Elon Musk’s Mistaken Call for a ‘Universal High Income’


Illustration of Elon Musk, a stack of money, and a robot | Frédéric Legrand/Envato/Tesla/Dreamstime

Even before artificial intelligence was a meaningful force in the economy, technologists, politicians, and policy wonks of all political persuasions have endorsed a universal basic income to cope with the mass unemployment that will be caused by the AI revolution.

The familiar case is that an AI-powered economy will be able to automate most economic production, making the economy as a whole much richer, but leaving the average person jobless and destitute. The solution is then to redistribute some of the gains from AI to the public by sending everyone, regardless of income, a check.

Businessman Elon Musk has gone one step further by calling for a “universal HIGH INCOME” to pay for the AI-induced unemployment, which he suggested would be inflation-free thanks to the downward pressure AI will put on prices.

Musk is almost certainly right that AI will put downward pressure on prices, as one would expect of any productivity-enhancing technology.

He’s mistaken in believing that this makes a universal income (regardless of whether it’s basic or “HIGH”) a wise policy.

Even in a future in which AI does revolutionize the economy, we will not see technologically driven mass unemployment. In fact, a universal basic income would likely result in more of the joblessness it’s meant to mitigate.

To the first point, the industrial revolution has been outsourcing more and more tasks to labor-saving machines for roughly 300 years now. While this ongoing process has certainly made lots of individual jobs obsolete, it has not made jobs generally obsolete.

Excepting the monthly ups and downs of the unemployment rate, the total number of jobs in the economy continues to rise precipitously in the long run.

If labor-saving technology destroyed the need for labor, we should have fewer jobs today than ever before. We don’t. Even as farms and factories employ fewer people, we keep finding ways to keep ourselves busy.

The AI boosters and doomers argue that this time will be different, because unlike spinning jennies, combine harvesters, and email, AI will eventually be smarter than humans at everything. When there’s nothing that flesh-and-blood humans can do better than machines, we’ll end up doing nothing at all.

These arguments are obviously speculative because we don’t have artificial general intelligence yet. Even when we do, it’s reasonable to assume that humans will continue to have employable comparative advantages, if only because humans prize human interaction.

There are lots of jobs today that could be automated but aren’t. Plenty of people work in offices even if their tasks could be completed remotely. So long as people are social creatures, I can only assume we’ll find something marketable to do with our time.

Outside of speculative future scenarios, here in the real world, the economic impact of AI continues to look similar to the impacts of past productivity-enhancing technological innovations. That’s true even in industries that have been most influenced by AI.

Language translation is something that AI has long been pretty good at, and language translation services have become increasingly automated over time.

When journalist Timothy Lee looked at the impact of AI on the industry in 2023, he found that the technology had caused prices for translation to fall, and more consumption of translation services. Translators themselves were adapting by either specializing in translation of legal or medical texts (which still requires human oversight), using AI to increase their productivity, or dropping out of the industry.

The effects of AI on translators weren’t all positive. But that basic story of falling prices, rising productivity, some jobs disappearing, and others becoming more specialized sounds a lot like every industry revolutionized by technology.

The evidence that AI will finally be the technology that puts everyone out of work just isn’t there.

Economic transitions don’t happen automatically. It will take time for people to find new jobs as AI destroys the old ones.

That’s precisely why a universal basic income or (“HIGH INCOME”) would be so dangerous to adopt.

A pretty robust finding in the research is that giving people unconditional cash grants leads them to work less and even stop working at all if the benefits are generous enough.

Pairing advancing AI with a universal basic income would give people a major incentive not to work, right as many existing jobs are being automated away. Instead of people finding their next comparative advantage in an economy being made more productive but also automated by AI, many would probably just stay home instead.

Far from mitigating the employment effects of AI, a universal income would seem to usher in the jobless dystopia that those convinced of AI’s transformative effects are worried about.

We should have a little faith in humans and technology. For centuries, technological progress has made us richer while creating more jobs. The only way AI will be different is if we use its productivity gains to pay people not to work.

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Unpaid Trash Company Empties Dumpster Rental Load On Customer’s Front Lawn

Unpaid Trash Company Empties Dumpster Rental Load On Customer’s Front Lawn

A Bay Area dumpster company decided to skip collections and go straight to… lawn delivery.

Express Rental Dumpster said a San Pablo customer rented a bin while moving out, but the payment situation was, generously, fictional. The owner, Martin Perez, said the card kept getting declined while the customer kept promising “later”, according to Fox News.

So instead of eating the cost, the driver showed up and made a statement. Ring camera footage shows him briefly talking to someone off-screen, cracking open the truck so some trash spills out, then backing up and dumping the entire load onto the front lawn. 

At one point, someone from inside the house comes out and starts yelling, though it didn’t reverse the sudden landscaping change.

Perez told KTVU he’d already lost money on the job and would’ve had to pay extra dumping fees himself—apparently a line he wasn’t interested in crossing.

