The Consumer Sentiment Disconnect From Economic Reality

The Consumer Sentiment Disconnect From Economic Reality

Authored by Lance Roberts via RealInvestmentAdvice.com,

The University of Michigan’s Consumer Sentiment Index just printed 44.8 in May. That’s the worst reading since the survey began in 1952. That print was lower than in 2008 and the 1980 inflation panic. It was also worse than the COVID lockdowns, yet the S&P 500 continues to climb higher, Q1 corporate earnings posted 27% growth, and weekly jobless claims sit near cycle lows. That “disconnect” has sparked many statements on social media, such as:

“GDP is growing at a healthy 2.7% in the US. GDP statistics in the US are clearly completely broken and no longer make any sense whatsoever.” – Philip Pilkington

That statement sums up many of the concerns I have read as of late, and the University of Michigan consumer sentiment disconnect from economic reality demands an honest answer. Which set of data is wrong? I think the honest answer is both, and neither. Over the last three decades, I’ve learned that surveys and behavior often part ways, and the gap usually tells you more about the survey than about the consumer. So let’s walk through what’s actually happening, because the consumer sentiment disconnect isn’t a single story. It’s three stories stacked on top of each other.

Start with the disconnect itself. If you only looked at the Michigan headline, you’d assume the country was in a depression. However, when you look at what people are actually doing, the picture changes completely.

Retail sales rose 0.5% in April and are running 4.9% above year-ago levels. In addition, Q1 earnings season has delivered an 84% beat rate on the S&P 500, well above the 5-year average of 78%, with aggregate earnings beating estimates by 20.7%. That’s the strongest surprise rate since the first quarter of 2021. Furthermore, initial jobless claims came in at 209,000 for the week ending May 16. Unemployment is sitting at 4.3%. Notably, the Atlanta Fed’s GDPNow model is tracking 4.3% annualized growth for Q2 as of May 21.

Notice in the chart above what’s never happened in the 25-year history of this comparison. In every prior cycle, sentiment and growth moved roughly in step. The 2001 mild recession, the Global Financial Crisis, and the COVID lockdowns all show sentiment and GDP cratering and recovering side by side. Since 2022, that relationship has broken in a way it never broke before. GDP has been running between +2% and +3% year over year for three straight years. Consumer sentiment has been running below 70 the entire time, levels that historically only appeared during deep recessions. The gap in the lower-right corner of that chart is the entire argument.

Meanwhile, the headline economic narrative making the rounds on social media insists that GDP statistics are “completely broken” and that real data show a hidden recession. Here’s the problem with that argument. The labor market, spending, earnings, and credit data all line up in the same direction. They don’t agree with the sentiment survey, but they do agree with each other. So when one indicator disagrees with five, the prior should be on the one. That’s the heart of the consumer sentiment disconnect we need to explain. We flagged an earlier version of this same divergence in February, when economic sentiment was already at odds with the strong macro data-based estimates.

Yes, There Really Is a Partisan Problem

So why is the Michigan survey saying something so different? Part of the answer is exactly what many investors suspect, and the data backs it up.

Notice in the chart above what happens at every administration handoff. In January 2021, the navy line shoots up while the red line plunges almost vertically. The two cross within weeks of Biden’s inauguration, and Independents barely budge in the middle. Then it happens again in January 2025, only sharper. Republican sentiment surges from 67 to 93 in two months, while Democrats collapse from 78 to 56 over the same window. The X-pattern at each transition is the partisan gap in action. The survey isn’t measuring the economy. It’s capturing tribal loyalty, and that mechanic is a meaningful slice of the consumer sentiment disconnect we’re trying to explain.

The Richmond Federal Reserve published research in 2024 that found something striking. Specifically, the partisan gap in consumer sentiment is now far larger than the gap by income, age, or education level. Per the Richmond Fed analysis, the gap between Democratic and Republican sentiment expanded from 21 points under George W. Bush to 25 points under Obama, and then to 45 points under Biden. That’s not noise. That’s a structural issue with how the survey is being completed.

Moreover, it gets worse. Researchers at BriefingBook documented what they call “asymmetric amplification.” Republicans swing their sentiment responses roughly 2.5 times as much as Democrats do, depending on who controls the White House. When their party wins, they go euphoric, but when they lose, they go bleak. Democrats do this too, just less violently. Importantly, adjusting only for that asymmetry closes about 30% of the gap between predicted and observed sentiment over the post-2020 period.

Fundstrat’s Tom Lee made waves last week with an even sharper critique. He pointed out that 51% of Democratic respondents are now reporting sentiment readings below the survey’s all-time worst reading of 47.6. He also flagged that around a quarter of Democratic respondents believe inflation is currently running above 100%. Clearly, that isn’t a forecast. That’s a vote.

Now layer on something most readers haven’t heard about. In 2024, the University of Michigan switched from cellular phone surveys conducted via random-digit dialing to an online-only address-based sampling method. The change began in April and was fully completed by July of that year.

U-M’s surveys director, Joanne Hsu, has consistently maintained that the methodology change produced comparable results. However, the independent research disagrees. Cummings and Tedeschi, in a widely cited analysis published in BriefingBook, estimated that the switch from phone to online interviews lowered the sentiment index by about 8.9 points, or more than 11%. They benchmarked their adjustment against Morning Consult’s continuous online sentiment survey, which uses the same five core questions but has been online since 2018. Notably, Morning Consult’s index did not show the same precipitous decline as Michigan’s headline number. That gap alone accounts for a meaningful slice of the consumer sentiment disconnect.

Tom Lee added a further claim that I’ll attribute to him because I haven’t independently verified the underlying response data. He stated that the new online survey is producing a respondent breakdown of roughly 66% Democratic and 33% Republican, which would not be representative of the U.S. adult population. Whether or not that exact ratio holds, the broader point stands. In fact, self-selection bias on online opt-in is a known issue, and the structural break in the series is real.

The Conference Board Tells a Different Story

This brings us to the question I’ve raised previously. If the Michigan number is so distorted, what does the other major survey say? The Conference Board’s Consumer Confidence Index gives us a useful check.

Notice in the chart above just how different the two stories are. The Michigan survey’s Current Economic Conditions component is 26% below its 2008 financial crisis trough. By contrast, the Conference Board’s index, while soft, sits near its long-term average and remains well above every cyclical low of the modern era. Consider the historical anchors. In 2009, the Conference Board bottomed at 25.3. During the 2020 COVID shock, it hit 85.7. Today’s reading of 92.8 isn’t a crisis print on that scale.

Methodologically, the two surveys measure different things. The Conference Board’s index places greater weight on labor market and current business conditions. The Michigan survey places greater emphasis on household finances and inflation perceptions. When inflation perception is the dominant factor and partisan respondents spontaneously volunteer inflation rates above 100% as a protest vote, you get the Michigan number.

The real question is whether the partisan effect is mitigated in the Conference Board’s Consumer Confidence Index? The honest answer is partly. The Conference Board doesn’t publish party-affiliation crosstabs the way Michigan does, so we can’t directly measure their internal partisan gap. However, its methodology is less exposed to the specific inflation-expectation channel where the partisan skew is most extreme. And its readings show that.

