“Accusing Someone You Disagree With Of Being A Russian Troll Is Admitting You Have No Argument”

Authored by Caitlin Johnstone via Medium.com,

I shouldn’t have to write this article. And yet, here we are…

I don’t care who you are or how much Palmer Report you read: accusing someone who disagrees with you of conducting psyops for a foreign government is never, ever a normal or acceptable way of conducting political discourse.

I tweeted the above yesterday after noticing another uptick in the bizarre habit establishment loyalists have of labeling anyone who disagrees with them as Russian trolls. And, though I didn’t address it to her and made no mention of her, Louise Mensch took it personally.

This led to a deluge of fascinating interactions with Mensch’s followers, in which I was sincerely informed that Twitter has admitted to half of its users being Russian agents, though it is likely more. I was also called a Russian agent many, many times, because saying it’s not okay to accuse a stranger you disagree with of being a Russian agent is just the sort of thing a Russian agent would say.

Well, let me start off this weird, stupid article that I shouldn’t have to write by saying that I myself am not a Russian agent. I’ve never been to Russia, I have no ties to the Russian government, I rarely use sources in my articles that have ties to Russia, and to the best of my knowledge none of my patrons are Russian. I say this not because I feel a need to defend these foam-brained accusations but to point out that it is, in fact, very possible to disagree with the establishment Russia narrative without being incentivized to in rubles.

Political discourse between establishment loyalists and everyone else has been trampled to death by the gratuitous use of this obnoxious debate-avoiding tactic. Everyone who publicly questions the MSNBC Russia narrative will be met with these accusations. Everyone who speaks about it with much of an online following will receive these accusations on a daily basis.

This is not normal. Anti-Trumpists have been trained over the last year by people like Rachel Maddow, Louise Mensch, and the Palmer Report to believe that accusing everyone who disagrees with you of being a Russian agent is a normal thing that sane people do, but they are wrong. It is a bizarre, obnoxious tactic, and when you use it, you are admitting that you have no argument.

The accusation would not be baseless. You should remind yourself what the USIC's official report said on the matter of Russian interference.

— Louise Mensch (@LouiseMensch) November 27, 2017

Yes it would indeed be a baseless accusation, @LouiseMensch. You do not know who is and is not a Kremlin agent, and the odds that you are interacting with one are rare. If you have to resort to baseless accusations of Russian espionage, you are admitting you have no argument.

— Caitlin Johnstone (@caitoz) November 27, 2017

In the unlikely event that any Louise Mensch types are still reading at this point, let me explain how normal online discourse operates:

  • Party A presents a position on an issue.

  • Party B presents a rebuttal to the position, often supplemented with links substantiating their claim.

  • Party A returns with their own counter-argument and their own substantiations.

  • Repeat this back-and-forth for as long as both parties remain interested.

The civility with which this discourse takes place varies wildly, and it can leave both parties feeling like they wasted an hour or two of their lives talking to a brick wall. But it can also be very informative to people watching, it can often lead to one party realizing that their argument isn’t nearly as strong as their partisan echo chamber had led them to believe it was, and it can cause both parties to do more research and rigorous thinking as they strive to come up with a compelling case. It can even lead to someone realizing that they don’t know nearly as much about a given issue as they thought they did and privately questioning their previous assumptions.

Conversations like this are socially enriching and lead to a more intelligent and better-informed humanity.

Compare that to:

  • Party A presents a position on an issue.

  • Party B accuses party A of conducting psyops for a foreign government.

  • Discussion ends.

These accusations always kill dialogue. And they are meant to. It is a safe way of slamming the door on ideas which make the person who uses this tactic uncomfortable.

There is no legitimate reason to ever accuse a stranger you disagree with of being a Russian agent. Firstly, you cannot possibly know that the stranger you’re dialoguing with works for the Kremlin. Secondly, even in the highly unlikely event that the person you are speaking to really is a secret Russian agent, you should still be able to out-debate them. Kremlin trolls don’t have magical powers. They can’t hypnotize you. If you’re interacting with one they’ll be advancing arguments and ideas just like anyone else, and if your arguments and ideas are defensible you should be able to defend them clearly and articulately.

A related accusation is conceding that while it is possible that the individual you are speaking to may not be a paid Kremlin operative, they are at the very least a “useful idiot” who has been brainwashed by Russian propaganda and is unknowingly advancing pernicious ideas. This is also an admission that you have no argument. You’re shutting down dialogue instead of debating your position articulately. You’re also making a fallacious case which assumes from the beginning that nobody could possibly disagree with your omniscient, infallible worldview unless they were deceived by a malevolent party. If your position is defensible, defend it like a normal human being.

I’ve had some success with simply drawing attention to the fact that the person levelling these accusations is using a tactic that is not a normal or acceptable part of political discourse. Individuals with a bit of personal insight can get pretty embarrassed when you calmly point out that they’re doing something they know deep down is really weird and unhealthy, so they’ll back away from it once you bring a little self-awareness to their McCarthyite chicken dance. I recommend my readers try it if you ever run into this tactic yourselves.

*  *  *

Bottom line: when a stranger on the internet accuses you of being a Kremlin agent, of being a “useful idiot”, of “regurgitating Kremlin talking points”, this is simply their way of informing you that they have no argument for the actual thing that you are saying. If you’re using hard facts to point out the gaping plot holes in the Russiagate narrative, for example, and all they can do is call your argument Russian propaganda, this means that they have no counter-argument for the hard facts that you are presenting. They are deliberately shutting down the possibility of any dialogue with you because the cognitive dissonance you are causing them is making them uncomfortable.

Yes, paid shills for governments all over the world do indeed exist. But the odds are much greater that the stranger you are interacting with online is simply a normal person who isn’t convinced by the arguments that have been presented by the position you espouse. If your position is defensible you should be able to argue for it normally, regardless of whom you are speaking to.

Yes, propaganda exists. But what is propaganda other than arguments and ideas? It isn’t witchcraft or wizardry. It isn’t going to melt your face like that scene in Raiders of the Lost Ark; you can engage it rationally without plugging your fingers in your ears and screaming “propaganda!” In the event that the ideas you are debating against online are indeed the product of government deception, you should be able to debunk them using truth and rationality. If there are lies, point them out using truth and facts. If there are half-truths, bring in the other half of the equation. If there are bad arguments relying on bad thinking, refute them with good arguments and good thinking. The methods of refuting propaganda are the same as the methods of refuting anything else, so it’s stupid to act like plugging your fingers in your ears and screaming “propaganda” is a legitimate tactic. If “propaganda” can’t be refuted using legitimate debate methods, then what you are calling propaganda looks an awful lot like truth.

I fight what I consider to be establishment propaganda for a living, but if all I ever did was type “that’s propaganda!” over and over again, nobody would ever read my articles. I have to make a compelling case for what actual disinformation is being presented and present clear arguments for why I think they are wrong. The same is true for everyone, even if they believe their position is supported by 17 intelligence agencies and the infinite wisdom of the Palmer Report.

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Hey you, thanks for reading! My work is entirely reader-funded so if you enjoyed this piece please consider sharing it around, liking me on Facebook, following me on Twitter, and maybe throwing some money into my hat on Patreon.

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Comey Tweets Bible Quotes And Nature Scenes, Gets Wrecked By Sebastian Gorka In Spectacular Fashion

Content originally published at iBankCoin.com

James Comey has been quite the chatterbox on Twitter since revealing his new handle in early November (@Comey) – firing off tweets about nature scenes, bible quotes, social gatherings, and most recently quoting himself – proclaiming how ‘honest’ and ‘strong’ the FBI is amid revelations that he put an anti-Trump / pro-Hillary agent in charge of both the Clinton email investigation and the early Trump-Russia probe – for which the FBI is now facing a contempt action over their anti-Trump bias during the election.

“I want the American people to know this truth: The FBI is honest. The FBI is strong. And the FBI is, and always will be, independent.” -Me (June 8, 2017) 

Comey is quite the deep thinker. To be honest, you have to have a pretty high IQ to understand: 

And look – Comey and his wife Patrice Failor love making onion rings! 

Then Gorka shows up…

Comey’s PR campaign then attempted to appeal to the religious demographic, quoting a bible verse (after quoting Churchill but before his Messiah complex kicked in and he quoted himself):

Oh man, throwing Amos 5:24 around like he owns the joint… until former Trump advisor, new Fox commentator, and all around badass Dr. Sebastian Gorka shows up to call James out over exonerating Hillary Clinton in the email investigation before the anti-Trump / pro-Clinton agent in charge, Peter Strzok, was finished looking at the evidence 

Hours before, Gorka dinged Comey for buring the investigation into Tony Podesta – brother of Hillary Clinton’s campaign advisor, John Podesta, “influence-peddling for Uranium 1 with Hillary?” 

Tony Podesta is of course the disgraced co-founder of the Podesta group, who left his firm in late October when he reportedly became a central focus in Robert Mueller’s FBI Special Counsel investigation into Russian involvement in the 2016 election.

As a former long-time Podesta Group executive who was “extensively” interviewed by Robert Mueller’s special counsel told Tucker Carlson Tonight, Tony Podesta and Paul Manafort were bringing a “parade” of Russian oligarchs into Washington D.C.through a shell corporation operating as a pro-Russia Ukrainian think tank.

The former exec also said that in 2013, John Podesta recommended that Tony hire David Adams, Hillary Clinton’s chief adviser at the State Department, giving them a “direct liaison” between the group’s Russian clients and Hillary Clinton’s State Department, and that Tony Podesta regularly met with the Clinton Foundation while lobbying for Uranium One – the Canadian mining company bought by the Russia’s state-owned Rosatom after obtaining approval from the Obama administration.

And on Friday, Gorka posed the question as to how Comey got to head the FBI after only 12 years in the field:  

Maybe it’s because Comey has had deep ties to Democrat / Clinton interests for years; earning $6 Million dollars in one year as Lockheed’s top lawyer – the same year the egregiously overbudget F-35 manufacturer made a huge donation to the Clinton Foundation. Comey was also a board member at HSBC shortly after NY AG at the time Loretta “tarmac” Lynch let the Clinton Foundation partner slide with a slap on the wrist for laundering drug money.