Police eventually showed up and told the driver to at least move debris off the sidewalk and back onto the property. A neighbor, meanwhile, claimed the homeowner insisted they had paid about $700, which only makes the whole situation murkier.

But thank God for America’s growing homeless population…because in the end, the trash pile was picked through by scavengers and later cleaned up with help from a neighbor—because nothing says neighborhood bonding like surprise garbage mountain.

Tyler Durden
Fri, 04/17/2026 – 18:00

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“F**k It…Just Do It”: Carville Lays Out Democratic Plan To Add States And Pack The Court To Retain Power

“F**k It…Just Do It”: Carville Lays Out Democratic Plan To Add States And Pack The Court To Retain Power

Authored by Jonathan Turley via jonathanturley.org,

Various Democrats have been openly discussing their plans after retaking power to change the system so they never lose power again. Democratic strategist James Carville has been one of the most vocal and returned to the subject this week in laying out how they will make D.C. and Puerto Rico states and pack the Supreme Court with a liberal majority.

On his podcast with Al Hunt, Carville explained, “If the Democrats win the presidency and both houses of Congress, I think on day one, they should make Puerto Rico [and] D.C. a state, and they should expand the Supreme Court to 13. F— it. Eat our dust.”

Notably, this week, New Jersey just elected a radical new member, Analilia Mejia, who ran on packing the Court and other radical agenda items. While some of us have written about the expansion of the Court, these politicians and pundits are pushing for the packing, not just gradual expanding, of the Court.

However, Carville (curiously on a national podcast) seriously suggested that Democrats should keep the plan quiet: “Don’t run on it. Don’t talk about it. Just do it.”

Call it the Nike School of Constitutional Law.

The need of the left to pack the Supreme Court is obvious. Many of the proposals coming from the left are clearly unconstitutional. You will need a partisan majority to make the political changes that these figures hope will give the Democrats a lock on power for years to come.

Years ago, Harvard professor Michael Klarman laid out a radical agenda to change the system to guarantee Republicans “will never win another election.” However, he warned that “the Supreme Court could strike down everything I just described.” Therefore, the court must be packed in advance to allow these changes to occur.

Likewise, Carville previously explained how this process of how the pack-to-power plan would work:

“I’m going to tell you what’s going to happen. A Democrat is going to be elected in 2028. You know that. I know that. The Democratic president is going to announce a special transition advisory committee on the reform of the Supreme Court. They’re going to recommend that the number of Supreme Court justices go from nine to 13. That’s going to happen, people.”

The push for court packing and war chests on the left remains unchanged despite conservatives on the Court ruling against the Administration on major cases. Carville and others cannot claim that the conservative justices are robotically voting with the Administration, but it does not matter. They want a Court that will consistently uphold the changes being planned by Democratic strategists.

The fact that these changes would come after the 250th anniversary of the most successful democratic system in history is a crushing irony. However, it is notable that the Democrats want Congress and the courts to push through these changes, not the public. The public remains opposed to court packing and making D.C. a state. That is why Carville wants candidates to keep quiet on the plan and run, like Virginia’s Abigail Spanberger, as faux moderates. Then, as in Virginia, they can move to fundamentally change districts and rules to guarantee their hold on power.

It is a mentality summed up by NEA President Becky Pringle:

The question is whether rage politics can convince a people to destroy the very democratic system that has brought centuries of stability and prosperity.

Tyler Durden
Fri, 04/17/2026 – 17:40

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Meta To Unleash First Wave Of Mass Layoffs May 20 As It Eliminates 10% Of Its Workers

Meta To Unleash First Wave Of Mass Layoffs May 20 As It Eliminates 10% Of Its Workers

The FaceBook currently known as Meta for one failed venture that incinerated nearly $100 billion in cash for its failed transformation to a virtual reality hub while laying off thousands, is at it again.

As we previewed a few weeks ago, Meta – which inexplicably hasn’t changed its name to AIbook yet – will proceed with the first wave of mass layoffs planned for this year on May 20, with more ‌coming later, Reuters reported citing sources.

The Facebook and Instagram owner will lay off about 10% of its global workforce, or close to 8,000 employees, in that initial round, as it swaps headcount for GPUs. 

And that’s just the start: the company is planning further layoffs in the second half of the ​year, although details of those cuts, including date and size, have yet to be determined and will depend on just how much more money Meta burns in its experiment to prove that AI will actually generate positive cash flow. 

Last month, Reuters ⁠reported that the company was planning to lay off 20% or more of its global workforce.

Meta’s ‌layoffs this ⁠year will be the social media giant’s most significant since a restructuring in late 2022 and early 2023 that it dubbed the “year of efficiency,” when it eliminated about 21,000 jobs. At that time, Meta’s stock was in freefall and the company was struggling to correct for COVID-era growth assumptions that ultimately proved unsustainable. It will soon find itself in the same hole again. 