But This Time, Republicans Are Sour Too

Now here’s where the partisan-bias narrative needs an honest correction. If you stopped reading at “the Michigan survey is just upset Democrats,” you’d miss something important about the May 2026 reading.

According to the University of Michigan’s own release on May 22, sentiment among Independents and Republicans dropped to the lowest readings of the current presidential administration. Democratic sentiment, in contrast, was little changed from April. Republican long-run inflation expectations have more than doubled on a monthly basis since February 2025. The cost-of-living concern is showing up across the political spectrum, not just on one side.

Why? Two reasons. First, gasoline prices surged 12.3% in April thanks to the ongoing conflict with Iran and the supply disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz. Pump prices are at levels not seen since 2022. Gas is the most visible price in the American economy, and it’s hitting every household. Second, tariff-related price pressure is starting to filter through, and roughly 30% of respondents in early May spontaneously mentioned tariffs as a concern. Make no mistake, those aren’t imagined problems.

So the partisan-bias critique is real, but it’s only part of the story. The 2026 Michigan plunge contains a partisan distortion, a methodology distortion, and a genuine bipartisan reaction to higher prices. In short, the consumer sentiment disconnect we’re seeing isn’t just noise. Pulling those threads apart matters if you want to use the data correctly.

“The Michigan survey isn’t broken. It’s measuring something narrower than the headline suggests, and what it’s measuring is real. The question is whether what it’s measuring should drive your portfolio.”

Why The Consumer Sentiment Disconnect Rarely Predicts Spending

The most important question isn’t whether the Michigan number is “correct.” It’s whether the number actually predicts anything useful for investors. Decades of research from the Federal Reserve system suggest the answer is largely “no.

A February 2026 paper from the Kansas City Federal Reserve titled “Forecasting with Feelings” found that the link between consumer sentiment and growth in real household spending has been modest historically. The authors built two forecasting models: one using only official economic data, and one augmenting that data with consumer sentiment surveys. The sentiment-augmented model didn’t materially improve the forecast over the past 30 years. Fed Chair Jerome Powell echoed that finding in his May 2025 press conference, stating directly that “the link between sentiment data and consumer spending has been weak. It’s not been a strong link at all.”

A 2014 Boston Fed paper reached a similar conclusion. When you control for standard fundamentals such as income, employment, and wealth, the role of consumer sentiment in predicting consumption is marginal at best. People can feel terrible about the economy, yet still spend. We’ve seen that play out for almost three full years now.

The composite chart, which combines the Michigan and Conference Board indices to dampen the noise in each survey, clearly shows the broader pattern. Confidence has weakened from cycle highs, but the market has continued to advance. As we covered in our prior analysis of the confidence dichotomy between consumers and investors, there have been three other periods where stocks rallied while sentiment fell. The dot-com bubble. The mid-cycle expansion of the late 1990s. And the post-COVID period. In each of those cases, the market eventually had to reckon with reality, but the disconnect lasted longer than skeptics expected.

The composite sits at 71 today, a full 47 points below the October 2018 cycle high of 118. Over that same stretch, the S&P 500 has more than doubled, and that’s the consumer sentiment disconnect we’ve been pointing at for the better part of three years.

What Investors Should Actually Watch

If sentiment surveys aren’t reliable inputs for portfolio decisions, what is? My answer is the same one I’ve given for 20 years. Behavior beats feelings every time. So watch what consumers and businesses are doing with their money, not what they say in a survey. That single shift in focus turns the consumer sentiment disconnect from a confusing headline into a useful contrarian signal.

The takeaway from that table is simple. Five of the six categories show behavior diverging from sentiment in the same direction. People are saying one thing and doing another. When that happens at this scale, you don’t trade off the talk. You trade off the action.

That said, two items in the table do deserve real attention. Gas prices are a tax on consumers and on margins. If the Iran conflict drags into the summer driving season, demand destruction becomes a real risk for cyclical names. And tariff pass-through is the slow leak that markets keep underpricing. Importantly, those are concrete data series we can monitor, not abstract sentiment vibes. Pump prices, container shipping rates, retailer margin guidance, and consumer credit delinquencies are on the watchlist.

The Conference Board’s index, the Atlanta Fed’s GDP nowcast, the earnings beat rate, the retail sales print, and the jobless claims data all point to an economy that is slowing in some places, accelerating in others, and not remotely close to the Depression-era reading on the Michigan headline. What does this mean for investors? Stay disciplined. Watch the behavioral data. Maintain risk-management protocols. Be ready to lean in when the noise creates a real dislocation, and be ready to lean out when the data, not the surveys, actually rolls over.

Consumers are gloomy. Some of that gloom is justified, particularly around gas and inflation. But gloom is not a portfolio strategy.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 06/20/2026 – 10:30

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/1RtiEAV Tyler Durden

Trump Mocks Italy’s Meloni Over Disputed G7 Photo: ‘She Wants To Be Friends Again, No Thanks!’

Trump Mocks Italy’s Meloni Over Disputed G7 Photo: ‘She Wants To Be Friends Again, No Thanks!’

President Trump has once again lashed out at Italy, as Washington and this ‘wayward’ NATO ally continue to clash on a range of issues from Iran to Israel to Ukraine..

It follows on the heels of the cancellation of the planned diplomatic visit by Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani. President Trump on Saturday has newly taken to Truth Social to reiterate that PM Meloni “asked, over and over, for a picture with me during the G-7 meeting in France.”

He continued: “She is doing poorly in Italy with her level of popularity, possibly because she turned down the United States of America, a Country that truly loves and protects Italy, when it came to denying Iran from obtaining or developing a Nuclear Weapon (But so did NATO, for that matter!).”

According to more background:

Trump’s comments were aired Friday on the La7 network. A correspondent had asked the president about Ukraine, but Trump raised Meloni and made the claim about the photo. Trump said he was not obliged to take the picture with her but that he felt sorry for her and agreed, La7 said. The broadcaster put a dubbed version of the conversation online, but not the original English audio.

Meloni has very publicly rejected Trump’s version of events at the G7:

Clearly irked at President Donald Trump’s suggestion that she had had “begged” him for a photo at the Group of Seven summit earlier this week, the Italian prime minister said this was “totally fabricated.”

Bilateral defense agreements and NATO’s base sharing framework allows US access to key strategic hubs for US operations in the Mediterranean – however, Italian law and a historic treaty requires parliamentary approval for anything outside that scope. 

It was in late March that for the first time Italy’s defense ministry confirmed that “some US bombers” were denied landing at Sigonella – one of seven US navy bases in Italy.

Among the scenes at a G7 working lunch in France on June 16 was this…

Pool image via AP

Italy tried to frame the issue as merely bureaucratic and an issue of paperwork. Initial complaints were that the US didn’t follow required permission protocol, and requested landing only while in the air and already en route to Sicily.

Meloni’s office has all the while maintained it is “acting in full compliance with existing international agreements”  – while underscoring that each flight request must be “carefully examined on a case-by-case basis, as has always been the case in the past.”