So as James “hand of the devil” Comey continues to tweet like everything’s normal – letting everyone know the FBI is “honest” and “strong,” while the noose is tightening, enjoy the white-hot phosphorous Dr. Gorka drops to illuminate the target.

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Cameron And Tyler Winklevoss Are World’s First Confirmed Bitcoin Billionaires

The Winklevoss twins are officially the founding members of what we'd like to call the bitcoin billionaires boys club.

When Tyler and Cameron Winklevoss settled their lawsuit against Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg, the twins probably thought they had missed a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to become billionaires.

Nearly ten years later, the twins have reached a net worth of $1 billion thanks to a timely $11 million investment in bitcoin during April 2013, just as the world’s largest digital currency was entering mainstream consciousness.

That original $11 million was only part of a $65 million settlement they received from Facebook in 2008. Their lawsuit against the company provided much of the narrative grist for the Hollywood movie “The Social Network”.

Since the Winklevii opened their positions, the price of a single coin has risen from about $130 four-and-a-half years ago to an all-time high north of $11,000 last month.

According to City AM, the brothers’ have refused to disclose their exact return. Though it’s estimated that the size of their stake is around 100,000 bitcoins, a figure that will further cement their re-brand as bitcoin entrepreneurs. The Winklevii nearly three years ago became the first people to petition the SEC for a rule change that would effectively as

Other notable investors in the cryptocurrency include infamous entrepreneur Charlie Shrem who served a two-year stretch in federal lockup because his old company was accused of helping facilitate notorious black-market drug bazaar the Silk Road.

Furthermore, the secretive inventor of the Bitcoin currency – known only by his digital pen name Satoshi Nakamoto -has never been publicly identified.

As City AM explains, bitcoin is a decentralized digital currency that is created and stored on a digital ledger known as the blockchain. The digital currency’s recent success has been widely attributed to an influx of new buyers from China, South Korea and other countries across the region.

Last year, Tyler Winklevoss told the Telegraph the currency could be worth trillions and was “like a better version of gold”.

Many investors, including hedge fund pioneer Mike Novogratz, believe the price of a single bitcoin could reach $100,000 – or even $1 million – by late next year.

However, signs of turbulence are beginning to emerge: Just after 430pm ET on Sunday, we showed that bitcoin and the entire crypto space tumbled – with Bitcoin plunging from session highs just under $12,000 to a low of $10,600 – on news that Just after 430pm ET we showed that bitcoin, and the entire crypto space, tumbled, with Bitcoin plunging from session highs just under $12,000 to a low of $10,600 on what appeared at first sight to be no news….

…But later investors realized the move was driven by reports that UK government "ministers are launching a crackdown on the virtual currency Bitcoin amid growing concern it is being used to launder money and dodge tax."

Taking a page out of the Chinese playbook, the UK Treasury has announced plans to regulate the digital currency that will force traders to disclose their identities and report suspicious activity to government authorities.
 

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The Geopolitical Video Game

Authored by Gail Tverberg via Our Finite World blog,

The way the world economy is manipulated by world leaders is a little like a giant video game. The object of the game is to keep the world economy growing, without too many adverse consequences to particular members of the world economy. We represent this need for growth of the world economy as being similar to making a jet airplane fly at ever-higher altitudes.

Figure 1. Author’s view of the situation we are facing. World leaders look at their video screens and adjust their controllers to try to make the world economy fly at ever-higher levels.

World leaders look at their video game screens for indications regarding where the world economy is now. They also want to see whether there are specific parts of the economy that are doing badly.

The game controllers that the world leaders have are somewhat limited in the functions they can perform. Typical adjustments they can make include the following:

  • Add or remove government programs aimed at providing jobs for would-be workers
  • Add or remove government sponsored pension plans and payments to those without jobs
  • Add or remove laws regulating efficiencies of new vehicles
  • Change who or what is taxed, and the overall level of taxation
  • Through the above mechanisms, change government debt levels
  • Change interest rates

There are numerous problems with this approach. For one thing, the video game screen doesn’t give a very complete picture of what is happening. For another, the aspects of the economy that can be controlled are rather limited. Furthermore, the situation is very complex–there seem to be several “sides” of the economy that need to “win” at the same time, for the economy to continue to grow: (a) oil importers and oil exporters, (b) businesses and their would-be customers, (c) governments and their would-be taxpayers, and (d) asset holders and the would-be buyers of these assets, such as families needing new homes.

An even bigger problem is a physics problem that is hidden from the view of those operating the control mechanism. Jet airplanes in the real world cannot rise beyond a certain altitude (varying depending upon the plane), because the atmosphere becomes “too thin.” There is a parallel problem in the economic world. The atmosphere that allows an economy to grow is provided by a combination of (a) an increasing supply of cheap-to-produce energy, and (b) increased technology to put this growing energy supply to use. This atmosphere can become too thin for several reasons, including the higher cost of energy production, rising population, and growing wage disparity.

We know that in the real world, a jet airplane cannot rise ever-higher. Instead, at some point, the airplane hits what has been called its “coffin corner.”

Figure 2. Diagram of Coffin Corner by Aleks Udris of Boldmethod. On the chart, Vs is the velocity; MMO is the Maximum Mach Number.

According to Aleks Udris, “The region is deadly. Get too slow, and you’ll stall the jet at high altitude. Get too fast, and you’ll exceed your critical mach number. The air over your wings will go supersonic, you’ll pitch down, the aircraft will accelerate, and your wings will fall off. Also bad.”

What Happens As Coffin Corner Limits Are Reached in the Economic World?

What do world leaders do, as the world economy hits limits? One temptation is for the world leaders in Figure 1 to take their foot off the throttle that is operated by low interest rates and more debt, because they don’t seem to be providing very much benefit anymore. The leaders fear that if more debt is added at low interest rates, it risks creating “asset bubbles” that are easily disturbed if any little bump to the economy occurs. If a big bubble pops, there is a significant risk that the economy could fall down to a much lower level. This is like stalling the jet at high altitude.

World leaders can also use approaches that create situations more like “making the wings come off” the economy. These approaches involve favoring one group over another. For example, a government can give big tax breaks to businesses, but raise taxes on individual citizens. Businesses will ultimately be harmed by this approach, because they depend on individual citizens for their sales. The result is like tearing the wings off the airplane.

Another approach that would tear the wings off the economy involves actions by a different group of world leaders than those shown in Figure 1, namely the leaders from OPEC and Russia. These leaders have different video game screens and different game controllers. They can manipulate the world economy by reducing the supply of oil they provide. With this approach, they hope to increase the price of oil, and thus obtain a larger share of the world’s goods and services through higher tax revenue.

Raising the oil price would benefit oil exporters, but would make goods and services more expensive for oil importing countries. Ultimately, this approach would lead to recession in oil importing nations. The result would likely be worse than the 2008-2009 recession–another way to make the wings come off the economy.

Let’s look in a little more detail at what is happening, and what goes wrong:

[1] Energy plays a huge role in this game, because a growing supply of cheap-to-produce energy allows greater worker productivity.

It takes energy of various types to make the economy grow, because energy is needed whenever we move something, or heat something, or use electricity to operate something. We use energy products to leverage our human labor. For example, we use a truck to deliver a package, rather than walking and carrying the item in our hands. If fresh water is in short supply, we use energy to operate a desalination plant, and thus produce the fresh water we need.

It is generally workers who produce goods and services. If energy supply is inexpensive and readily available, it is easy for governments or businesses to create “tools” to make these workers more productive. These tools include such things as roads, vehicles, machines of all types, and even computers. If the quantity and capability of these tools are increasing, the labor of these workers is increasingly leveraged by the availability of these tools. This is what allows economic growth.

[2] The extent of world economic growth seems to depend primarily on how quickly total energy consumption is growing. 

If we look at historical economic growth, we see that the rate of growth of energy consumption seems to play a major role.

Figure 3. World GDP growth compared to world energy consumption growth for selected time periods since 1820. World real GDP trends for 1975 to present are based on USDA real GDP data in 2010$ for 1975 and subsequent. (Estimated by author for 2015.) GDP estimates for prior to 1975 are based on Maddison project updates as of 2013. Growth in the use of energy products is based on a combination of data from Appendix A data from Vaclav Smil’s Energy Transitions: History, Requirements and Prospects together with BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2015 for 1965 and subsequent.

The highest rates of world economic growth took place in the 1950-1965 period, and in the 1965-1975 period. These were both periods of very high growth in energy consumption. As we will see below, these were both periods when the price of oil was less than $20 per barrel, for almost the entire period.

If we look at economic growth over shorter periods, we also see a strong correlation between world economic growth and growth in energy consumption:

Figure 4. World growth in energy consumption vs. world GDP growth. Energy consumption from BP Statistical Review of World Energy, 2017. World GDP is GDP in US 2010$, as compiled by World Bank.

[3] On Figure 4 (above), the widening gap between GDP growth and energy consumption since 2013 could either represent (a) Much greater efficiency in using energy or (b) A problem in measuring true economic growth.

We can see true efficiency improvements in the 1975-1985 and the 1985-1995 periods shown on Figure 3. These were the periods when the world was truly trying to “get away from oil,” after a spike of high prices in the 1970s. Governments around the world were encouraging new smaller cars; electricity generation was being changed from oil to nuclear; home heating was being changed from oil to natural gas or electricity. The new furnaces installed were much more efficient than the old ones. Thus, during this period, efficiency/technology improvements were aiding economic growth to a greater extent than usual.

Now, in the period since 2013, much of the “low hanging fruit” has already been picked. We may still be finding some technology gains, but it seems likely that at least part of the problem is an “economic growth counting problem.” GDP looks like it is growing, but it is really very hollow economic growth. Governments invest in projects of essentially no value, and their investment is counted as GDP. For example, they invest in unneeded roads, in apartments that citizens cannot really afford, in educational institutions that do not produce graduates with wages that are sufficiently high to pay for education’s high cost, and in high-priced medical cures that are unaffordable by 99% of the population. Are these things truly contributions to GDP?

We also find businesses that look like they are growing, but in fact are taking on increasing amounts of debt as they sell off assets. This is not a sustainable model! We encounter energy companies that claim to be doing “sort of” alright, but their profits are so low that they need to cut back on new investment, and they need to borrow in order to have funds to pay dividends to shareholders. There is something seriously wrong with this growth!