The Menlo ​Park-based company employed nearly 79,000 people as of December 31. 

CEO Mark Zuckerberg has been pumping hundreds of billions of dollars into AI as he seeks ​to dramatically reshape his company’s core business around the technology, which has yet to generate any material returns proportional to the massive capex spend. In its latest earnings call, META raised its 2026 capex guidance to a record $115-$135 billion, more than double the prior years, and drastically more than anything META spent during the peak of its virtual reality phase. 

Meta is not alone: Amazonrecently trimmed 30,000 corporate employees, representing nearly 10% of its white-collar workers, while in February the fintech company Block fired nearly half of its staff. In ​both of those cases, executives tied the cuts to efficiency gains from artificial intelligence. Of course, nobody actually think how mass layoffs of the best paid job in the US – Information – will impact end demand for AI if in a few years, America’s (formerly) best paid workers are struggling to pay their San Fran rent, let alone pay for the latest chatbot du jour.

Layoffs.fyi, a website tracking tech job cuts ​around the world, reported that 73,212 employees have lost their jobs so far this year. For all of 2024, the figure was 153,000.

While META is in a more comfortable financial position now than it was during the 2022/23 purges, executives ​envision a future of fewer ​management layers and greater efficiency ⁠brought about by AI-assisted workers. Assuming of course the AI bubble doesn’t burst sooner as the market realizes the trillions in spending promises by the likes of OpenAI will never materialize. 

Meta’s shares are up 3.68% since the start of the year, although they are down from a record high achieved last summer. Last year, it generated more ​than $200 billion of revenue and achieved a $60 billion profit despite outsized spending on artificial intelligence.

In a rerun of its catastrophic foray into virtual reality, in recent weeks, Meta has reorganized teams in its Reality Labs division and transferred engineers from throughout the company into a new “Applied AI” organization tasked with accelerating the development of AI agents ⁠that can ​write code and carry out complex tasks autonomously; expect this to pivot into whatever the AI buzzword of the day is. 

Tyler Durden
Fri, 04/17/2026 – 17:20

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No SAVE Act? Congress Still Holds The Trump Card

No SAVE Act? Congress Still Holds The Trump Card

Authored by Scott Yenor via American Greatness,

The failure of the United States Senate to pass the SAVE America Act is as regrettable as it is predictable. Noncitizen voting is already a federal crime in America. SAVE would have required voters to provide documentary proof of citizenship when registering to vote. States would have to purge noncitizens from voting rolls, too.

Perhaps reliance on hostile state officials to implement the law would have rendered the SAVE America Act ineffective. We will never know.

The cause of election integrity is not dead. Congress has the constitutional power to ensure election integrity.

The American election system divides power between the states and the federal government.

States determine the “time, place, and manner” of elections and, within constitutional limits, determine who can vote.

Some states allow mail-in ballots. Others, like Oregon, send every voter a ballot. Other states allow mail-in ballots under special circumstances. Some states allow ballots to arrive well after Election Day. Some states require no identification for voters. Some wink at noncitizens voting. Others have rigorous identification requirements. Some countenance practices that sow the appearance of cheating into the counting of votes. Other states have clean elections that bring election results right away on election night.

But Congress has a plenary power to judge whether a state’s election results are consistent with the basic demands of representative government.

According to Article 1, Section 5 of the United States Constitution, “Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns, and Qualifications of its own Members.”

Congress can ferret out fraudulent votes of all sorts—not just voting by noncitizens.

Congress can then declare elections invalid and order a new election when it judges elections to be fraudulent.

Both the Senate and the House have pre-established procedures for investigation, including the power to subpoena state officials and state voting data. This power helps Congress ensure its own integrity.

Hundreds of House elections have been challenged in American history. Often, complaints are frivolous. Sometimes complaints involve qualifications, strictly speaking. Albert Gallatin had his election to the U.S. Senate voided by a 14–12 vote in 1794 because he had not been a citizen for nine years.

Other investigations, like the McLane–Farr dispute from the 1918 election, concern corruption pure and simple. Patrick McLane was originally declared the winner in a Pennsylvania race, but once evidence of “wholesale fraud and illegality” from fictitious voters and voters who were not citizens came to light, Congress determined that John Farr won.

In the late 1990s, Loretta Sanchez defeated Congressman Bob Dornan by fewer than 1,000 votes. Dornan challenged the election. Congress found that more than 700 illegal votes were cast. Since it was not enough to sway the election, Dornan’s challenge was dropped.

Investigations into election integrity were especially common after the Civil War, when Democrat-secessionist voting practices led to severe undercounting of Republican votes in the South.

Voter intimidation compromised the entire voting environment.

Today, Republicans fear that similar broad-scale corruption plagues blue states like CaliforniaIllinoisMichigan, and Oregon, all of which seem to have weak voter identification laws, poor audit procedures, lax voter purging techniques, and a fear of federal investigations into their practices.