But the truth also is that American hegemonic action in the Middle East, and the Iran conflict in particular, is deeply unpopular among the Italian population, which has long had a strongly anti-war bent especially among the youth. Meloni has tried to assure here electorate that she’s never “begged” for anything from Trump.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 06/20/2026 – 09:55

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/jM1NYAP Tyler Durden

FBI Warns That Fake FIFA Website Being Used to Steal Personal Information

FBI Warns That Fake FIFA Website Being Used to Steal Personal Information

Authored by Jack Phillips via The Epoch Times,

The FBI on June 16 advised people to be wary of fraudulent websites that try to mimic World Cup or FIFA sites, as the agency warned that such websites have been used to steal personal information and sell counterfeit tickets.

In a public service announcement, the FBI stated that scammers and fraudsters have launched spoofing attempts designed to mimic FIFA’s official website as the World Cup games hosted in North America continue.

“Threat actors often create spoofed websites by slightly altering characteristics of legitimate website domains, with the purpose of gathering personally identifiable information entered by a user into the site, including name, home address, phone number, email address, and banking information,” the FBI statement reads.

The individuals behind such websites may be attempting to trick people into entering sensitive information that could be used to “create new accounts in a victim’s name and ultimately defraud the victim,” the FBI stated.

The federal law enforcement bureau noted that it has identified individuals who had attempted to collect personal information, sell counterfeit World Cup tickets or “hospitality products,” or engaged in other forms of malicious activity in connection with the scams.

The fraudulent website domains could include alternate spellings of words or use a different top-level domain, or TLD, referring to the final segment of the web address, such as .com, .gov, .org, and more, according to the notice.

Scammers may also create a deceptive version of a legitimate website, such as fifa.com, that tricks people into thinking they are going to the official website, it stated. Some include website domains that use alternate domain extensions such as “.blue,” “.beer,” “.city,” and more. Dozens of fraudulent domains were identified by the FBI that have been linked to the scheme, including fake domains related to FIFA jobs, merchandise, or tickets.

FBI officials advised people to first verify website URLs before they enter potentially sensitive or personally identifying information and to go to FIFA’s official website by typing the URL into their browser rather than relying on results produced by search engines, while also verifying that it reads fifa.com.

An Epoch Times review found that many of the websites listed by the FBI in the alert appeared to be down. However, the FBI stated that the “public should be aware that new websites will continue to appear.”

“Exercise caution when clicking on advertisements. Before clicking on an advertisement, check the URL to make sure the site is authentic,” the notice reads. “Malicious advertisements may redirect users to a different website than indicated.”

The June 16 public service announcement did not say whether anyone was victimized by a FIFA website-related scam. But victims who believe that they were targeted in a scam should file a complaint with the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center at ic3.gov, it states

Aside from combating fake websites, the FBI has also acted to keep drones away from World Cup games. Earlier this week, an illegal immigrant with a prior criminal history, including a cocaine-trafficking conviction, was arrested for flying a drone near a World Cup event in Atlanta, the FBI announced.

The World Cup lasts from June 11 until July 19, with matches being played across the United States, Mexico, and Canada.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 06/20/2026 – 09:20

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/srXJAVt Tyler Durden

The World Cup’s Uneven Playing Field

The World Cup’s Uneven Playing Field

Due to its truly global footprint, the FIFA World Cup has always been a celebration of diversity, both on and off the pitch.

It brings together different cultures, different playing styles and different levels of skill, professionalism and financial muscle.

However, with the tournament now over a week old, it is clear that they are playing ‘football’ on an uneven playing field.

As Statista’s Felix Richter reports, while nations like France, Spain and England have assembled squads full of international superstars, other participants will field teams that are largely unknown to fans outside of the respective country.

According to estimates from Transfermarkt.com, there is a huge gulf in squad value between the nations traditionally challenging for the title and those happy to be part of the show.

Infographic: The World Cup's Uneven Playing Field | Statista

You will find more infographics at Statista

France’s star-studded squad is worth more than 70 times as the teams assembled by Qatar, Jordan and Iraq, the least valuable squads in the tournament.

This is a reflection of the balance of power in global football, which is concentrated in Europe’s top leagues…. and correlates very well with likelihood of success.

It is partly for this reason that surprises have become increasingly rare in the world’s biggest football competition, where it’s hard to imagine a fairy tale run of a smaller nation to the tournament’s final stages.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 06/20/2026 – 07:35

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America Spent a Fortune Shooting Down Cheap Drones. Now the Missile Stores Are Bare.


Uncle Sam Pez dispenser shooting out missiles | Adani Samat/Midjourney

Does the U.S. government have enough ammunition for all its wars and potential wars? Ask two different Pentagon officials and get two different answers.

In May 2026, acting Navy Secretary Hung Cao told Congress that “we’re doing a pause” on sales to Taiwan “in order to make sure we have the munitions we need” for the Iran war. A few days later, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth backpedaled. “Hung Cao is fantastic, but I would not couple the two in any way at all,” he told reporters. “And I feel good about not only where we are, but where we are in future production rates as well.” It was the latest in a series of statements from Hegseth and other Trump administration officials complaining that the media were exaggerating munitions shortages.

The lady doth protest too much. Warning lights have been blinking for years about the United States’ ability to prepare for future conflicts while also supporting proxy wars in Europe and the Middle East. The direct war with Iran burned through U.S. magazines at an even faster pace.

“The U.S. has stockpile requirements that reflect contingency plan requirements. Of course, it accepts some risk when it needs to,” explains Josh Paul, previously the State Department official in charge of weapons sales. In other words, the question of how much ammunition is enough is a question of acceptable danger.

The current shortages are especially dire when it comes to air defense ammunition. That introduces a kind of danger that the U.S. and its partners simply aren’t used to. After generations of U.S. aerial dominance, the economics of war are exposing American troops—and First World societies—to being bombed from above.

The main round of U.S.-Iranian fighting ended in April 2026 with 14 Americans dead and 409 wounded. There are signs that the situation would have gotten dramatically worse if it had continued. Just before the ceasefire, Iran was achieving an increasing hit rate with smaller barrages because the U.S. and its partners had used up so much of their air defense ammunition. Israel was rationing its high-end missile interceptors, whose numbers had fallen to “double digits,” a U.S. source told Drop Site.

Future U.S. wars may look “more like Ukraine,” with heavy bombing on both sides, says Justin Logan, director of defense and foreign policy studies at the libertarian Cato Institute. “The Americans like to insulate ourselves and our friends from adversaries’ ability to retaliate, but that’s extremely costly.”

Shortages are already being felt in Ukraine itself. After a June 2026 air raid by Russia killed 22 people, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy pleaded with European allies to speed up deliveries of the American-made Patriot air defense system, adding that the issue was “no longer about financing.” There just wasn’t enough inventory to go around. The Ukrainian government proposed “borrowing” Patriot ammunition from Germany, emptying German warehouses in exchange for an IOU.

Meanwhile, Taiwan is waiting for the Trump administration to approve a $14 billion arms sale that Congress has already signed off on. Part of the holdup seems to be political; President Donald Trump told Fox News the delay was “a very good negotiating chip for us” against China and a way to get both sides to “cool down.” But shortages are another part of the calculation, as Cao admitted. Reuters reports that the deal, whose contents have not been publicly reported, “largely consists” of Patriot ammunition and other air defense weapons.