[4] The economic “atmosphere” becomes thinner and thinner, when oil prices rise above an inflation-adjusted price of $20 per barrel.

Back in the time period prior to 1973, oil prices were generally below $20 per barrel, in inflation adjusted terms. Since then, prices have tended to be above this level.

Figure 5. Historical oil prices are Brent oil prices in 2016$ from BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2017; $20 per barrel is the maximum price level where oil is truly affordable; and $300 per barrel is the maximum price per barrel that the International Energy Agency seems to believe is possible for the world economy.

When oil (and other energy prices) were very low, companies could add tools to make workers more effective with little expenditure. As a result, the United States saw wages growing much more rapidly than inflation prior to 1968 (Figure 6).

Figure 6. Chart comparing income gains by the top 10% to income gains by the bottom 90% by economist Emmanuel Saez. Based on an analysis of IRS data, published in Forbes.

Once prices of oil started rising, prices of tools (broadly defined) rose. Governments and companies needed more debt to buy these tools. It became more of a burden to add capital goods of all kinds. Governments tried to raise GDP by adding debt, but to a significant extent they ended up with higher debt to GDP ratios rather than the rapid growth they were looking for (Figure 7).

Figure 7. Worldwide average inflation-adjusted annual growth rates in debt and GDP, for selected time periods. See post on debt for explanation of methodology.

The changes in the economy that allowed continued growth (more debt and more technology) tended to push the economy toward more wage disparity, in part because more technology required more training for some of the workers, but not for others. This allowed wages of the workers with special training to rise.

Furthermore, the need to repay debt with interest tended to funnel wealth toward the financial sector, and toward those within the economy who could afford to hold financial assets. These changes left less of the output of the economy for non-elite workers.

Economists never really understood what was happening. They had never thought through the important role that energy plays in the economy. Cheap energy is needed to create jobs. It is jobs, and the wages that those jobs pay, that tend to suffer when oil prices are too high (Figure 8). Thus, high-priced oil has a double impact on the economy:

  1. It makes goods of many kinds more expensive.
  2. It reduces job availability and wages.

Figure 8. Average wages in 2012$ compared to Brent oil price, also in 2012$. Average wages are total wages based on BEA data adjusted by the CPI-Urban, divided by total population. Thus, they reflect changes in the proportion of population employed as well as wage levels.

Logic would suggest that the economy cannot really operate on high-priced oil. Lower wages and higher prices do not peacefully coexist! We should expect high oil prices to be very unstable. Even if prices can reach a high level in response to a specific shortage or stimulus, we cannot expect these high prices to be maintained for a sustained period, without added stimulus. Unstable high prices are not likely to give rise to more oil production; they cannot be depended upon.

Economists have never understood this situation. Instead, they have made pronouncements that at some point in the future, they expect that oil would become scarce. Because of this scarcity, oil prices would rise. In their view, when oil prices rise, high-priced substitutes would suddenly become the best option available; somehow, the economy would become able to operate using these high-priced substitutes. (If energy products were not needed for labor productivity, this view might make some sense. In the real world, it does not.)

It never occurred to organizations such as the International Energy Association (IEA) that high oil prices might be a problem for the economy. The IEA has shown exhibits suggesting that oil prices could theoretically rise to $300 per barrel. Of course, at such an elevated price, there would be an almost unlimited amount of oil available to extract (Exhibit 9).

Figure 9. IEA Figure 1.4 from its World Energy Outlook 2015, showing how much oil can be produced at various price levels.

[5] The real enemies of continued economic growth are (a) diminishing returns with respect to oil and other energy production, (b) continued population growth, and (c) increasing wage and wealth disparity. 

We seem to be playing a video game where the players don’t understand who the real enemies are.

Diminishing returns with respect to oil and other energy production have to do with the cost of energy extraction rising ever-higher, as more resources are extracted. There are a lot of resources that we can “see,” but that we cannot economically extract, unless prices rise to very high levels.

Figure 9. My version of the resource triangle for oil. Note that oil shale is not the same as tight oil, found in shale formations. Oil shale is kerogen that must be processed at very high temperatures in order to produce oil. This is rarely done, because of the high processing cost. Tight oil is not on this chart. Tight oil probably would be above “onshore heavy oil; oil sands.” It still would disappear, if oil prices permanently fell to $20 per barrel or less.

Continued population growth is a problem because it is really “energy per capita” that matters. Each individual needs food, transportation, and housing. All of these things take energy. Many years ago, when most of the workers were farmers, it was necessary to create ever-smaller farms, as population rose. This clearly would lead to lower food production per farmer, unless some sort of technological breakthrough was taking place at the same time. Today, we have a parallel issue.

Increasing wage disparity tends to be associated with the rising use of technology. When most labor is hand labor, workers truly do “pay each other’s wages.” All wages can be fairly equal. With increased technology, some workers have specialized training; others do not. Some workers are supervisors; others are laborers. Unless the overall output of the economy is rising very rapidly, non-elite workers find themselves increasingly unable to afford the output of the economy. It is this falling “demand” (really affordability) that tends to pull an economy downward.

[6] High oil prices can be temporarily tolerated by an economy, if interest rates are lowered to make this arrangement work.

Clearly, lower interest rates make capital goods of all kinds more affordable to both businesses and individual workers. If we look back at the period since 1981, we see a long period of falling interest rates, acting to stimulate the economy.

When oil prices exceeded $20 per barrel, the economy did not collapse immediately. In “normal” times, lowering interest rates was sufficient stimulus to keep the economy growing (Figure 4).

Figure 10. Ten-year treasuries through Nov. 17, 2017. Chart produced by FRED.

When there is a very big drop in oil prices (as in 2008, related to falling debt levels), then Quantitative Easing (QE) has been helpful (Figure 11). The US began its program of QE in late 2008, when oil prices were near their low point. There were three phases of the US’s QE. The US discontinued the third phase in late 2014, just as oil prices started to slide again.

Figure 11. Monthly Brent oil prices with dates of US beginning and ending QE.

[7] It is quite possible for a disconnect to occur between (a) the cost of oil extraction, and (b) the selling price of oil.

Oil that costs more than $20 per barrel is never very affordable by the economy. It really needs continual stimulus to keep prices at an elevated level. Once debt growth falls too low, the balance between the supply and demand for oil is settled in the direction of the amount of goods and services made with oil that non-elite workers can afford. Prices fall below the cost of production. This seems to be what has happened since 2014.

[8] In fact, since 2014, the selling prices of oil, natural gas, and coal have all fallen below the cost of extraction.

Figure 12. Price per ton of oil equivalent, based on comparative prices for oil, natural gas, and coal given in BP Statistical Review of World Energy. Not inflation adjusted.

It is popular to think that the reason why oil prices are too low is because of overproduction by the United States or Saudi Arabia. When a person stops to realize that essentially the same situation arises for all three fossil fuels, a person begins to understand that there likely is an affordability issue underlying the low prices for all three fuels. The affordability issue, of course, arises because energy supply is not rising quickly enough because (at over $20 per barrel), it is too expensive to be truly affordable. The “atmosphere is too thin” at today’s high cost of energy extraction.

[9] Coal production seems to have “peaked” because at today’s low prices, few mines find the extraction of coal profitable.

It is popular in “Peak Oil” circles to believe as the economists do: oil and other energy prices can rise endlessly, because of growing “demand.” Economists have never stopped to think that at any given price, there is an affordability issue for customers. If prices drop too low, there is a profitability issue for those operating extraction facilities.

If we look at the situation with coal, we see a situation where peak production seems to have been reached because of low prices. China has closed down mines because falling prices have made mines that were previously profitable, unprofitable (Figure 13). Coal is the lowest-cost fuel; if it cannot be mined profitably, the world economy has a problem.

Figure 13. China’s energy production, based on data from BP Statistical Review of World Energy, 2017.

In fact, it appears as though we have reached peak coal on a worldwide basis, as a result of low prices (Figure 14). It is hard to see any major production area that can grow substantially in the future, without much higher prices.

Figure 14. World coal production, based on BP Statistical Review of World Energy Data. (For 1965-1980, consumption is substituted for production, because only consumption is given, and imports/exports are likely small.

[10] The world economy needs to be able to keep repaying debt with interest. If world economic growth slows too much, this will not be possible. 

We may already be reaching a “too slow growth limit.” Below this growth limit, it becomes impossible to repay debt with interest, especially if interest rates rise. We may already be reaching this point, based on the lack of growth in energy consumption per capita shown in Figure 15. (Also, as noted in Item [3], it seems quite possible that recent GDP growth indications are overstated.)

Figure 15. Average energy prices (averaging oil, coal, and natural gas) versus the total quantity of energy products consumed per capita, based on BP energy consumption data and UN population data. (Prices have not been inflation adjusted.)

Figure 15 suggests that affordability and price go together. When the world economy is growing rapidly, energy prices tend to rise (as does energy consumption). When energy consumption per capita falls, it is a sign that the world economy is not doing well.

One of the things that confuses matters is the very different economic growth results for different parts of the world. If oil prices are low, this improves economic growth prospects from the point of oil importers, such as the United States and China. This is what our video game players are looking at, not the results for the world as a whole. It is oil exporters, such as Venezuela and Saudi Arabia, who are having problems.

If we look at world news, Venezuela may collapse because of low oil prices. Saudi Arabia has found it necessary to take on debt, and has undergone regime change, at least partly related to low oil prices. Norway is proposing that its oil and gas fund no longer invest in oil and gas companies, because it expects that there is a significant chance the oil price will not rise high enough to bring companies back to adequate profitability.

[11] The whole “game” has been confused by a lot of not-quite-correct pronouncements from academic circles.

A lot of well-meaning people have tried to solve our energy problems, but haven’t gotten the story right.

Economists have gotten the story pretty much 100% wrong. Energy is very important for the economy. Furthermore, energy prices don’t rise endlessly.

Peak Oilers have confused matters by talking about oil, coal and natural gas being determined by the amount of technically recoverable resources in the ground. This might be true if energy prices could rise endlessly, but clearly they cannot. By following the wrong views of economists, Peak Oilers have led world leaders to believe that far more resources are available to be extracted than really is the case.