Are elections within these states outside the margin of fraud? To know the answer, we would have to know the margin of fraud in those states. And that requires congressional investigations.

Democrat establishments have little incentive to clean up their elections. They benefit from the fraud that keeps them in power, so they are wary of actually investigating their own elections. State election systems are not completely subject to federal oversight.

There are many reasons not to have confidence in Oregon’s elections for the national legislature, for instance. Noncitizens are welcomed and registered. Many counties have had more than 100 percent registrations among voters. Mail-in ballots are ubiquitous and automatic. Dead people or people who have moved out of state have voted in past elections, and Oregon has been particularly lax in purging its voting rolls. Oregon’s federal elections would be worth a serious look from Congress, especially federal races decided by less than 10,000 votes.

If Oregon does not want to fix its elections, it need not. The state must simply pay the penalty for porous elections by not having representation in the U.S. House or Senate.

Congress has the constitutional means and the motives to police state elections, not with new laws but with its investigatory powers.

If the rest of the country can have confidence in their elections, Congress would, no doubt, seat a delegation. Congress could deny representation to states without voter identification laws or those that wink at foreign nationals voting in their elections. Or Congress could require new elections when voting rolls are not properly purged.

Congress has the power to determine whether states have a republican form of government. States with rigged elections do not have republican governments. And Congress can dust off its own powers to ensure the integrity of the election of its own members, even without the SAVE America Act.

Tyler Durden
Fri, 04/17/2026 – 17:00

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Former Congressman Blows The Whistle On Blackmail And Honeypots In Congress

Former Congressman Blows The Whistle On Blackmail And Honeypots In Congress

In a candid interview with Human Events editor Jack Posobiec, former Rep. Madison Cawthorn (R-NC) alleged that blackmail and sexual honeypot operations are far more prevalent than the American public is aware of.

Cawthorn, who was elected to represent North Carolina’s 11th congressional district at just 25 years old in 2020, described the typical path these lurrid situations take. It often begins at donor dinners or late-night votes, when members unwind with drinks or head back toward Capitol Hill. While many lawmakers prefer socializing with fellow congressmen to avoid complications with staffers or outside interests, invitations can quickly turn strangely personal.

Normally, the way I found that these things start getting off the ground is that it starts out—you’re maybe at a donor dinner or getting dinner after a late night of votes,” Cawthorn said. “Then, you know, everyone has friends inside of Congress, so you start hanging out with friends. Maybe you’re grabbing drinks, or on the way back to Capitol Hill, heading back to your homes.”

“Then you start building these relationships, and most congressmen like to hang out with other congressmen, just because there are so many problems when you hang out with staffers or people with different angles in other parts of the Beltway, the former lawmaker continued. “I will tell you, normally, the way I came across this is that people start inviting me and saying, “Hey, why don’t you come back? My wife would love to hang out with you, and we can see what could be going on here. I think we’d have a really good time if we all got together in this way.”

Then you start piecing it together and say, “Wait a minute, what kind of invitation is this? This sounds really weird. What do you mean leave my phone at the house?” That doesn’t make any sense—these random things they’re saying. It becomes very clear what they’re looking for. That’s the big one—“check your phone at the door,” that kind of thing,” he added.

Cawthorn told Posobiec that he made it clear he had zero interest in such activities.

“I’ve got a phenomenal life. I was only 25 years old when I was in Congress, so that didn’t interest me whatsoever. I thought the majority of people in the United States were very cognizant of that. So I came out and talked about it, and they tried to destroy me for it,” Cawthorn said.

Cawthorn lost his bid for reelection in the 2022 North Carolina Republican primary, falling to state Sen. Chuck Edwards (R), who later went on to win the general election.

“I’ll tell you, there were 16 people that I really hold responsible – the architects of trying to take down my political career,” Cawthorn explained. “I want you to ask yourselves: out of all the people who came out against me or sent funds to make sure I was pushed out of Congress, where are those people now?

“I’m very happy that I was able to take the majority of them down, or that the majority of them are now out of office or have terrible personal lives at this point. But I will tell you, there are so many people inside Washington, D.C., that have much worse on them than what’s going on inside of this video,” he concluded.

Tyler Durden
Fri, 04/17/2026 – 16:40

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Elon Musk’s Mistaken Call for a ‘Universal High Income’


Illustration of Elon Musk, a stack of money, and a robot | Frédéric Legrand/Envato/Tesla/Dreamstime

Even before artificial intelligence was a meaningful force in the economy, technologists, politicians, and policy wonks of all political persuasions have endorsed a universal basic income to cope with the mass unemployment that will be caused by the AI revolution.

The familiar case is that an AI-powered economy will be able to automate most economic production, making the economy as a whole much richer, but leaving the average person jobless and destitute. The solution is then to redistribute some of the gains from AI to the public by sending everyone, regardless of income, a check.