“Everybody wants to adopt the American way of war, but nobody can afford it, including the Americans,” Logan says. “The ability to sustain political support drops like a lead balloon when we can’t intercept retaliation.”

How Drones and Cheap Missiles Ended America’s Free Pass From Enemy Fire

For most of the last century, the United States has gotten used to fighting one-sided air wars. Before the recent Middle Eastern conflicts, U.S. troops were last killed by hostile aircraft during the Korean War in 1953. In recent years, the feeling grew that the U.S. military could simply bomb other countries with no real cost. The public took little notice as the Obama, Biden, and Trump administrations waged “light footprint” air campaigns around the world.

“It works for a time, when you have this enormous asymmetry, but adversaries of all kinds learn to adapt,” says Kelly Grieco, a fellow at the Stimson Center. “There were warning signs long before this war.”

One important change was the drone revolution. Advances in electronics allowed small countries to get in on the game by the dawn of the 21st century. Israel became a leader in drone technology, which Turkey purchased and Iran stole. Chinese hobby drones hit the civilian market in the early 2010s, making this type of warfare even cheaper. The Islamic State group obtained a small “air force” by strapping grenades to photography drones.

When the U.S. fought the Islamic State in 2014’s Battle of Mosul, a U.S. Army colonel told Grieco that it was the first time that he “ever had to look to the sky and be concerned about the enemy.”

Meanwhile, Iran took lessons from Iraq, which had invaded Iran in 1980 and in turn suffered a U.S. invasion in 2003. The Iranian government concluded that it couldn’t build a competitive air force—but it could produce overwhelming numbers of ground-based missiles domestically.

The final turning point for the old model of war may have come during a conflict most Americans haven’t heard of: the 2020 war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Azerbaijani forces debuted the use of Israeli “kamikaze drones,” which fly themselves into a target and explode, alongside conventional Turkish drones. Two years later, when Russia invaded Ukraine, the Ukrainian army invested in those same Turkish drones, while the Russian military imported Iranian experts and designs to mass-produce the Shahed 136 kamikaze drone.

As the war in Ukraine dragged on, each side adopted the Islamic State tactic of using hobby drones to drop grenades on individual soldiers. When radio jamming made drone attacks harder, the armies then equipped their drones with spools of fiber-optic cable. Battlefields have become littered with miles of discarded wires. Beyond the front lines, Russia and Ukraine have been using long-range drones to bomb each other’s infrastructure and drone fighters to shoot down (or stab down) those drone bombers.

The United States and its Middle East partners were used to a higher level of protection than Russia or Ukraine found possible to achieve. Israel’s Iron Dome, an air defense system for short-range rockets and artillery, had a reported 90 percent interception rate in small wars from 2011 to 2023. The oil-rich Arab monarchies were even more casualty-averse. When Yemeni rebels drone-bombed Saudi Arabia in 2019 and the United Arab Emirates in 2022, both air raids caused a national crisis.

This year’s war with Iran unleashed the first sustained air attack those countries faced from someone more sophisticated than ragtag guerrillas. They tried to maintain the previous level of insulation at a massive cost. Ukrainian military advisers told the The Times of London they were “astonished” to see Arab militaries firing off eight Patriot interceptors to shoot down a single Iranian drone. Israel used up 80 percent of its entire stockpile of high-end Arrow interceptors in 16 days, according to a study by the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) in Britain. On top of that, the U.S. military fired more interceptors in Israel’s defense than the Israeli army itself did, according to The Washington Post.

The Israeli and U.S. militaries also burned through their offensive weapons, according to RUSI. Hegseth warned Japan that the U.S. no longer had enough Tomahawk cruise missiles to spare, the Financial Times reported. When it runs low on these “standoff munitions,” which allow U.S. aircraft to fire from a distance, the U.S. has “to fight closer in, and when you fight closer in, there’s greater risk,” Grieco says.

Part of the U.S. problem with Iran seems to have been the assumption of a quick victory. Trump said both publicly and privately that he expected Iran to fold within days. At the beginning of the war, the U.S. military touted its ability to proactively suppress Iranian missile fire in the immediate term by blowing up launcher trucks or caving in underground base entrances. But the launchers were simple to replace—they’re just normal trucks with some extra hydraulics, after all—and caved-in base entrances could be dug out.

The worst-case near-future scenario for the U.S. military, a war with China in the Pacific, would combine all of these issues with several new ones. U.S. allies Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan are all high-tech economies within range of Chinese and North Korean missiles. China has much more formidable air defenses than Iran, making missile suppression almost impossible. And because Taiwan is an island that is easy to isolate, all of its defense weapons would have to be imported before a crisis starts.

In January 2023, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) ran a war game simulating a Pacific war caused by a Chinese invasion of Taiwan. The simulation found that the U.S. military would run out of Long Range Anti-Ship Missiles (LRASM) within days and Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missiles (JASSMs) within two to three weeks. The center concluded that the U.S. could defeat an invasion of Taiwan, but at a cost of hundreds of aircraft—and more human casualties in a month than Americans had suffered over the past generation of wars combined.

Why the Pentagon Can’t Just Build Its Way Out of the Ammo Crisis

After three years of European and Middle Eastern fighting, the munitions situation is now significantly worse. The U.S. military used up about 25 percent of its JASSMs in the Iran war, according to the RUSI study. A separate CSIS study from May 2026 found that rebuilding those missiles could take until mid-2027; it would take another two years to bring various air defense magazines back to prewar levels, and it would be the 2030s before Washington could replace all the Tomahawk cruise missiles used in the war.

The Pentagon wants to pour gargantuan amounts of money into doing so. The military budget request for fiscal year 2027, a historic $1.5 trillion, includes $52 billion for high-priority munitions—nearly a fivefold increase over the previous year—and another $100 billion to build up the industrial base. On top of the annual military budget, the Trump administration also planned to ask Congress for $200 billion for supplemental Iran war funding, though the administration later shrunk that request and folded much of it into the annual military budget, The Washington Post reports.

A closer look at the budget request shows how unbalanced the math of air defense is. The latest model of Patriot interceptor, the PAC-3, will cost approximately $4 million per unit. (Remember, Arab armies were firing up to eight of them against a single drone.) While the cost of the Shahed 136 is not public knowledge, an Iranian source told the American economics magazine Phenomenal World that each drone costs 6 billion rials, which came out to $4,000 on the most up-to-date exchange rate.

Even more important than the dollar price are the resources and time each weapon takes. Adjusting for the local cost of parts and labor, Phenomenal World calculated that the real equivalent price of a Shahed 136 would be around $7,000 per drone, still much lower than the interceptor used to shoot it down. While a single Shahed factory in Russia can make 5,500 drones per month, the total production of PAC-3s is currently less than 1,000 per year. In the two-year journey of a PAC-3 from order to delivery, new workers must be trained in specialized skills and vetted for security clearances; manufacturer Lockheed Martin has to source parts from more than 400 companies.