People who call themselves Biophysical Economists haven’t really gotten the story correct either. The Biophysical Economists realized that there was a need for a measure for diminishing returns. They put together a measure which they called Energy Returned on Energy Invested. The measure, unfortunately, only “sort of” works. It gives a lot of wrong answers. It does not suggest that oil prices above $20 per barrel are a problem. It also does not suggest that substitutes for oil that are priced above $20 per barrel are a problem. It tends to give a lot of “false positives” when it comes to the question of whether renewables can be substituted for fossil fuels. It seems to suggest that a particular ratio is important, when it is really the total quantity of an energy product available at a very low price that is important.

I should not pick on the Biophysical Economists. There are many others with academic credentials who produce metrics that really aren’t very helpful. Energy payback time is not a very helpful metric, especially from the point of view of deciding whether or not to use a particular device. It is not the energy that the economy must pay back; it is the full cost of manufacturing the device that needs to be recovered, including human labor costs and taxes. In some applications, the cost of mitigating intermittency may also need to be considered.

Even the standard Levelized Cost of Energy calculations can give misleading indications, if they are used on intermittent renewables without taking into account the cost of mitigating the intermittency.

Conclusion

With all of these issues, it is not surprising that world leaders have difficulty playing the energy and economy game. In fact, it is hard to see any winning strategy.

One of the issues that makes the game impossible to win is the fact that all sides must win. A solution that cuts out the oil exporters is a problem for an economy dependent on oil. Any solution that cuts out the workers is a problem, partly because businesses need workers as consumers, and partly because governments need workers as taxpayers.

The reason I have not included any discussion of renewables is because at this point in time, we do not have any renewables that are sufficiently inexpensive and sufficiently scalable to represent a solution.

via http://ift.tt/2jHOJnK Tyler Durden

Jim Grant Interviews Alan Fournier: “Pension Funds Are So Desperate For Yield, They’re Systemically Selling Vol…”

In the latest installment of RealVision's interview series featuring Jim Grant, longtime publisher of Grant's Interest-Rate Observer, the newsletter publisher sits down with Alan Fournier, the billionaire founder of Pennant Capital, to discuss one of the most widely discussed topics across modern asset markets: Volatility – or rather, the systemic risks posed by not only the paucity of volatility in modern markets, but how risk parity and low-vol targeting strategies have created imbalances that could lead to massive dislocations should volatility spike.

In the beginning of the talk, Fournier and Grant discuss how volatility has been artificially suppressed for so long that it's essentially become an asset class unto itself. Investors have devised all these new volatility targeting strategies – like risk parity, for example, that have generated outsize returns since the financial crisis. But many don't recognize the underlying risks. With so much money piled into the short-volatility trade, a large enough spike could trigger extremely painful selloffs in both bond and equity markets.

JG: And one would expect that if interest rates are going to turn, it might be kind of a noisy and dramatic turn.

 

Are you plugging in the interest rate aspect to this as well the bond market side of things?

 

AF: Well the thing that concerns me the most about this sort of overall technical setup, if you will, is that the reason people own bonds is they don't correlate with stocks. So if something bad happens in the stock markets, bonds rally, right? So risk parity, some stocks in a levered bond fund, it's been fabulous because that's been what we've seen for the last 15 or 20 years. Well if we get a turn, which is just driven by a normal business cycle and that correlation comes apart, who knows what happens? But there's a lot of money that's been dedicated to these kinds of strategies, whether they're vol targeting, risk parity. We're in sort of a spooky time.

 

JG: You use the phrase the setup, which I think is a wonderful way of expressing the notion of an overall context of things, how the forces are aligned or misaligned. And so many of those forces in this particular cyclical moment seem to be unusual if not unprecedented. Certainly the level, the nominal level and real level of interest rates is one of those forces. The positive preoccupation with the efficacy and with the certainty of outcome of passive investing must be another, right?

 

AF: Yes.

 

JG: And the peace and quiet in the markets as reflected in readings in both the MVE Index, which registers bond activity, and the VIX Index, which measures agitation in the stock market, those things are at record or near level lows. So Alan, how do you see the constellation of these forces?

 

AF: Well, we joke on a trading desk when we come in the morning if the futures are down– like today they were down a bit this morning. But we joke about what time they're going to go positive during the day, and usually it's after the Europeans go to the pub or something at around 11 o'clock. By 2 o'clock they're positive.

 

And I just mentioned this because it's very unusual and something I've never seen in 30 years or so of doing this that sort of nothing rattles this market. And I think some of it is the vol being depressed.

 

JG: Now let's explain this. So volatility now, it's like a thing. It used to be stocks and bonds.

 

AF: It used to be observed based upon how options are priced. Now it's actually a source of income.

 

JG: Right. It's like an asset class.

 

AF: It's a bond.

 

JG: But it's movement. It's kind of capitalized movement, right?

 

AF: Right.

Toward the beginning of the interview, Fournier shared a story with Grant about how a high-net worth broker recently asked for meeting to pitch a suite of new "short volatility" investment products. After grilling the broker about the details of how the products are managed, he asked how the funds are protected in case of a sudden spike in volatility. The broker waved his question aside and said there products are all adequately hedged.

After doing some more due diligence, Fournier discovered that the broker was wrong. And it's not that he lied, Fournier surmised – it's that the broker didn't have an appropriately deep understanding of how the products work.

AF: Yeah. So I'm going to tell you a little story which is interesting, which is suggestive of the idea that we're pretty late in this tick-tock game.

 

JG: All right, I'm ready.

 

AF: Well a friend of a friend asked to come see me who is a high net worth broker at one of the investment banks. And he said, "Look, I know I can't help you in the stock market because you're doing your own thing in your fund and get that, but maybe we can help here with fixed income." I said, "Sure, come on by. Let's talk."

 

He comes in and I ask the question, "So what are people doing for income?" And he said, "We have this great product that sells vol." And I said, "Oh, how does that work?" And, well, it was a very basic explanation. Selling puts, selling calls, straddles, blah, blah, blah. And I said, "What happens if the market goes down?" And he said, "Well, there are ways they protect against that." I was like OK, and I just was very curious. So I said, "Send me the documentation." So he sends me the brochure with all the legal details and so forth, and there's really no protection. They're just selling vol and collecting income, which has been successful.

In the most unsettling excerpt from the interview – for mom and pop investors, that is – Fournier shared a story about a talk he gave to a group of pension-fund investment-committee members. Some investment bank trying to scrounge up brokerage business had taken the group of these investors on a tour of Washington, D.C., and Fournier was recruited to speak about his experiences in the hedge fund industry as sort of a keynote for the day’s events.

So, Fournier told a story that emphasized the risks of selling volatility.

Afterward, his audience sat there, stone-faced. As he would come to find out, many of their funds were running vol-selling strategies which – as we’ve explained time and time again – are much riskier than most investors realize.

And these are pension funds – purportedly some of the most risk-averse institutional investors.

JG: So when you sell vol, what do you do exactly? Do you sell puts on the VIX Index?

 

AF: Yes, and different tenors. And there are strategies that will sell vol at a level and buy vol further down and try to dampen potential crash risk and those kinds of things. But essentially you're just collecting income by being a house, selling puts.

 

So a few weeks later another investment bank invites me to come and speak to some pension investors. And they were taken them to Washington to sort of hear what was going on down there. And then they brought them up  to New York and I was sort of the end of the day, talk to a hedge fund practitioner kind of thing. And I sat there and I told the story about how this guy was trying to sell me vol, expecting some kind of reaction from them.

 

JG: And they said so?

 

After doing some more due diligence, Fournier discovered that the broker was wrong. And it's not that he lied, Fournier surmised – it's that the broker didn't have an appropriately deep understanding of how the products work.

 

JG: This is a group of–

 

AF: Pension funds, large European pension funds. And he said, "Yeah, but they have a strategy where, when you get a selloff, they sell more into the selloff." So if the VIX spikes from 10 to 15, you sell more. And then you continue to have this tremendous monthly pattern of income.

 

So as I was walking out of there I thought, my goodness, the central banks have succeeded in pushing people out on the risk curve. They're taking people that are managing the pensions of state pensioners and they have them in negative earning sovereign instruments. And now they have them– they're so desperate for some yield, they're systemically selling volatility, which is remarkable.

In one of the most interesting excerpts from the interview, Fournier explains how a chance breakfast meeting inspired him to switch from long subprime lenders to short a few years before the housing crisis began.

The timely switch allowed Fournier to book winning trades on both the long side – he cashed in as home prices climbed toward their pre-crisis peak – and against during the collapse. He was inspired to change his position after learning from a subprime mortgage broker how the loans the broker was selling worked.

After their discussion, it quickly became apparent to Fournier that the whole subprime lending model was reliant on home-price appreciation, and the minute housing prices peaked, there could be a very significant credit event.

JG: This is where we have different lines of work Alan, because in the years 2001, '02, '03, '04, '05, '06, Grant's Interest Rate Observer deplored these queues of people lining up irrationally and uneconomically to buy the houses, the makers of which you were long.

 

It takes all kinds of people to make a world. I’m not throwing stones.

 

AF: We also got long subprime lenders. And we got to know them well. And early on it was clear that this was going to be a booming opportunity for subprime lenders. I mean, you were taking debt that was costing folks very high rates on credit cards and pulling equity out of homes. And so that was a natural arbitrage that created this big opportunity. And then using subprime to fund the purchase of second homes, driving up real estate prices. And I was actually at a breakfast with a company coming public that I ended up investing in where I asked them a number of questions about how these loans work. And it became very clear that the whole key to those loans was home price appreciation. And at that breakfast, I kind of logged this view, that, wow, when this turns, it's going to be a very significant credit event.

 

JG: Let me, if I may just interrupt to observe, how unusual it is for someone who has been long, a big theme, to turn around and successfully to change views and become short, successfully, that same theme. It's done sometimes at a bar in recounting fabulous fabled stories, but rarely in real life. Tell me about kind of the intellectual flexibility this requires. When did you decide to kind of jettison the bullish view on subprime?

 

AF: Well, it was a matter of first developing understanding of what was going on and how this reflexive process, classic Soros reflexive process was interacting with the real world. And it was very simple. Easy credit drive up home prices. The fact that home prices was growing up was making credit easier. And so it was a matter of how long that would play out and when it would end. We had the patience to wait. And we made some money in long side of some of the subprime lenders during this period. And it was really gaining the knowledge of what these CDO and CDS securities were that was an eye-opening opportunity for me.