Businessman Elon Musk has gone one step further by calling for a “universal HIGH INCOME” to pay for the AI-induced unemployment, which he suggested would be inflation-free thanks to the downward pressure AI will put on prices.

Musk is almost certainly right that AI will put downward pressure on prices, as one would expect of any productivity-enhancing technology.

He’s mistaken in believing that this makes a universal income (regardless of whether it’s basic or “HIGH”) a wise policy.

Even in a future in which AI does revolutionize the economy, we will not see technologically driven mass unemployment. In fact, a universal basic income would likely result in more of the joblessness it’s meant to mitigate.

To the first point, the industrial revolution has been outsourcing more and more tasks to labor-saving machines for roughly 300 years now. While this ongoing process has certainly made lots of individual jobs obsolete, it has not made jobs generally obsolete.

Excepting the monthly ups and downs of the unemployment rate, the total number of jobs in the economy continues to rise precipitously in the long run.

If labor-saving technology destroyed the need for labor, we should have fewer jobs today than ever before. We don’t. Even as farms and factories employ fewer people, we keep finding ways to keep ourselves busy.

The AI boosters and doomers argue that this time will be different, because unlike spinning jennies, combine harvesters, and email, AI will eventually be smarter than humans at everything. When there’s nothing that flesh-and-blood humans can do better than machines, we’ll end up doing nothing at all.

These arguments are obviously speculative because we don’t have artificial general intelligence yet. Even when we do, it’s reasonable to assume that humans will continue to have employable comparative advantages, if only because humans prize human interaction.

There are lots of jobs today that could be automated but aren’t. Plenty of people work in offices even if their tasks could be completed remotely. So long as people are social creatures, I can only assume we’ll find something marketable to do with our time.

Outside of speculative future scenarios, here in the real world, the economic impact of AI continues to look similar to the impacts of past productivity-enhancing technological innovations. That’s true even in industries that have been most influenced by AI.

Language translation is something that AI has long been pretty good at, and language translation services have become increasingly automated over time.

When journalist Timothy Lee looked at the impact of AI on the industry in 2023, he found that the technology had caused prices for translation to fall, and more consumption of translation services. Translators themselves were adapting by either specializing in translation of legal or medical texts (which still requires human oversight), using AI to increase their productivity, or dropping out of the industry.

The effects of AI on translators weren’t all positive. But that basic story of falling prices, rising productivity, some jobs disappearing, and others becoming more specialized sounds a lot like every industry revolutionized by technology.

The evidence that AI will finally be the technology that puts everyone out of work just isn’t there.

Economic transitions don’t happen automatically. It will take time for people to find new jobs as AI destroys the old ones.

That’s precisely why a universal basic income or (“HIGH INCOME”) would be so dangerous to adopt.

A pretty robust finding in the research is that giving people unconditional cash grants leads them to work less and even stop working at all if the benefits are generous enough.

Pairing advancing AI with a universal basic income would give people a major incentive not to work, right as many existing jobs are being automated away. Instead of people finding their next comparative advantage in an economy being made more productive but also automated by AI, many would probably just stay home instead.

Far from mitigating the employment effects of AI, a universal income would seem to usher in the jobless dystopia that those convinced of AI’s transformative effects are worried about.

We should have a little faith in humans and technology. For centuries, technological progress has made us richer while creating more jobs. The only way AI will be different is if we use its productivity gains to pay people not to work.

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Pete Hegseth Wants the D.C. Circuit To Let Him Punish a Senator for Criticizing Him


Sen. Mark Kelly and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth | Yuri Gripas/Abaca/Pool via CNP/Mega/Newscom/RSSIL/Jessica Koscielniak

Mark Kelly, a Democrat, is an American citizen and the senior U.S. senator representing Arizona. He serves on the Senate’s Armed Services Committee and Select Committee on Intelligence. But according to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Kelly’s status as a retired Navy captain constrains what he is allowed to say in those other capacities. Hegseth thinks he has the authority to punish Kelly, a legislator whose job includes oversight of Hegseth’s department, for criticizing his leadership of the Pentagon and the Trump administration’s military policies.

In February, U.S. District Judge Richard Leon, a George W. Bush appointee, rejected that astonishing claim, deeming it inconsistent with the First Amendment. Leon issued a preliminary injunction that barred Hegseth from “giving effect” to a letter of censure that faulted Kelly for saying things that irked Hegseth and from penalizing Kelly by reducing his retirement grade and pension. Now Hegseth is asking the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit to override that injunction, reiterating his argument that retired military officers are subject to punishment, potentially including criminal prosecution, for political speech that he unilaterally deems “prejudicial to good order and discipline in the armed forces.”

In an amicus brief filed on Friday, 73 former admirals, generals, and service secretaries who held positions under presidents of both major parties emphasize the alarming implications of that position. Hegseth has taken “the unprecedented step of punishing a U.S. Senator and retired Navy Captain for accurate statements of law and criticisms of federal policy,” they note. “No retired servicemember could be lawfully sanctioned for these statements, least of all one whose public office requires that he speak on these issues.”