The PAC-3 is often competing with other weapons for the same components—and these components compete with other industries and other countries for raw materials. In April 2025, the Chinese government imposed strict export controls on rare earth minerals and permanent magnets, sending the Pentagon on a frantic and expensive quest to identify new sources, according to the CSIS.

Investments can increase production. The United States and its allies have been fairly successful at pumping out more 155mm artillery shells, one of the chief concerns two years ago. But the process of expanding production itself takes years. Lockheed Martin is planning to increase its annual production of the PAC-3s to around 2,000 by fiscal year 2030.

The long time for these investments to pay off is a structural barrier. “The challenge has always been the private sector’s willingness to reinvest profits in production,” says Paul, the former State Department official. “For instance, if you’re a publicly traded company, would you rather have a full 10-year book, or spend a chunk of your own capital to build a new production facility, reducing your book to 5 years, for a system that may be outdated in 10 years?” 

Despite these problems, the United States is still the world’s largest supplier of arms. Its share of the global market has actually grown since 2016, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute in Sweden. When journalists ask her whether the United States has sufficient munitions, Grieco always responds, “Sufficient munitions to do what? Because no country other than maybe China has the kind of depth that we do in munitions.”

Ultimately, the issue with munitions is less a shortage of supply and more an excess of demand. The United States wants to be involved in conflicts around the world while retaining the ability to start new ones, such as the Iran war. At the same time, societies like ours “are built on assuming away the prospect of punishment” in war, Logan says.

That’s not sustainable anymore, thanks to advances in missile and drone technology. “Warfare is about larger numbers of smaller, cheaper, plentiful things that strongly favor the defense,” Grieco explains. Ironically, the abundance of offensive weapons means that the defender can punish the attacker more easily.

Rather than trying to fight this trend, the United States can stop putting itself in the position of an attacker. Washington’s chief stated foreign policy goals outside the Middle East are repelling an invasion of Ukraine and deterring an invasion of Taiwan. If the U.S. can resist the temptation to launch more wars, then the technological changes “ought to be good news,” Grieco argues. “We should be leveraging this defensive potential.”

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America Spent a Fortune Shooting Down Cheap Drones. Now the Missile Stores Are Bare.


Uncle Sam Pez dispenser shooting out missiles | Adani Samat/Midjourney

Does the U.S. government have enough ammunition for all its wars and potential wars? Ask two different Pentagon officials and get two different answers.

In May 2026, acting Navy Secretary Hung Cao told Congress that “we’re doing a pause” on sales to Taiwan “in order to make sure we have the munitions we need” for the Iran war. A few days later, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth backpedaled. “Hung Cao is fantastic, but I would not couple the two in any way at all,” he told reporters. “And I feel good about not only where we are, but where we are in future production rates as well.” It was the latest in a series of statements from Hegseth and other Trump administration officials complaining that the media were exaggerating munitions shortages.

The lady doth protest too much. Warning lights have been blinking for years about the United States’ ability to prepare for future conflicts while also supporting proxy wars in Europe and the Middle East. The direct war with Iran burned through U.S. magazines at an even faster pace.

“The U.S. has stockpile requirements that reflect contingency plan requirements. Of course, it accepts some risk when it needs to,” explains Josh Paul, previously the State Department official in charge of weapons sales. In other words, the question of how much ammunition is enough is a question of acceptable danger.

The current shortages are especially dire when it comes to air defense ammunition. That introduces a kind of danger that the U.S. and its partners simply aren’t used to. After generations of U.S. aerial dominance, the economics of war are exposing American troops—and First World societies—to being bombed from above.

The main round of U.S.-Iranian fighting ended in April 2026 with 14 Americans dead and 409 wounded. There are signs that the situation would have gotten dramatically worse if it had continued. Just before the ceasefire, Iran was achieving an increasing hit rate with smaller barrages because the U.S. and its partners had used up so much of their air defense ammunition. Israel was rationing its high-end missile interceptors, whose numbers had fallen to “double digits,” a U.S. source told Drop Site.

Future U.S. wars may look “more like Ukraine,” with heavy bombing on both sides, says Justin Logan, director of defense and foreign policy studies at the libertarian Cato Institute. “The Americans like to insulate ourselves and our friends from adversaries’ ability to retaliate, but that’s extremely costly.”

Shortages are already being felt in Ukraine itself. After a June 2026 air raid by Russia killed 22 people, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy pleaded with European allies to speed up deliveries of the American-made Patriot air defense system, adding that the issue was “no longer about financing.” There just wasn’t enough inventory to go around. The Ukrainian government proposed “borrowing” Patriot ammunition from Germany, emptying German warehouses in exchange for an IOU.

Meanwhile, Taiwan is waiting for the Trump administration to approve a $14 billion arms sale that Congress has already signed off on. Part of the holdup seems to be political; President Donald Trump told Fox News the delay was “a very good negotiating chip for us” against China and a way to get both sides to “cool down.” But shortages are another part of the calculation, as Cao admitted. Reuters reports that the deal, whose contents have not been publicly reported, “largely consists” of Patriot ammunition and other air defense weapons.

“Everybody wants to adopt the American way of war, but nobody can afford it, including the Americans,” Logan says. “The ability to sustain political support drops like a lead balloon when we can’t intercept retaliation.”

How Drones and Cheap Missiles Ended America’s Free Pass From Enemy Fire

For most of the last century, the United States has gotten used to fighting one-sided air wars. Before the recent Middle Eastern conflicts, U.S. troops were last killed by hostile aircraft during the Korean War in 1953. In recent years, the feeling grew that the U.S. military could simply bomb other countries with no real cost. The public took little notice as the Obama, Biden, and Trump administrations waged “light footprint” air campaigns around the world.

“It works for a time, when you have this enormous asymmetry, but adversaries of all kinds learn to adapt,” says Kelly Grieco, a fellow at the Stimson Center. “There were warning signs long before this war.”

One important change was the drone revolution. Advances in electronics allowed small countries to get in on the game by the dawn of the 21st century. Israel became a leader in drone technology, which Turkey purchased and Iran stole. Chinese hobby drones hit the civilian market in the early 2010s, making this type of warfare even cheaper. The Islamic State group obtained a small “air force” by strapping grenades to photography drones.

When the U.S. fought the Islamic State in 2014’s Battle of Mosul, a U.S. Army colonel told Grieco that it was the first time that he “ever had to look to the sky and be concerned about the enemy.”

Meanwhile, Iran took lessons from Iraq, which had invaded Iran in 1980 and in turn suffered a U.S. invasion in 2003. The Iranian government concluded that it couldn’t build a competitive air force—but it could produce overwhelming numbers of ground-based missiles domestically.

The final turning point for the old model of war may have come during a conflict most Americans haven’t heard of: the 2020 war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Azerbaijani forces debuted the use of Israeli “kamikaze drones,” which fly themselves into a target and explode, alongside conventional Turkish drones. Two years later, when Russia invaded Ukraine, the Ukrainian army invested in those same Turkish drones, while the Russian military imported Iranian experts and designs to mass-produce the Shahed 136 kamikaze drone.