So Fournier switched from being long doomed mortgage lenders like American Home Mortgage to shorting the mortgage-backed security products that would eventually slide all the way to zero.

Later in the interview, Grant asks Fournier for his thoughts on bitcoin.

In a heartening display of modesty and intellect, Fournier demurred, instead of offering a barrage of chaotic, unqualified opinions like some of his peers have tended to do.

“That’s something I don’t understand well.”
 

via http://ift.tt/2BC9ARD Tyler Durden

Market Goes ‘Full Bitcoin’

Authored by Lance Roberts via RealInvestmentAdvice.com,

Market Review

What the “heck” was that?

This past week seemed to be the story of Christmas coming early. Earlier this week the markets surged higher on hopes that “Ole’ St. Tax Cuts” would soon be here. But that dream seemed to be short-lived on Friday, at least at the open, as General Mike Flynn seems to embody the “Grinch” trying to steal Christmas.

But at the end of it all, not much actually changed. Well, except for the fact that volatility not only made an appearance as stock prices swung wildly in both directions, but also in Treasury rates. As expectations of tax reform grew, rates spiked higher but then sank just as quickly as fears of turmoil in the Administration sent money into the safety of bonds.

As shown above, despite all of the “sound of fury” the S&P advanced 1.53% for the week while rates, not surprisingly as money rotated from “safety” to “risk,” ticked up from 2.3% to 2.4%. However, while volatility finished week only up mildly, intra-week we saw volatility jump to nearly 15 before settling back at 11.

The sharp advance, as the market went all “bitcoin,” pushed well into 3-standard deviation territory above the longer-term moving average with overbought conditions pushing extremes. While the backdrop remains decidedly bullish, the sharp moved higher has all the earmarks of an exhaustion move which suggests some profit-taking cool things off over the next couple of weeks. 

While the market is extremely overbought, the bullish trends remain intact. Furthermore, the month of December tends to bullish for equities which keeps portfolios allocated towards equity risk currently.

With the tax bill now out of the Senate, the real work begins as the House bill and Senate bill will go to conference to work out the rather substantial differences between the two bills. With neither bill even remotely approaching a “fiscally conservative” that will actually lead to stronger economic or reduced debts and deficits, it is a huge windfall for corporations.

This, of course, raises the question as to how much of the “tax cuts” are already priced into the markets.

One thing to be cautious of is the possibility this could well be a “buy the rumor, sell the news” event as we move into the New Year. As I stated last week, I see two potential outcomes:

  1. A tax bill clears Congress reducing taxes which leads to tax-related selling by money manager to lock in gains at a lower tax rate that will not have to be paid until 2019, or;
  2. The tax bill fails, a still likely scenario, which leads to tax-related selling by money manager to lock in gains on which taxes will not have to be paid until 2019, 

Let me repeat from the last newsletter:

“As I see how December plays out, I will be seriously looking at adding a short-hedge to portfolios before year end. I will keep you apprised.”

This weekend, I am traveling to Florida to give a presentation on the markets and will be joined by some of my friends like Chris Martenson and Nomi Prins. It promises to be fun and I will fill you in on any great insights next week.

The Bitcoin Ramp – Is It Sustainable?

by Michael Lebowitz, CFA

The explosive rise of Bitcoin (BTC) has taken the investing world by storm, and for good reason. Over the past six months alone BTC has quadrupled in value. Since 2012, it has risen over 200,000%. To put that into context, had one invested 10k in 2012 they would be worth over $20 million today. The graph below shows the meteoric rise.

There are predominantly two camps with strong opinions on what the future holds for BTC. One generally believes it to be the currency of the future while the second camp thinks BTC is another financial bubble. Given BTC’s increasing popularity we thought it would be helpful to present these two competing perspectives and then offer our own assessment.

Believers

Believers in BTC claim it is quickly becoming a widely accepted global currency. To better understand their view let’s see how BTC meets the definition of a currency, both as a means of transacting (money) as well as a store of value.

Money: money is anything that two parties can agree is acceptable in exchange for goods and services. For example, if I pay you a case of beer to mow my lawn, the beer, in this instance, is money. However, for “money” to be widely accepted, the masses must ascribe similar value to it.  While there is an increasing number of vendors accepting BTC, it is nearly impossible to use BTC to meet your everyday needs. Further, the value, or price of money, needs to be relatively stable to be effective. If a dollar bill bought you a case of beer today, but only a single bottle tomorrow and a keg the following week, few consumer or vendors would trust the dollar’s value. BTC’s value can fluctuate 5-10% on an hourly basis

Store of value: a store of value is something that allows one to save money and retain its value. When we save money we want comfort in knowing the money we earned can buy us the same amount of goods and services tomorrow that it can buy today. Again, the extreme volatility of the price of BTC makes it difficult to project how much purchasing power a BTC will buy you in the future. All currencies fluctuate but typically nowhere near the degree we are witnessing in BTC.

If the extreme price movements of BTC subside it is possible that BTC can serve as a widely accepted currency and the believers could be correct.

Deniers

A second camp believes BTC is a financial bubble. The chart below compares BTC to other recent investment fads.

You will notice in all instances above the bubbles rise steadily in price before transitioning to an exponential increase prior to collapse. Often, in the so-called euphoric phase, prices go well beyond the point most investors think is reasonable. In this respect, BTC is following the path of prior bubbles.

Bubbles are not solely defined by price movements, but more importantly by a lack of supporting fundamental value. If you subscribe to the value of BTC as does the first camp, the rapid increase in price may well be justified. If you believe there is no value, BTC is showing the classic pattern of most bubbles.

Our Take

We believe BTC can rise even further from current levels. That said, we question whether it has any meaningful fundamental value. In the textbook on sound investing, Security Analysis, Benjamin Graham, and David Dodd define investing as follows:

“An investment operation is one which, upon thorough analysis promises safety of principal and an adequate return. Operations not meeting these requirements are speculative.”

Based on this very clear definition of terms, there is no way to classify BTC as anything other than speculation. Furthermore, while we agree with those in camp one that BTC might one day be universally accepted as money and a reliable store of value, we have one major problem with which to contend.

To help you grasp our issue, consider that an investor who bought Bitcoin a few years ago and sold it today would have accumulated a remarkable gain. Even better, unlike a capital gain on stocks, bonds, real estate and all other financial assets, that profit is tax-free.

Now ask yourself, how long will the government allow investors to avoid paying taxes on gains in BTC? Further, will the U.S. government, or any other government, cede control of its currency and ultimately the economy? We expand on this concept below from a primer we wrote on cryptocurrencies- Salt, Wampum, Benjamins – Is Bitcoin next?

The preamble to the U.S. Constitution states the purpose of the Federal government is to:

“…form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.”

In other words, the government’s role is to protect the freedoms and liberties of its citizens. If the government has no ability to fund itself and is unable to provide defense and law enforcement it cannot uphold the Constitution. More precisely – the sovereignty of any nation, regardless of its form of government, rests upon the strength and integrity of its currency.

Summary

There may still be gains ahead for BTC, but the volatility of its price and still low adoption as a means of transacting pose obvious problems. The bigger risk, however, is given government incentives to impose taxes on the public and manage economic activity, the speculative value currently being ascribed to BTC does not seem durable and is therefore unlikely to survive.

Here’s What Works For Me

by Doug Kass

And I said to myself, ‘This is the business we have chosen.'” Hyman Roth, “The Godfather” 

To me, stock price deception is seen with more frequency today than in any time in modern investment history.

Our markets, influenced by massive central bank liquidity and dominated by passive strategies (ETFs, risk parity, and volatility trending), not only are inhibiting price discovery but also are artificially influencing price action — “buyers live higher and sellers live lower” — to both the upside and downside.

In some measure, this is reducing the authenticity and validity of stock prices and charts and is hurting the value of technical analysis, which may be basing its decisions, in part, on artificial patterns/prices/data. On the other hand, it benefits those who view the market without emotion and who are willing to buy extreme weakness and sell extreme strength.

Yesterday underscored the reasons why and how I look at stocks. I would emphasize, again, that I do not have a concession on the process and I recognize that others have different approaches that provide good investment returns.

But I have a logic in my approach and Wednesday’s bifurcated action and its selective and often extreme volatility underscores some of these principles that I have adopted over the last four decades and provides some additional lessons:

* Avoid Volatile and Unpredictable Stocks — It’s Gambling: In the last two days, Riot Blockchain Inc. (RIOT) has had a range from about $12 to $25. There has been no news to account for that volatility and random action.Other collateral bitcoin plays such as Social Reality Inc. (SRAX) and Xunlei Ltd. (XNET) have had similarly large trading ranges. No specific company news there, either. Given my risk profile, I never will trade in these stocks. Others believe differently and believe they successfully can skate on this thin ice, but I will stick to my risk appetite, and I believe all but a few professionals may be kidding themselves in rationalizing these stocks “tradeability.” This also explains my reluctance to trade bitcoin, which had a trading range yesterday of $9,290 to $11,377 — again, on no news.

 

No Matter What the Charts Say, I Prefer to View Every Trade/Investment Based on an Assessment of Reward vs. Risk — Seize Those Opportunities: The dynamic of an upside/downside calculation and determining discounts or premiums to intrinsic value form the basis for my trading and investment decisions. Recently, I successfully traded two retail stocks, Macy’s Inc. (M) and Dillard’s Inc. (DDS) , on this basis. Consider Twitter Inc. (TWTR) , which at $22 a share looked technically solid. Nevertheless, I sold off a large portion of my position between $22 and $22.50 recently based on an assessment of a less-favorable upside/downside ratio. Others bought based on an improving chart. Both I and they are likely comfortable with our decisions, but the purpose of this missive is to further explain my tenets and methodology.

 

* There Are Many Great Charts That Lie at the Bottom of the Sea: Though one or two days don’t make a market, the artificiality of the markets may be underscored by two stocks yesterday — Micron Technology Inc. (MU) and Square Inc. (SQ) . Both recently looked fantastic technically. Embraced by many a talking head in the business media, both have been schmeissed in recent sessions. Like the Nasdaq 100 ((QQQ) was down $3 yesterday), they all looked good on the charts until they didn’t, and all provided little indication to prepare traders for the reversals. At times like these, it is increasingly dangerous to buy stocks on breakouts. Buying calls on these stocks moves one further to the end of the risk curve. This strategy may work well for some time in a trending market, but a swift directional change can evaporate profits and eviscerate a portfolio. Again, such a strategy should be limited to professionals, and even that body of traders may suffer from a steady diet of options activity, as academic studies show.