If Hegseth’s vendetta against Kelly were allowed to proceed, the brief warns, it “would chill public participation by veterans everywhere. Diverse viewpoints are critical to a free marketplace of ideas, and silencing veteran voices would be especially harmful—depriving the public of experienced and informed views on critical matters of national security.”

According to the brief, that threat already has had an intimidating impact. “Amici are aware of many fellow veterans who would participate in public debate, but are declining to do so today, fearing official reprisal,” it says. “This chilling effect risks silencing dissent from those who served in uniform—a critical ingredient in American self-governance dating back to those who fought for our independence.”

Hegseth’s beef with Kelly stems mainly from a November 18 video in which he and five other Democratic members of Congress reminded military personnel of their duty to “refuse illegal orders.” That obligation is legally uncontroversial. “Members of
the armed forces must refuse to comply with clearly illegal orders to commit
law of war violations,” the Defense Department says. “Through rigorous instruction and tragic lessons from history,” Pam Bondi, who served as President Donald Trump’s attorney general until last month, noted in 2024, “military officers are trained not to carry out unlawful orders, and they know they may be held criminally liable if they [do] carry out such orders.”

The video did not give any specific examples of unlawful orders, but it was critical of the Trump administration. “This administration is pitting our uniformed military and intelligence community professionals against American citizens,” Kelly et al. said. Addressing “members of the military,” they noted that “you all swore an oath to protect and defend” the Constitution. But “right now,” they warned, “the threats to our Constitution aren’t just coming from abroad, but from right here at home. Our laws are clear. You can refuse illegal orders.” Although “we know this is hard” and “it’s a difficult time to be a public servant,” they added, “your vigilance is critical” and “we have your back.”

Trump was apoplectic. “It’s called SEDITIOUS BEHAVIOR AT THE HIGHEST LEVEL,” he wrote on Truth Social. “Each one of these traitors to our Country should be ARRESTED AND PUT ON TRIAL.” He added that “their words cannot be allowed to stand” because “we won’t have a Country anymore!!!”

Hegseth echoed that assessment. “The video made by the ‘Seditious Six’ was despicable, reckless, and false,” Hegseth said in an X post. “Encouraging our warriors to ignore the orders of their Commanders undermines every aspect of ‘good order and discipline.’ Their foolish screed sows doubt and confusion—which only puts our warriors in danger.” While “five of the six individuals in that video do not fall under [military] jurisdiction,” he added, Kelly “is still subject to [the Uniform Code of Military Justice]—and he knows that.”

The letter of censure that Hegseth sent Kelly on January 5 falsely stated that Kelly had advocated “resistance to lawful orders”—a mischaracterization that Assistant Attorney General Brett Shumate repeats over and over again in his D.C. Circuit brief. Hegseth also inaccurately claimed that Kelly “identified [himself] as ‘a Captain in the United States Navy.'” Kelly actually said, “I was a captain in the United States Navy” (emphasis added).

In addition to the video, Hegseth cited “a sustained pattern of public statements that characterized lawful military operations as illegal and counseled members of the Armed Forces to refuse orders related to those operations.” Notably, he did not quote any specific statements fitting the latter description.

Kelly had been critical of Trump’s domestic military deployments. He participated in hearings on the subject and co-sponsored legislation that would have increased congressional oversight and restricted the president’s use of the National Guard. He also criticized Trump’s murderous military campaign against suspected cocaine smugglers. But judging from the evidence that Hegseth has been able to muster, Kelly never explicitly “counseled members of the Armed Forces to refuse orders” related to specific “operations.”

The closest Kelly came to that was when he was asked, during a November 30 interview on CNN, whether “a second strike to eliminate any survivors” of a U.S. attack on an alleged drug boat would constitute “a war crime”—specifically, a violation of the rule against attacking shipwrecked sailors. “It seems to,” Kelly said. “I have got serious concerns about anybody in that chain of command stepping over a line that they should never step over.” He added that he would have refused to follow such an order.

Hegseth resented Kelly’s criticism of the boat strikes, which he said amounted to an accusation that Hegseth was guilty of war crimes. Hegseth complained that Kelly had defended the video, that he had described the principle it enunciated as “non-controversial,” and that he had said “intimidation would not work” to silence him. Hegseth also did not like it when Kelly said he would “ALWAYS defend the Constitution.” And he was mad that Kelly had faulted him for “firing admirals and generals” and surrounding himself with “yes men.”

This catalog of complaints is hard to square even with the position that Shumate takes on Hegseth’s behalf. Shumate concedes that “retired servicemembers like Kelly undoubtedly…have a broad right to criticize military policy, participate in public debate, and express even vehement disagreement with military leaders.” Hegseth nevertheless seems to view criticism of him as inherently threatening to national security.