As the war in Ukraine dragged on, each side adopted the Islamic State tactic of using hobby drones to drop grenades on individual soldiers. When radio jamming made drone attacks harder, the armies then equipped their drones with spools of fiber-optic cable. Battlefields have become littered with miles of discarded wires. Beyond the front lines, Russia and Ukraine have been using long-range drones to bomb each other’s infrastructure and drone fighters to shoot down (or stab down) those drone bombers.

The United States and its Middle East partners were used to a higher level of protection than Russia or Ukraine found possible to achieve. Israel’s Iron Dome, an air defense system for short-range rockets and artillery, had a reported 90 percent interception rate in small wars from 2011 to 2023. The oil-rich Arab monarchies were even more casualty-averse. When Yemeni rebels drone-bombed Saudi Arabia in 2019 and the United Arab Emirates in 2022, both air raids caused a national crisis.

This year’s war with Iran unleashed the first sustained air attack those countries faced from someone more sophisticated than ragtag guerrillas. They tried to maintain the previous level of insulation at a massive cost. Ukrainian military advisers told the The Times of London they were “astonished” to see Arab militaries firing off eight Patriot interceptors to shoot down a single Iranian drone. Israel used up 80 percent of its entire stockpile of high-end Arrow interceptors in 16 days, according to a study by the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) in Britain. On top of that, the U.S. military fired more interceptors in Israel’s defense than the Israeli army itself did, according to The Washington Post.

The Israeli and U.S. militaries also burned through their offensive weapons, according to RUSI. Hegseth warned Japan that the U.S. no longer had enough Tomahawk cruise missiles to spare, the Financial Times reported. When it runs low on these “standoff munitions,” which allow U.S. aircraft to fire from a distance, the U.S. has “to fight closer in, and when you fight closer in, there’s greater risk,” Grieco says.

Part of the U.S. problem with Iran seems to have been the assumption of a quick victory. Trump said both publicly and privately that he expected Iran to fold within days. At the beginning of the war, the U.S. military touted its ability to proactively suppress Iranian missile fire in the immediate term by blowing up launcher trucks or caving in underground base entrances. But the launchers were simple to replace—they’re just normal trucks with some extra hydraulics, after all—and caved-in base entrances could be dug out.

The worst-case near-future scenario for the U.S. military, a war with China in the Pacific, would combine all of these issues with several new ones. U.S. allies Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan are all high-tech economies within range of Chinese and North Korean missiles. China has much more formidable air defenses than Iran, making missile suppression almost impossible. And because Taiwan is an island that is easy to isolate, all of its defense weapons would have to be imported before a crisis starts.

In January 2023, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) ran a war game simulating a Pacific war caused by a Chinese invasion of Taiwan. The simulation found that the U.S. military would run out of Long Range Anti-Ship Missiles (LRASM) within days and Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missiles (JASSMs) within two to three weeks. The center concluded that the U.S. could defeat an invasion of Taiwan, but at a cost of hundreds of aircraft—and more human casualties in a month than Americans had suffered over the past generation of wars combined.

Why the Pentagon Can’t Just Build Its Way Out of the Ammo Crisis

After three years of European and Middle Eastern fighting, the munitions situation is now significantly worse. The U.S. military used up about 25 percent of its JASSMs in the Iran war, according to the RUSI study. A separate CSIS study from May 2026 found that rebuilding those missiles could take until mid-2027; it would take another two years to bring various air defense magazines back to prewar levels, and it would be the 2030s before Washington could replace all the Tomahawk cruise missiles used in the war.

The Pentagon wants to pour gargantuan amounts of money into doing so. The military budget request for fiscal year 2027, a historic $1.5 trillion, includes $52 billion for high-priority munitions—nearly a fivefold increase over the previous year—and another $100 billion to build up the industrial base. On top of the annual military budget, the Trump administration also planned to ask Congress for $200 billion for supplemental Iran war funding, though the administration later shrunk that request and folded much of it into the annual military budget, The Washington Post reports.

A closer look at the budget request shows how unbalanced the math of air defense is. The latest model of Patriot interceptor, the PAC-3, will cost approximately $4 million per unit. (Remember, Arab armies were firing up to eight of them against a single drone.) While the cost of the Shahed 136 is not public knowledge, an Iranian source told the American economics magazine Phenomenal World that each drone costs 6 billion rials, which came out to $4,000 on the most up-to-date exchange rate.

Even more important than the dollar price are the resources and time each weapon takes. Adjusting for the local cost of parts and labor, Phenomenal World calculated that the real equivalent price of a Shahed 136 would be around $7,000 per drone, still much lower than the interceptor used to shoot it down. While a single Shahed factory in Russia can make 5,500 drones per month, the total production of PAC-3s is currently less than 1,000 per year. In the two-year journey of a PAC-3 from order to delivery, new workers must be trained in specialized skills and vetted for security clearances; manufacturer Lockheed Martin has to source parts from more than 400 companies.

The PAC-3 is often competing with other weapons for the same components—and these components compete with other industries and other countries for raw materials. In April 2025, the Chinese government imposed strict export controls on rare earth minerals and permanent magnets, sending the Pentagon on a frantic and expensive quest to identify new sources, according to the CSIS.

Investments can increase production. The United States and its allies have been fairly successful at pumping out more 155mm artillery shells, one of the chief concerns two years ago. But the process of expanding production itself takes years. Lockheed Martin is planning to increase its annual production of the PAC-3s to around 2,000 by fiscal year 2030.

The long time for these investments to pay off is a structural barrier. “The challenge has always been the private sector’s willingness to reinvest profits in production,” says Paul, the former State Department official. “For instance, if you’re a publicly traded company, would you rather have a full 10-year book, or spend a chunk of your own capital to build a new production facility, reducing your book to 5 years, for a system that may be outdated in 10 years?” 

Despite these problems, the United States is still the world’s largest supplier of arms. Its share of the global market has actually grown since 2016, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute in Sweden. When journalists ask her whether the United States has sufficient munitions, Grieco always responds, “Sufficient munitions to do what? Because no country other than maybe China has the kind of depth that we do in munitions.”

Ultimately, the issue with munitions is less a shortage of supply and more an excess of demand. The United States wants to be involved in conflicts around the world while retaining the ability to start new ones, such as the Iran war. At the same time, societies like ours “are built on assuming away the prospect of punishment” in war, Logan says.

That’s not sustainable anymore, thanks to advances in missile and drone technology. “Warfare is about larger numbers of smaller, cheaper, plentiful things that strongly favor the defense,” Grieco explains. Ironically, the abundance of offensive weapons means that the defender can punish the attacker more easily.

Rather than trying to fight this trend, the United States can stop putting itself in the position of an attacker. Washington’s chief stated foreign policy goals outside the Middle East are repelling an invasion of Ukraine and deterring an invasion of Taiwan. If the U.S. can resist the temptation to launch more wars, then the technological changes “ought to be good news,” Grieco argues. “We should be leveraging this defensive potential.”

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The Brits Should Declare Their Independence, Too

The Brits Should Declare Their Independence, Too

Authored by J.B. Shurk via American Thinker,

British tyranny is globalism, and globalism must be destroyed.