 

Do Not Underestimate the Impact of Price Momentum Strategies on Individual Stocks and Sectors: Over the last month, technology, especially of a FANG kind, has soared and other areas such as retail have collapsed. The possible artificiality of both moves was evident in the reversals this week and yesterday. Amazon.com Inc. (AMZN) , as an example, was down by more than $45 on no news yesterday. Retail stocks such as M and DDS rose by 10% on Wednesday and 20% in the last week, also on no news. This may underscore (1) the reduced value of analyzing stocks on price technically, and (2) that opportunities are provided for those who are emotionless and have a sense of intrinsic values and legitimate upside/downside calculations.

 

A Diversified Portfolio Is a Preferable Course: Jim “El Capitan” Cramer detailed the value of this approach late yesterday in a well-thought-out column, “‘Am I Diversified?’ May Be Boring, but It Can Help Avoid the Pain.” Please reread it. As a matter of course, and as most are now aware, I keep my individual stock positions as a low percentage of my total overall portfolio and often have 40 to 50 portfolio names. I am always diversified in position size (typically at about 2% to 3% each) and in sector exposure (limited to 15% of the portfolio). Recognize that when a trader or investor is only buying “good” charts, that is not being diversified. Rather, it is part of a process that leads to a binary outcome that may end badly given the likely artificiality of prices.

Bottom Line

The artificiality of stock prices has accelerated in recent years with the domination of passive investment strategies.

I will not trade/invest in stocks solely on the basis that they “look good” on the charts in this sort of setting, which is dominated by influences that create an under-appreciated degree of price deception.

For these reasons and others I will not buy breakouts and sell breakdowns; this may be the wrong approach in the environment we are now in.

Rather, an approach to buying value and breakdowns and selling seemingly irrationally based prices and breakouts is my investment cup of tea based on the fundamental and dynamic assessment of intrinsic values relative to the current prices.

Others disagree and I respect their ability to navigate differently. I am not taking a shot at their approaches; rather, I am saying what serves me well and what may serve the majority of conservative risk-based investors and traders well.

This is how I am handling the markets these days, and, frankly, will forever.

And … buckle up.

via http://ift.tt/2BvOvaX Tyler Durden

Amazon Awarded Patent For “Self-Destructing Drones”

Amazon has just been granted patent number 9,828,097 for drone technology that allows the unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) to self-destruct in a sequence in the event of a catastrophic failure.

The abstract of the patent describes the process as “directed fragmentation of an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV)”, which basically means the craft will strategically disassemble itself in the air during an emergency.

The patent describes how an onboard computer called the “fragmentation controller” would override the traditional flight systems in the event of a catastrophic failure.

The computer would then quickly analyze the future flight path, taking in calculations for weather conditions and terrain, before initiating a “fragmentation sequence.”

Amazon provides an illustration of the self-destructing drone in motion dropping the heaviest components of the craft on a tree and a body of water.

The abstract of the patent reads:

Directed fragmentation of an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is described. In one embodiment, the UAV includes various components, such one or more motors, batteries, sensors, a housing, casing or shell, and a payload for delivery.

 

Additionally, the UAV includes a flight controller and a fragmentation controller. The flight controller determines a flight path and controls a flight operation of the UAV. During the flight operation, the fragmentation controller develops a fragmentation sequence for one or more of the components based on the flight path, the flight conditions, and terrain topology information, among other factors.

 

The fragmentation controller can also detect a disruption in the flight operation of the UAV and, in response, direct fragmentation of one or more of the components apart from the UAV. In that way, a controlled, directed fragmentation of the UAV can be accomplished upon any disruption to the flight operation of the UAV.  

The order in which components are discharged from the craft could be based on their value, said the patent. The process of detachment is said to use “springs, small explosive charges, compressed gas charges, or similar mechanisms”.  Even though Amazon has been granted the patent, it doesn’t make the development of a self-destructing drone inevitable.

According to The Verge, the company has applied for various patents including: “parachutes built into shipping labels, drone beehives for distribution in big cities, and drone-carrying blimps.” Further, the article believes Amazon’s style is to “aggressively throw ideas at the wall” in the form of patents and see what sticks.

Nevertheless, all these wild and wonderful inventions have yet to be approved by government regulators, thus making it a pipeline for now.

Perhaps in a preview of things to come, Amazon delivery drones self-destructing in the sky might not be the best idea, as per the video below:

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Trump’s Tax Cut – FDR Would Be Envious

Authored by Tom Luongo,

The first rule of politics is feather your own nest.  President Trump’s tax cut proposal always had this in mind.

Congress has passed a bill which tinkers at the edges but leaves most of Trump’s core proposal intact.  It’s obvious to me that Trump has the political acumen of another brilliant U.S. politician, the loathsome Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

Yeah, I’m not a fan of FDR.  But I do respect his political skill in the same way I respect the way sharks hunt their prey.

FDR repackaged Herbert Hoover’s Works Progress Administration as “The New Deal” which set him on a course of near perpetual re-election thanks to the wealth redistribution it engendered.

Am I saying the New Deal was nothing more than a vote-buying scheme?  Yeah, pretty much.  FDR knew that politicizing the Supreme Court and pushing the New Deal, even if he did it for the right reasons, would reshape the Federal election landscape for generations.

Trump’s tax plan will have similar effects.  And it’s why there was such staunch opposition to it in Congress.

Democratic leadership understand that the triple-whammy of eliminating the State and Local Tax exemption, lowering corporate tax rate to 20% and incentivizing the on-shoring of corporate profits held overseas will gut their support at the electoral college level.

Why?

Mr. Trump, Tear Down that Blue Wall!

The incentives are now aligned to accelerate the exodus of workers and businesses from high tax, high-regulation states like New York, New Jersey, Illinois and California to low-tax, lower regulation states like Florida, Georgia, Tennessee and Texas.

In other words the Blue Wall will crumble.

The bill is not 48 hours old and already the mainstream media is trying to tell us how horrible this is.  From CBS News via MSN.com comes a four-way case study of taxpayers under the new law, in three of their four case studies taxes drop significantly.  In one they try and scare old people about how their health insurance costs will rise.

But, in gutting Obamacare, everyone’s health care costs are going to fall, so….

In that one case, John and Maya their “Married Couple with Two Kids” become the “Married Couple with One Kid from New Jersey,” does the taxpayer get the shaft.

The whole article is a mess of gamesmanship.  A married couple with 1 kid making a combined $71,000 should not be living in a $600,000 house!

In New Jersey!

Putting 10% of their income into their 401k!

Do they eat dirt?

That version of John and Maya doesn’t exist.  And if they do, they shouldn’t. And the tax code should not be gamed to allow them to do so, because then it’s a tax subsidy from the self-employed to the fake middle class.

In fact, another benefit of this tax code will be the bursting of over-priced middle class real estate in high-tax states as John and Maya face financial reality.

In software parlance, that’s not a bug, it’s a feature.  It’s called political retribution.

In the current market John and Maya are better off selling their house, taking the equity, buying a nice house in a secondary market in Florida or Alabama and living mortgage free or nearly so while building new careers locally.

They could practically live on the child and EIC while working at Home Depot, thanks to 1) the increased exemptions for lower-income workers and 2) local construction will be booming.

Bringing Home the Bacon

Turning to the onshoring of corporate profits.  All of that capital returning from overseas to invest in infrastructure and production won’t go to the big ‘Blue Wall’ states like New Jersey but to the new production belt in places like Chattanooga.

That’s where the jobs will be and that’s where the people will gravitate.  Moreover, the effect I just described for John and Maya will become an epidemic in places like L.A. (where Hollywood will be getting smaller) and Seattle (software development is moving towards blockchain).

These people will see their overall tax bill rise unless they make the rational choice to sell their over-valued property to some European or Chinese ‘investor’ looking to flee economic chaos locally, pocket the profit and cut their tax bill in half.

Congress’ Joint Commission on Taxes severely low-balled the amount of capital U.S. firms will repatriate.  According to this article by Larry Kudlow (not normally someone I would quote, but here he’s rational), the JCT estimated just $500 billion out of $3 trillion in offshore corporate profits will come home over 3 years.

And then they said 1-2% growth, which, with a tax structure like this, is a low ball.  The JCT’s own rate of estimated repatriation ($280 billion in 2018) alone would add more than 1% to GDP as corporate savings is added to Gross National Spending.  So, spare me the class-warfare histrionics.

This is mainly how they came to conclude the tax bill would cost us $1.4 trillion over ten years.  That’s $140 billion a year.  Surely, 1) we can cut spending by that much and 2) we waste ten times that in off-budget wars and subsidies every year.

There’s plenty of room to cover the ‘costs’ of this tax cut.

The FOMO Trade

The tax bill itself will make the U.S. more competitive than the sclerotic social welfare states in Europe and Japan.  Capital flight into U.S. real estate as a safe-haven play will keep demand up as Americans migrate away from the taxes and Europeans and Asians flee currency devaluation and bursting debt bubbles.

The old tax system was designed to make us competitive with Europe.  In other words, normalizing our tax system with theirs while we still pay for their defense, the U.N. and bear the burden of the world’s reserve currency and all the issues of Triffin’s paradox that entails.

In short, the tax code was designed to redistribute America’s wealth around the world in pure Marxist style.  Raise our costs instead of forcing them to lower theirs.

In fact, this tax bill will only accelerate those processes already underway. The Dow is making new highs while the German DAX is struggling.

That fire under the Dow Jones and the cryptocurrency markets is only just beginning as the middle class is freed from the yoke of Obamacare to begin taking part in the current runaway bull markets.

This year’s tax refunds will fuel a whole lotta FOMO, folks.

A Good Start

The tax cut bill moving through Congress now is by no means perfect.  Eliminating income taxes is the ideal. But, that’s not possible so in evaluating it I’m looking for whether it solves the big problem, namely the incentives to push capital out of the U.S.

It does this.