As Hegseth told it, the unifying theme of Kelly’s comments was his determination to interfere with military discipline. “When viewed in totality, your pattern of conduct demonstrates specific intent to counsel servicemembers to refuse lawful orders,” Hegseth wrote. “This pattern demonstrates that you were not providing abstract legal education about the duty to refuse patently illegal orders. You were specifically counseling servicemembers to refuse particular operations that you have characterized as illegal.”

Hegseth averred that Kelly had “undermine[d] the chain of command,” “counsel[ed] disobedience,” “create[d] confusion of duty,” brought “discredit upon the Armed Forces,” and engaged in “conduct unbecoming of an officer.” Those sins, he said, amply justified censure and might justify cutting Kelly’s retirement pay. “If you continue to engage in conduct prejudicial to good order and discipline,” he warned, “you may subject yourself to criminal prosecution or further administrative action.”

In defense of these actions, Hegseth cites Parker v. Levy, a 1974 case in which the Supreme Court upheld speech restrictions imposed on active-duty service members. That case involved Capt. Howard Levy, an Army physician assigned to Fort Jackson in South Carolina during the Vietnam War. Levy had publicly said that black soldiers “should refuse to go to Viet Nam and if sent should refuse to fight because they are discriminated against and denied their freedom in the United States.” He also stated that “Special Forces personnel are liars and thieves and killers of peasants and murderers of women and children.”

As Kelly’s lawyers note in their D.C. Circuit brief, that situation was starkly different from the senator’s. “Far from resting on all fours with this case, Parker involved an
active-duty officer directly urging soldiers at his wartime military post to refuse specific orders to deploy and fight,” they say. “Senator Kelly, by contrast, is a retired officer and legislator who publicly called, alongside other Members of Congress, for adherence to settled law, not defiance of it. Nor have Defendants ever cited a single case expanding Parker‘s application from active-duty servicemembers to retirees like Senator Kelly.”

Leon made the same point when he issued his preliminary injunction. “Secretary Hegseth relies on the well-established doctrine that military servicemembers enjoy less vigorous First Amendment protections given the fundamental obligation for obedience and discipline in the armed forces,” he wrote. “Unfortunately for Secretary Hegseth, no court has ever extended those principles to retired servicemembers, much less a retired servicemember serving in Congress and exercising oversight responsibility over the military. This Court will not be the first to do so!”

The defendants “rest their entire First Amendment defense on the argument that the more limited First Amendment protection for active-duty members of the military extends to a retired naval captain,” Leon noted. If they are wrong about that, as Leon concluded they were, Hegseth’s retaliation against Kelly is obviously unconstitutional, since the speech that triggered it is “unquestionably protected” by the First Amendment, as Leon also held.

Urging the D.C. Circuit to overturn that decision, Shumate argues that Kelly is still part of the armed forces, noting that retired officers theoretically can be called back to active duty “as a manpower source of last resort after other sources are determined not to be available” or as “a source for unique skills not otherwise obtainable.” But even in that unlikely event, Kelly’s lawyers note, Defense Department policy says those officers “should be deployed [only] to civilian defense jobs.” Shumate nevertheless maintains that Kelly “may be recalled to active duty ‘at any time'” to “command the very servicemembers whose disobedience he just urged”—a claim that Kelly’s lawyers call “far-fetched at best.”

The government “cannot justify sweeping restrictions on a retiree’s speech based on the hypothetical threat of recall to active duty,” says the brief from former admirals, generals, and service secretaries. “Lawful recalls are extremely rare,” they note, and “recall for the clear purpose of retaliating against a retiree for their protected speech” would violate the First Amendment. “A recall like the one hypothesized by the government would be, in our understanding, without precedent,” they add. “For good reason: the government’s power to address legitimate staffing exigencies does not authorize a perpetual gag order over every retired military member’s political speech.”

The post Pete Hegseth Wants the D.C. Circuit To Let Him Punish a Senator for Criticizing Him appeared first on Reason.com.

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Eric Swalwell, Pope Fight, Tax Day Woes

Robby Soave and Christian Britschgi discuss the allegations against former congressman Eric Swalwell and how that will affect the gubernatorial race in California. Then they jump to talking about President Donald Trump’s feud with the pope and the “shadow fleet” in Iran. Finally, they end by defending Waymo and autonomous vehicles and complaining about filing their taxes.

0:00—All things Eric Swalwell

13:21—Katie Porter’s role in Swalwell’s downfall

16:14—Former Lt. Gov. of Virginia Justin Fairfax

23:01—Is it easier to sift through sexual assault allegations now with the internet?

27:09—Police in TV shows are “the biggest morons.”

31:03—The pope is feuding with Trump.

40:54—Christian explains the “shadow fleet” in Iran.

43:38—Robby finally finished his fantasy novel.

51:34—Richard Hanania’s essay about AI writing

1:08:34—Sen. Bernie Sanders (I–Vt.) is so bad on economics and AI.