British tyranny is so repulsive that the British people owe it to themselves to overthrow their government masters.  It has been two-hundred-fifty years since America’s Declaration of Independence recognized the Crown system as a threat to Americans’ lives and liberties.  English-speaking peoples still suffering under the British yoke should follow suit.

Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced a near-total ban on social media for children under sixteen years old.  Ten of the most popular social media platforms are now age-restricted, with the toxic-leftist Bluesky platform a notable exception.  The government claims to be “protecting children” from online harm.  That’s a lie.  If the British government cared about protecting British children, government ministers and police forces would not have covered up Islamic rape gangs targeting children for three-plus decades.  The British government would not censor online reporting of foreigners murdering young Brits.  The British government has systematically chosen to sacrifice the United Kingdom’s children.

This online “safety” measure must be understood, then, as a ruse meant to expand the government’s control over online information.  Australia, New Zealand, and Canada have similar surveillance systems in place — all ostensibly erected to “protect the children” but designed, in reality, to control the speech of citizens.  In these countries, the only way to communicate with other citizens on social media platforms is to prove your age by proving your identity.  Mandatory digital identification systems are disguised as child welfare checks.  The Brits and their Commonwealth vassals have built a surveillance system to monitor citizens’ thoughts, censor unapproved speech, and promote official propaganda.

Tyrant Starmer is pushing this online surveillance infrastructure while citizens in the U.K. are protesting and rioting against the British government’s murderous mass immigration policies — which have invited foreign rapists and killers to overrun the kingdom and slaughter citizens.

Third-world barbarism is exploding across Europe.  Official Eurostat numbers show that sexual violence offenses in the European Union have doubled over the last decade.  Rapes skyrocketed 150%.  Knife crimes and murders are off the charts.  Foreign nationals who have immigrated into Europe are responsible for roughly fifty percent of violent crime.

Just as the unelected European Commission ruling the continent continues to cover up immigrant crimes and censor citizens’ online discussion of these ongoing threats, the British government is more concerned about punishing native Brits for noticing that they are under attack than repelling violent invaders from Britain’s shores.  (If Keir Starmer had been in Winston Churchill’s shoes during the Nazi Blitz, the British government would have surely helped the Germans cover up the bombings while blaming all the destruction on British citizens!)

Starmer’s government spies run a propaganda outfit that controls all public “narratives” regarding immigrant crime against native Brits.  The group of spies write and release misleading statements, presented as coming from the families of victims, that are designed to downplay rapes, murders, and other violent incidents.  While these spies use propaganda and censorship to cover up serious crimes committed by immigrants, they simultaneously engage in information warfare against British citizens by branding legitimate public concerns over safety as “disinformation,” “far-right racism,” “violence,” and “hate speech.”  This spy group in charge of monitoring and shaping the public’s thoughts has flagged “reading Shakespeare, Chaucer or Milton, or books documenting grooming gang scandals as potential indicators of far-Right susceptibility.”  The British spies — a veritable Gestapo fabricating public “truth” — plant media stories, steer online discussions, and deploy operatives to disrupt or direct public protests.

The British government claims the power to block “false information” that is “legal but harmful.”  On its website, the British government defines “extreme right-wing terrorist ideology” to include the belief that “‘Western culture’ is under threat from mass migration and a lack of integration by certain ethnic and cultural groups.”  British Technology Secretary Liz Kendall claims that it is “illegal” to promote “disorder” on social media.  Meanwhile, Starmer’s government tyrants are instructing journalists how to report immigrant attacks on British citizens.  These are the actions of dictators who do not care about “protecting the children.”

Surveying the daily violent crime by immigrants and the British government’s ongoing cover-ups, former Prime Minister Liz Truss says there is a government campaign to “undermine the family” and the “nation state.”  She says that forced diversity has corrupted the institutions and that government ministers suppress information and attack citizens while protecting barbarians.  She concludes that mass migration and government control over information are being used as weapons to destroy Western civilization.

For years, we Americans have watched the evils of globalism expand both at home and abroad in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and most of continental Europe.  Branded by its international supporters as some kind of final, utopian stage of human governance, globalism is just another Frankensteinian beast — created from all the worst parts of Marxist-communism, Leninism, Maoism, fascism, Nazism, authoritarianism, oligarchy, corporatism, elitism, and central bank hegemony.  Globalism is totalitarianism.  Its god is government, although it has created special liturgical rituals regarding an imaginary “climate change” apocalypse meant to scare the world’s peasants into accepting the supremacy of government authority and bureaucrats’ (globalism’s “priests”) centralized power over all economic transactions.

Globalist governments seek total control over the people, and every policy that globalist governments shove down our throats is meant to advance this goal of total control.  COVID was not a health emergency.  It was a government excuse to roll out digital identifications, mandatory pharmaceutical injections, “vaccine” passports capable of monitoring real-time citizen movements, and online censorship.  It was a government program meant to condition citizens to accept that government bureaucrats should be empowered with limitless authorities — including the discretion to regulate church services, close and bankrupt businesses, lockdown citizens in their homes, separate family members from dying loved ones, and quarantine citizens for non-compliance.  The “global warming/cooling/climate change/extreme weather” hobgoblin is a government-designed scare tactic identical to the COVID “emergency.”  The only difference is that the “global warming” fearmongers have been telling us that we have twelve years left to live for the last century, while the COVID fearmongers told us that we had twelve days to live unless we complied.  Manufacturing compliance was and remains globalist governments’ only strategic objective.

Globalism’s ruling elites lust for wealth, power, and total control over the public.  Their lust will never be sated.  They wish for a small collection of government and economic masters to subjugate as much of the planet’s population as possible as serfs.  Globalism is a conquering empire.  Its oligarchy of central bank popes, chosen political governors, corporate monarchs, and techno-fascist-brownshirt-bureaucrats are modern-day slavers and colonizers.  Instead of putting us in chains and whipping us when we “misbehave,” they put us in a lifetime of debt and prosecute us for expressing opinions contrary to official government orthodoxy.

Do you believe that marriage is an institution recognizing the sacred union between one man and one woman?  Do you believe that men and women are biologically different?  Do you believe that mass immigration is a threat to national security?  Do you believe “multiculturalism” and forced “diversity” destroy excellence, discount merit, and weaken the naturally salubrious bonds of common cultural heritage?  Do you believe that every human has a God-given right to self-defense?  Do you believe that Christians should remain faithful to their beliefs in both their public and private lives?  If so, globalist governments see you as an “extremist,” “right-winger,” “religious fanatic,” “terrorist,” and “enemy of the State.”  Your thoughts will be condemned.  Your speech will be censored.  You will be fined and prosecuted.  You will go to prison for your beliefs.

The best way for Americans to fight encroaching globalism over here is to support British patriots in their fight against globalism over there.  As Benjamin Franklin persuasively argued, “We must all hang together, or we shall all hang separately.”

Tyler Durden
Sat, 06/20/2026 – 07:00

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/htOgvcD Tyler Durden

The Mayor Who Loves Bodegas Is Building Taxpayer-Funded Competitors


New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani is seen outside a grocery store | Wirestock/Dreamstime/Lev Radin/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom

Throughout his nascent tenure, New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has positioned himself as a champion of Big Apple small businesses. Just two weeks onto the job, he declared: “You cannot tell the story of New York without our small businesses.” He went on to decry costly city regulations that have “long made it too hard for these same businesses to open their doors.”