Lowering the corporate tax rate alone is a major win for Trump.  Yes, personal tax rates need to go down.  Yes, a lot more work needs to be done for small entrepreneurs and the self-employed who are still massively disadvantaged by the code.  But, this bill is a major step in the right direction of reversing the flow of real wealth and incentivizing it to stay onshore.

Don’t let the Michael Moore’s of the world influence you one whit.  That man has nine houses and is a multi-millionaire.  He’s also a fat, stupid hypocrite and an economic ignoramus.  Fix the business environment first.  Invite capital back onshore.  Get U.S. corporates spending at home.

Meanwhile Ted Cruz, Rand Paul and the incoming freshman class of MAGA guys can amend this bill to make it even better for the middle class.  In Hollywood terms, they can fix this in post-production.

The cuts that Trump has ordered to the cabinet departments will begin having the biggest impact in the second half of his term.

The capital flight I just described will add to the mix, and for a short time, the U.S. will likely see an economic boom it hasn’t seen since the days of Volcker, Stockman and Reagan.  And that, my friends, is what the Democrats truly fear, a 2020 election that puts Kamala Harris into the role of Walter Mondale.

FDR would be proud.

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Eric Peters: “Today’s Central Bank Vol Suppression Will End In Spectacular Fashion”

After his provocative admission published earlier that he now checks “Breitbart daily and InfoWars too… You can no longer understand America unless you do“, One River’s CIO Eric Peters published the following anecdote revealing an earlier moment of his life, when as a currency trader, he learned a valuable lesson following the spectacular blow up of Europe’s Exchange Rate Mechanism, or ERM, and why the lesson from some 25 years ago, leads Peters to conclude that “Today’s central bank volatility suppression regime resembles it, and will end in spectacular fashion”.

Anecdote:

 

“Let’s step into my office,” he said. So I did. He was my boss. “The firm’s most important client needs help.” I listened, uninterested, unconcerned about clients, their problems. Barely cared about my boss. I had a game to play, solo sport, and loved it to the exclusion of all else.

 

“They need to do a very large trade.” A twenty-six-year-old proprietary trader’s mind is rather primitive. Which is good and bad. Being young and dumb allows you to see things elders can’t. And take risks one rarely should. In 1992, I’d done both. “They need to buy three hundred million Mark/Lira.”

 

Europeans established a mechanism to lock their exchange rates into narrow ranges to reduce market volatility and promote economic convergence. In theory it worked, in practice it didn’t. Politicians named it the ERM.

 

What would you like to do?” he asked, calm. I stood there, processing. Such a sum was extraordinary even before the ERM blew up, which it just had. For months, I’d bought options in anticipation of its demise. Honestly, it was obvious.

 

The ERM encouraged speculators to build massive leveraged carry positions, discouraged corporations from hedging exchange rate risk, suppressing volatility and interest rate spreads everywhere. The process was reflexive.

 

Today’s central bank volatility suppression regime resembles it, and will end in spectacular fashion. All such things do.

 

“I want to buy more!” I answered. My foreign-exchange options left me long the exact amount our client needed to buy. No other bank would sell them such a large sum. So naturally, I wanted more.

 

“You should sell them your whole position,” he told me, firm. I couldn’t understand, it made no sense. “Big customer orders like this usually mark the highs – never forget it,” he said. I left his office angry, irate, sold my whole position. And he was right.

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“Here’s What’s In It”: Goldman Explains All You Need To Know About The Current State Of Tax Reform

To the delight of Donald Trump, just before 2am on Saturday morning the Senate passed the Republican Tax bill in a 51-49 vote, and with tax reform legislation now passing both chambers of Congress it looks very likely to become law by year-end, probably within the next two weeks according to Goldman Sachs which now ascribes a 90% probability of the legislation becomes law by year end.

In it latest assessment of the state of tax reform, Goldman analysts Alex Phillips and Jan Hatzius write that while largely a done deal, some differences between the two versions still need to be ironed out: “We expect the final structure of the bill to reflect more of the Senate bill than the House bill, including a 20% corporate tax rate effective in 2019, the Senate’s more restrictive limit on net interest deductibility, and the Senate’s treatment of pass-through income. Both proposals now include a $10k cap on state and local property tax deductibility, rather than full repeal, eliminating the most important political difference between the bills before the conference negotiations start.”

Additionally, Goldman adds that while the corporate tax changes are likely to result in a net tax reduction in corporate tax liabilities, the size of the tax cut actually looks fairly small. Compared to current policy, the compromise legislation we expect to emerge from the conference committee would reduce the effective corporate tax rate by only a couple of percentage points.

Perhaps the most surprising take home from the Goldman analysis is that while the bank has increased its estimate of the growth impact from tax reform slightly, to around 0.3% in 2018 and 2019 – “reflecting the slightly larger amount of tax cuts in the Senate plan following revisions, and our expectations regarding the eventual compromise” – it still expects a relatively modest boost to overall economic growth.

That said, questions remains, most notably: “what’s in the actual bill?”

To answer, we publish the latest Goldman analysis for those still confused – which would be pretty much everyone – what is currently contained in the most sweeping tax overhaul in the US since the days of Ronald Reagan.

Tax Reform: The Home Stretch

Q: The Senate has passed the bill, now what?

A: Differences between the House and Senate bills are likely to be reconciled in a conference committee. A conference committee involves the appointment of conferees of both parties from the House and the Senate, with a majority of conferees needed to approve the final agreement. As a practical matter, House and Senate Republican leaders and a few other relevant Republican lawmakers are likely to negotiate the final agreement, as recent votes in the House and Senate demonstrate that Democratic support is unlikely to be needed to conclude the conference negotiation. Once the final conference report has been filed, the House and Senate must pass it once again before sending it to the President for signature. A simple majority would be required in both chambers, with no changes possible.

A possible alternative would be for the House to simply pass the Senate-passed bill, avoiding the conference process and expediting enactment. In light of the impending special Senate election in Alabama, upcoming fiscal deadlines, and general political uncertainty, congressional Republican leaders might consider this option if conference negotiations take longer than expected, though at this stage a conference committee looks much more likely.

We expect congressional Republican leaders to begin conference negotiations immediately, and believe they will target completion the week of December 11. If successful, this would produce final details around December 11-13, and final passage in the House and Senate December 14-15. One reason we expect this timing is because of the need to address expiring spending authority by December 8, which we expect to be extended temporarily through December 22, creating only a short period before year end when Congress is not addressing other fiscal deadlines.

Q: How likely is this to become law?

A: It is extremely likely that tax reform legislation becomes law, with a 90% chance it becomes law by year-end. Our view has been that once legislation has cleared the Senate, the odds of enactment would be quite high because the Senate has always represented the greatest obstacle to enactment. Reconciling differences in the conference committee represents a risk, but we do not believe congressional Republicans would allow tax reform to fail after having passed similar versions in both chambers. Even in the event that the conference negotiation bogs down, we expect that the House would simply adopt the Senate-passed version if there were no other alternative, though a compromise through a conference committee looks much more likely at this point.

Although the legislative process has been slower than we expected for the most of the year, over the last couple of months we have been consistently surprised at how quickly congressional Republicans have made progress on tax reform. The final step in the process, the House-Senate conference committee, often takes several weeks to complete; in 1986 it took conferees two months to reconcile differences between House and Senate versions of tax reform legislation, for example. However, it would not be unprecedented for a conference committee on major tax legislation to be completed in less time; the conference process for the 1981, 2001, and 2003 tax cuts took a week or less, for example. With the apparent motivation that congressional Republicans have to finish work on tax reform this year, we expect that a conference agreement between the House and Senate could be voted upon by mid-December. While it is possible that consideration of tax reform could spill over into January, at this point enactment in December looks far more likely.

Q: How does this compare to consensus?

A: Market pricing also reflects a view that tax reform is likely to become law. Over the last few weeks, high-tax stocks have outperformed low-tax stocks (Exhibit 2). This reflects, in our view, a growing expectation of tax reform, which should benefit companies with high effective tax rates more than companies with low effective tax rates. Prediction markets, which as recently as October ascribed only a 20% probability to tax reform being enacted this year, now imply a nearly 80% probability. The implied probability by the end of Q1 is around 95%. Our conversations with clients also suggest little remaining uncertainty regarding whether the bill becomes law. Instead, the focus has shifted to what changes might still be made, how differences between the House and Senate versions will be resolved, and what the effect will be across sectors.

Q: What changed in the Senate bill?

A: The pass-through, state and local tax (SALT), and capex expensing provisions became more generous, while alternative minimum tax (AMT) changes and profit repatriation rates became less generous. Among the major changes the Senate made prior to committee-passed version of the bill:

  • Some property taxes would be deductible. The first $10k in state and local property taxes could be deducted under the Senate bill, bringing it into line with the House version. Previously no state and local taxes could be deducted from non-business income under the Senate version.
  • The deduction for pass-through income has increased to 23%. The benefit would phase out for taxpayers with income above $500k, similar to the prior version. For taxpayers with total income near the limit who would otherwise be in the 35% bracket under this proposal, this would work out to tax rate on pass-through income of roughly 27%, rather than 29% under the prior version.
  • Capex benefits would last slightly longer. Under the prior proposal, full expensing of equipment investment would have expired after 2022. With the recent revisions, the share of equipment that could be deducted in the year of investment would decline by 20pp after 2022, expiring fully in 2027.
  • No AMT repeal, after all. The AMT imposes additional tax beyond the standard income tax on middle- and upper-income taxpayers with substantial deductions, among other circumstances. A separate AMT is applied to corporations. The House bill and original Senate bill would have eliminated the AMT; the revised Senate version increases the exemption amount for individuals but stops short of repeal; the corporate AMT appears to be left in place as well. Individual and corporate AMT repeal were estimated to reduce revenues by $770bn and $40bn respectively; this change is expected to offset the cost of some of the more generous provisions noted above.
  • Higher tax rates on unrepatriated profits. The prior Senate n proposal would have taxed untaxed foreign profits at 10% if held in cash or liquid assets, or 5% if not. The current version steps up those tax rates to 14.5% and 7.5%.

Q: What happened to the “trigger” idea?