1:16:34—D.C. mayor brought back the teen curfew

1:21:04—Robby and Christian did not fight as children.

1:29:10—Doing taxes drives Robby and Christian crazy.

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Alabama Supreme Court to Cops: It’s OK To Force a Pastor Watering Flowers To Show His ID


An illustration of hands in handcuffs | Illustration: Midjourney/Vnikitenko/Dreamstime

A recent Alabama Supreme Court ruling has vastly expanded police power in the state, holding that law enforcement can demand physical identification under the state’s stop-and-identify law when someone provides “incomplete or unsatisfactory” answers to police questions about their name, address, and actions during a police stop. 

Although Alabama’s law clearly requires some individuals to carry ID, like drivers and voters, the state supreme court’s ruling seems to imply a general requirement for individuals to carry identification at all times—even when watering flowers. 

On May 22, 2022, Michael Jennings, a pastor who lives in Childersburg, Alabama, southeast of Birmingham, was approached by a police officer while watering flowers. Body cam footage shows an officer responding to a 911 call about a suspicious person and asking Jennings about the vehicle in the driveway and the house. “It’s my neighbor’s vehicle,” Jennings answered. “Well, they’re saying that this vehicle isn’t supposed to be here, and you’re not supposed to be here,” continued the officer. 

“I’m supposed to be here,” Jennings replied. “I’m Pastor Jennings. I live across the street….I’m looking after their house while they’re gone, watering their flowers.

Apparently unsatisfied with Jennings’ forthcoming response, the officer then asks Jennings for “identification” while gesturing as if holding a card. “Oh no, man, I’m not going to give you no ID….I ain’t did nothing wrong,” Jennings responds. Agitated over the officers’ continued requests to produce identification, Jennings begins walking away. A second officer places him in handcuffs as the men continue to argue and ultimately places him under arrest. 

A few minutes later, the neighbor who had placed the initial 911 call speaks with the officers. Answering whether Jennings has permission to water the flowers, the neighbor replies, “He may, because they are friends, and they went out of town today. So he may be watering their flowers.” “That would be completely normal,” she continues. “This is probably my fault.”  

Under the Alabama law, an officer “may stop any person abroad in a public place whom he reasonably suspects is committing, has committed or is about to commit a felony or other public offense and may demand of him his name, address and an explanation of his actions.” (emphasis added.) But despite Jennings volunteering much of this information from the start and later clarifying his full name when asked, the officers arrested Jennings because he refused to produce physical identification—an item not expressly articulated in the state’s law. 

Jennings was charged with obstructing a governmental function, a misdemeanor offense punishable by up to one year in jail and a $6,000 fine. 

Although the charges against him were later dismissed, Jennings filed a civil federal lawsuit and accused the officers of violating his Fourth Amendment rights by, in part, arresting him without probable cause. And while the district court initially dismissed his suit, finding the officers were immune from civil liability, the 11th Circuit of Appeals disagreed. By reading the text of the Alabama code plainly, the appellate judges found that the officers lacked probable cause to arrest Jennings because they were only authorized to demand three things: his name, address, and an explanation of his actions. 

“While it is always advisable to cooperate with law enforcement,” wrote the appellate court, “Jennings was under no legal obligation to provide his ID.” The 11th Circuit reversed the district court’s decision to dismiss.  

But rather than simply reopen the case as instructed, the district court turned to the Alabama Supreme Court to clarify whether officers are prohibited under state law from demanding physical identification if they receive an “incomplete or unsatisfactory oral response” under the state’s stop-and-identify law. In answering that question, the Alabama Supreme Court effectively overruled the appellate court, deciding that “Alabama law is clear—once an officer has reasonable suspicion to believe that a suspect is committing, has committed, or is about to commit a felony or other public offence, [the law] empowers the officer to demand that the suspect disclose his or her name and address in a format that would allow the officer to affirmatively identify the suspect,” and that “the suspect bears the burden to completely identify himself.” 

Although normal for a district court to ask for the state supreme court’s input on legal questions, it is decidedly “not normal to circumvent an appellate court’s ruling the district court didn’t like,” Matthew Cavedon, the director of the Project on Criminal Justice at the Cato Institute, told Reason in a recent interview. But now, under the state supreme court’s binding decision, the officers who arrested Jennings may now attempt to avoid accountability by claiming the arrest was in line with the stop-and-identify law. “Courts don’t like accountability for officers when rights are violated,” Cavedon continued. 

What’s more is that the decision effectively gives a “ton of discretion to police officers,” said Cavedon, leaving it up to officers and prosecutors to decide when and where a physical ID will be demanded and opening up “equal protection problems and concerns about discrimination.” 

After all, there is nothing in the Alabama law that requires pedestrians to carry ID, according to an amicus brief joined by the Cato Institute in this case. But now, it seems, Alabamians better have their physical identification handy, or else face the wrath of unaccountable law enforcement officers.

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