted it to Twitter.

But this analysis of riots, which King also made in a 1966 interview with 60 Minutes‘ Mike Wallace, is often taken out of context. King’s plea was for critics to condemn the social injustices motivating the riots as harshly as they condemned the riots themselves.

“I will never change in my idea that nonviolence is the most potent weapon available to the Negro in his struggle for freedom and justice,” King told Wallace.   

King made his position on violence crystal clear in that interview: “I would hope that we could avoid riots because riots are self-defeating and socially destructive.” 

Why did King consider violent protests self-defeating? At a 1968 church meeting, he told congregants that rioting makes “a right-wing takeover more likely,” arguing that “every time a riot develops, it helps [the segregationist presidential candidate] George Wallace.”

The violent clashes over the last week may have already created a backlash, with 58 percent of respondents to a recent poll saying they support the use of military force to restore order to America’s cities.

Journalists such CNN’s Chris Cuomo and recent Pulitzer Prize winner Nikole Hannah-Jones have downplayed the seriousness of property destruction and violence by some protesters, with Cuomo asking, “Show me where it says protests are supposed to be polite and peaceful?”

“Violence is when an agent of the state kneels on a man’s neck until all of the life is leeched out of his body,” Hannah-Jones told CBS on June 2, referring to the killing of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer. “Destroying property which can be replaced is not violence.”

But political leaders in some of the communities where the property destruction has taken place have shown that it’s possible both to acknowledge the horrors of police brutality while at the same time denouncing theft, violence, and destruction.

This is not a protest. This is not in the spirit of Martin Luther King Jr. This is chaos,” Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms said in a May 30 speech following a night of destruction in her city. 

Many political and civil rights leaders of the 1960s were able both to condemn rioting and to acknowledge the legitimacy of the grievances. New York Mayor John Lindsay soothed racial tensions following King’s 1968 assassination by calmly walking the streets of Harlem with other civil rights leaders and reminding the public of the fallen leader’s unwavering opposition to violence

The city’s current mayor, Bill de Blasio, has lacked the courage to forcefully condemn both the rioting and his police force’s brutal tactics. Minnesota officials initially tried to deflect blame for the riots onto outside infiltrators before the press exposed their misinformation.

And President Donald Trump hid in a bunker and tweeted out incendiary messages about the coming show of force against the rioters.

Atlanta’s Bottoms has said the solution to many of these problems lies at the ballot box. “If you want a change in America, go and register to vote,” she said in her May 30 speech.

While voting for candidates who support policing and criminal justice reform could have a marginal impact in the long run, protesters are demanding immediate action.

When police harass and assault protesters they should be held accountable through anti-chokehold bills and by putting an end to the legal doctrine that protects them from criminal prosecution.

The internet has further decentralized activism, making today’s protests less uniform than ever before, which means that we all bear the burden of condemning the initiation of violence, no matter the perpetrator, no matter the cause.

Produced by Zach Weissmueller. Graphics by Lex Villena.

Music credits: “Bloodstain” by Royal Nature licensed through Artlist. 

Photo credits: “Bill de Blasio wearing a mask,” Kristin Callahan/ACE/Newscom; “MLK black and white portrait,” Benjamin E. “Gene” Forte—CNP/Newscom; “Ayanna Pressley at the Unity Rally, Elizabeth Warren,” CC-BY 2.0; “Justin Amash of Michigan at the 2012 Liberty Political Action,” Gage Skidmore; “Hannah Jones,” Alice Vergueiro/Abraji 

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3cETkkd
via IFTTT