Perhaps on account of his love for food, Mamdani has shown particular adoration for NYC’s network of independently owned bodegas: “I can’t imagine New York City without bodegas. They represent our hustle and entrepreneurial spirit.” But so far, the mayor’s self-proclaimed concern for the little guy has proven more rhetoric than reality—especially in the realm of groceries.

Mamdani’s primary initiative in the grocery space, of course, has been to push his $70 million plan to build a city-owned grocery store in each of Gotham’s five boroughs. But during a New York City Council hearing last week, the mayor’s budget chief disclosed that the administration has failed to conduct a small-business impact study on how these government-backed stores would affect nearby mom-and-pop outlets, which operate on thin profit margins.

The lack of concern does not come as a surprise to those who are familiar with how this story has played out. Despite the Mamdani administration’s claim that it would target so-called “food deserts” when it came to placing the government-owned stores, the sites selected so far are scarcely bereft of food.

There are already several bodegas and small grocers within blocks of the planned East Harlem site for one of the government-backed stores. A Fox News digital analysis found roughly 45 grocery stores within a 35-minute walk of the proposed location. Out of the 500 largest cities in the U.S., a recent study ranked New York as the third-best city for grocery access, outperforming San Francisco, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Washington, D.C., among many others.

This matters. Mamdani’s stores will be operating at a distinct advantage compared to private grocers: They will not have to pay rent or property taxes. Annual rental prices for storefronts in East Harlem average from $120 to $225 per square foot for high-traffic corridors and $65 to $120 per square foot for secondary retail. For the former, a 1,000-square foot retail space would cost between $10,000 and $18,750 to rent each month; for the latter, it would be between $5,000 and $10,000. (Multiply that by many times, as the city-owned grocery store in East Harlem is slated to be 9,000 square feet.)

The grocery business is also notorious for its tight profit margins—usually hovering around 1-3 percent—further underscoring the potential threat posed by rent-free and tax-free competitors. As a result, local independent grocery stores are pushing the city council to intervene against Mamdani’s government outlets.

The president of the National Supermarket Association, which represents 450 independent grocery stores inside the city, called the government-backed stores a “slap in the face.” One bodega owner pointed out that the irony of the city “using our tax money to compete with us,” since the property taxes that private stores pay will functionally help offset the tax-free existence of the new government-operated competitor stores.

Supporters of the mayor’s plan might argue that competition from a mere five stores spread throughout a city as immense as NYC will have little real impact on existing private grocers. But not every lawmaker wants to stop at five stores.

Last week, a new bill was introduced in the New York City Council to make the city-owned stores permanent and to expand the number to five per borough. “Let’s make sure it’s not something that just our current mayor invests in, but something we can codify into in perpetuity,” said Jennifer Gutiérrez (D–Brooklyn), the sponsor of the bill, in an interview with The City Reporter.

While some have questioned whether Mamdani’s subsidized stores will actually result in cheaper food prices, it’s clear that the mayor himself is unconcerned by that skepticism—and in fact views his stores as a market competitor to be reckoned with. “Now, some will insist that city-owned businesses do not work, the government cannot keep up with corporations,” said Mamdani. “My answer to them is simple. I look forward to the competition.”

The main competitors, however, will not be massive corporations. They will be the nearby mom-and-pop bodegas the mayor says he loves.

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The Mayor Who Loves Bodegas Is Building Taxpayer-Funded Competitors


New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani is seen outside a grocery store | Wirestock/Dreamstime/Lev Radin/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom

Throughout his nascent tenure, New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has positioned himself as a champion of Big Apple small businesses. Just two weeks onto the job, he declared: “You cannot tell the story of New York without our small businesses.” He went on to decry costly city regulations that have “long made it too hard for these same businesses to open their doors.”

Perhaps on account of his love for food, Mamdani has shown particular adoration for NYC’s network of independently owned bodegas: “I can’t imagine New York City without bodegas. They represent our hustle and entrepreneurial spirit.” But so far, the mayor’s self-proclaimed concern for the little guy has proven more rhetoric than reality—especially in the realm of groceries.

Mamdani’s primary initiative in the grocery space, of course, has been to push his $70 million plan to build a city-owned grocery store in each of Gotham’s five boroughs. But during a New York City Council hearing last week, the mayor’s budget chief disclosed that the administration has failed to conduct a small-business impact study on how these government-backed stores would affect nearby mom-and-pop outlets, which operate on thin profit margins.

The lack of concern does not come as a surprise to those who are familiar with how this story has played out. Despite the Mamdani administration’s claim that it would target so-called “food deserts” when it came to placing the government-owned stores, the sites selected so far are scarcely bereft of food.

There are already several bodegas and small grocers within blocks of the planned East Harlem site for one of the government-backed stores. A Fox News digital analysis found roughly 45 grocery stores within a 35-minute walk of the proposed location. Out of the 500 largest cities in the U.S., a recent study ranked New York as the third-best city for grocery access, outperforming San Francisco, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Washington, D.C., among many others.

This matters. Mamdani’s stores will be operating at a distinct advantage compared to private grocers: They will not have to pay rent or property taxes. Annual rental prices for storefronts in East Harlem average from $120 to $225 per square foot for high-traffic corridors and $65 to $120 per square foot for secondary retail. For the former, a 1,000-square foot retail space would cost between $10,000 and $18,750 to rent each month; for the latter, it would be between $5,000 and $10,000. (Multiply that by many times, as the city-owned grocery store in East Harlem is slated to be 9,000 square feet.)

The grocery business is also notorious for its tight profit margins—usually hovering around 1-3 percent—further underscoring the potential threat posed by rent-free and tax-free competitors. As a result, local independent grocery stores are pushing the city council to intervene against Mamdani’s government outlets.

The president of the National Supermarket Association, which represents 450 independent grocery stores inside the city, called the government-backed stores a “slap in the face.” One bodega owner pointed out that the irony of the city “using our tax money to compete with us,” since the property taxes that private stores pay will functionally help offset the tax-free existence of the new government-operated competitor stores.

Supporters of the mayor’s plan might argue that competition from a mere five stores spread throughout a city as immense as NYC will have little real impact on existing private grocers. But not every lawmaker wants to stop at five stores.

Last week, a new bill was introduced in the New York City Council to make the city-owned stores permanent and to expand the number to five per borough. “Let’s make sure it’s not something that just our current mayor invests in, but something we can codify into in perpetuity,” said Jennifer Gutiérrez (D–Brooklyn), the sponsor of the bill, in an interview with The City Reporter.

While some have questioned whether Mamdani’s subsidized stores will actually result in cheaper food prices, it’s clear that the mayor himself is unconcerned by that skepticism—and in fact views his stores as a market competitor to be reckoned with. “Now, some will insist that city-owned businesses do not work, the government cannot keep up with corporations,” said Mamdani. “My answer to them is simple. I look forward to the competition.”

The main competitors, however, will not be massive corporations. They will be the nearby mom-and-pop bodegas the mayor says he loves.

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