A: The trigger was dropped because it became politically unnecessary. Senator Corker (R-TN) and several other senators who were concerned about the deficit impact of the legislation had proposed a provision that would reverse some of the tax cuts several years from now if revenues had not grown more quickly than the official projections. As the revenue gain from the trigger would have been contingent on economic developments, the trigger was ruled noncompliant with the “Byrd Rule”, which stipulates that only provisions that have a fiscal effect can be included in budget reconciliation legislation. After this ruling, and other changes to the bill, all but one Republican senator had announced public support for the bill, meaning that it had sufficient support without the trigger. It is possible that the concept could be revisited if there is insufficient support for the final conference agreement without it, but at this point a trigger looks very unlikely.

Q: What are the remaining issues that need to be worked out?

A: The greatest policy differences between the House and Senate bills involve the AMT and top marginal rate, pass-through treatment, corporate provisions dealing with cross-border transactions, and net interest deductibility. Exhibit 3 summarizes the differences between the House-passed and Senate-passed versions, along with the estimated revenue effects over ten years estimated by the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT). The right column of Exhibit 3 suggests what a potential compromise between the two versions might look like that would stay under the $1.5 trillion overall limit on revenue loss imposed by the recently passed budget resolution.

Q: Will the ACA mandate be repealed?

A: We expect the penalty on the uninsured to be set to $0, which would have the same practical effect as repeal. The Senate legislation sets the penalty on the uninsured to $0, which is estimated to generate over $300bn in budgetary savings over the next ten years. This is used to expand other tax cuts in the bill. House Republicans have been more supportive of repealing the individual mandate than Senate Republicans have, so Senate passage suggests that this change is likely to be included in the final version of the legislation, in our view.

Repealing the mandate would have two main effects. First, insurance coverage would decline. CBO has estimated that the level of uninsured would rise by 4 million in the first year after mandate repeal, and by 12 million in the third year.1 Given that the enrollment period for 2018 concludes in less than two weeks on December 15, around the same time that we expect tax reform legislation to become law, our expectation would be that the decline in coverage in 2018 would be somewhat smaller than the CBO estimate but that the effect in later years would be similar.

Second, premiums in the individual market would increase. CBO has estimated that average premiums would rise by about 10% without the mandate. Younger and healthier individuals are the most likely to drop coverage without the mandate. This would leave the remaining risk pool older and less healthy, leading to an increase in premiums. That said, since ACA subsidies are designed so that the government pays the portion of premium that exceeds a certain percentage of an individual’s income, subsidized enrollees would be responsible for only some or, in some cases, none of the additional premium cost. By contrast, unsubsidized enrollees would bear the full increase. CBO has estimated that the individual insurance market would continue to be stable without the individual mandate.

Q: How will corporate interest deductibility change?

A: The outlook here is murkier than in most other areas, but fiscal constraints could lead lawmakers to include the more restrictive Senate proposal in the final version. The House-passed legislation restricts net interest deductibility to 30% of an income definition that roughly translates to earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation amortization (EBITDA). By contrast, the Senate restricts interest deductibility to 30% of an income definition that roughly translates to earnings before interest and taxes (EBIT). The difference is substantial, and JCT estimates that the more restrictive Senate version would generate nearly twice as much revenue as the House provision.

Exhibit 4 shows the average interest deduction by industry as a share of each definition, using 2013 data from the IRS. We note that in the House and Senate bills, utilities are excluded from the limitation; the real estate sector is excluded in the House bill as well, and companies in that sector would have the ability to opt out of the limitation in the Senate bill but would lose the benefit of full expensing if they did.

The outcome for this provision is particularly hard to predict but we believe a provision closer to the Senate provision seems more likely to prevail. In light of the need to offset other changes to the bill, we would expect that negotiators will lean toward the version that generates greater savings if they are able to pass the Senate which has tended to be the higher political hurdle for the tax bill in general.

Q: How will the corporate international provisions be settled?

A: We expect the Senate’s “inbound” provisions to prevail, but the “outbound” provisions are hard to predict. The House and Senate both include “outbound” provisions intended to impose a minimum tax on some of the foreign operations of US companies, and “inbound” provisions intended to combat the erosion of the domestic corporate tax base through transactions with foreign affiliates. The general structure of the outbound and inbound proposals is similar in the House and Senate proposals.

The inbound proposals are conceptually similar but differ in the details. In both cases, they would effectively tax deductible payments that a US company makes to its foreign affiliates. In the House, this is structured as a 20% excise tax, though companies would have the option to elect to be taxed on the associated foreign income instead. In the Senate, the proposal would effectively impose a 10% tax on related-party payments. An important difference is that the Senate provision would appear to exclude payments to related foreign manufacturers for cost of goods sold, while the House proposal could tax some of those payments, with potentially greater effects on cross-border supply chains. That said, even the Senate version is likely to have consequences that are only understood after the legislation has been enacted and companies start to implement the new rules.

The outbound proposals are slightly more straightforward. These would impose a tax on any foreign intangible income exceeding a specified return (e.g., 10% in the Senate bill) on foreign tangible assets (e.g., depreciable assets like equipment and structures). Exhibit 5 shows the effective combined US and foreign tax rate under the House and Senate bills. While the House bill would tax half of this income at the 20% domestic corporate rate, for a 10% effective minimum tax, the Senate uses a more complicated structure that taxes all intangible income from foreign assets as US income at the 20% rate, but provides a 37.5% deduction of all intangible-related income related to foreign sales, whether from US assets or foreign assets. This could remove the incentive to move intellectual property and other intangibles to foreign subsidiaries since they would receive the same treatment on their foreign sales regardless of where the assets were held. However, previous US tax regimes that taxed income from US-based assets differently depending on whether the income was generated by sales in the US or in other markets were repealed after they were challenged successfully in the WTO by trading partners. In light of the risk of another successful challenge, we believe the conference committee is slightly more likely to settle on a policy closer to the House
proposal in this area.

Q: When will the changes take effect?

A: Apart from the potential delay in the corporate rate cut, almost all of the changes will take effect at the start of 2018. There are essentially no retroactive tax cuts or tax increases in the House or Senate proposals, with the notable exception of the tax on accumulated untaxed foreign profits. The only major provision that does not take effect at the start of 2018 is the Senate corporate rate reduction, which remains at 35% in 2018 and drops to 20% starting in 2019. We expect this will be included in the final version, since it reduces the ten-year cost of the bill by more than $100bn. Proponents of the delay argue this would also spur more capital investment in 2018, as it would incentivize companies to pull forward capex that would be fully deductible against the 35% rate in 2018 rather than the 20% rate in 2019. Exhibit 6 shows the overall change in tax receipts estimated by the Joint Committee on Taxation, shifted to a calendar year basis. We note corporate tax receipts are estimated to increase in 2018 under the Senate bill, which results from tax payments related to deemed repatriated profits, which would not be offset by a lower corporate tax rate until 2019.

Q: How will the bill affect corporate tax liabilities?

A: It will reduce effective corporate tax rates much less than the 15pp drop in the statutory rate implies. For context, the JCT estimates of the revenue effects of the tax bills are made against a baseline that assumes roughly $3.9 trillion in corporate tax receipts over the next ten years. This suggests that a corporate tax cut of around $300bn/10yrs should result in only a reduction in the effective tax rate across companies of less than 10%. This would result in less than a 2pp decline in the average effective corporate income tax rate, using for example the 19% average effective rate estimated by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO).

The eventual effect also depends on what assumption one makes regarding the extension of expiring provisions. Under current law, corporate taxes would rise by roughly $250bn over the next ten years due to the expiration of the current 50% bonus depreciation policy for equipment investment and a number of smaller expiring policies would add about $150bn more over the next ten years. Exhibit 7 shows the same estimates of the tax changes shown in Exhibit 6, but adds the effect of expiring policies that have not been addressed in the TCJA.

If Congress took no further action on taxes over the next ten years, corporate taxes would actually increase slightly versus current policy. However, most assume that some of these provisions will be extended when they are set to expire; under the Senate-passed bill, 100% immediate expensing of equipment investment is scheduled to phase down by 20% per year starting in 2023 but Congress could step in to prevent this phase-down.

Q: What does this mean for growth?

A: We expect the legislation to boost growth by around 0.3pp in 2018 and 2019. This is based mainly on the Senate version of the bill, which delays the corporate income tax cut to 2019 but includes a tax cut for individuals (including pass-through income) of around 0.6% of GDP in 2018, slightly greater than what we had previously penciled in. The effect is spread over two years in part because some of the provisions that reduce individual income taxes would show up primarily as lower tax settlements in 2019 rather than reduced withholding from paychecks in 2018.

On the corporate side, we disregard the temporary increase in tax payments in 2018 related to the tax on deemed repatriation; we do not estimate a growth effect from those repatriated profits, either. While the corporate tax cut looks likely to take effect with a one year delay, in 2019, we note that there is likely to be some pull-forward of capex from 2019 into 2018, as companies attempt to maximize their deductions against the higher corporate rate.

We note that the effect in 2020 and beyond looks minimal and could actually be slightly negative, as the JCT estimates suggest that the tax cut that year would actually be slightly smaller than in 2019. Exhibit 8 shows our revised estimate of the growth effects of fiscal policy, incorporating an assumption similar to the fiscal effects of the potential compromise shown in Exhibit 3.

Q: What are the political consequences of tax reform?

A: We do not expect it to help Republican prospects very much. Congressional Republicans have suggested that passing tax reform should help them maintain their majority after the 2018 midterm elections. While passing tax cuts ahead of an election should improve the majority party’s prospects, it is less clear that tax reform will provide the political tailwind Republicans are expecting. Certain provisions are controversial, and the bill overall is relatively unpopular among voters; an average of recent polling shows 32% of voters support the legislation, which compares unfavorably with other major tax cuts like the 1981 or 2001 tax bills, or even the roughly revenue-neutral tax reforms enacted in 1986. This is likely because one in three voters believes their taxes will increase because of tax reform, with more Democrats expecting an increase than average.

If these concerns persist, voters are likely to be ambivalent, or worse, regarding tax reform. That said, sentiment might improve if voters perceive over time that their taxes have declined. The Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) predicts taxes will decrease or stay the same for about 90% of voters through 2021 (Exhibit 9). The most controversial aspects of the legislation also have mixed implications; while voters favor repealing the individual mandate by two to one, for example, repealing SALT deductions continues to be unpopular and could become a liability in the dozen or so competitive Republican-held House districts in New York, New Jersey and California.

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