When Cash Disappears, So Does Something Else

When Cash Disappears, So Does Something Else

Authored by Mollie Engelhart via The Epoch Times,

Last Sunday, I held a book signing at Pearl in San Antonio, the kind of place magazines love to feature. Old brick buildings have been transformed into beautiful restaurants, boutiques, apartments, and bookstores. It feels curated yet charming, historic yet modern, a vision of how we’re told that cities should look and feel.

My signing happened during the farmers market, so there was music in the air, families strolling, dogs on leashes, linen dresses, and heirloom tomatoes. It was lovely. Before I sat down, I stopped into the trendy grocery store nearby. Everything inside looked like how food should look: thoughtfully sourced, artfully displayed, and priced closer to what real food actually costs when someone grows it with care. I ordered a coffee and a pastry and pulled a $20 bill from my wallet.

“We don’t take cash,” the cashier said politely.

I nodded. I’ve worked in restaurants, and I understand the argument. With employees, cash can be seen as a liability, with risks of theft, accounting errors, and end-of-day discrepancies. Cards feel cleaner, easier, and more trackable. Still, something in me tightened. Every time we stop accepting cash, we normalize a world where every transaction is recorded, categorized, stored, and potentially scrutinized. Every purchase becomes a data point. Every cup of coffee leaves a digital trail.

I took my coffee, found my seat at the bookstore, and started signing books. Between conversations, I could hear the sizzle and chatter from a nearby empanada booth at the farmers market. The smell of warm pastry finally got me. I walked over, cash already in hand.

“Can I get a potato empanada?” I asked.

The woman at the booth said, with an apologetic smile, “We don’t take cash.”

Not a brick-and-mortar store with layers of management, a pop-up tent at a farmers market. That’s when it really hit me. This isn’t just about convenience or speed at checkout. Cash itself is becoming strange, inconvenient, outdated, and almost suspicious. We’re being trained to accept that every exchange must be mediated, approved, and recorded by a third party, and that third party isn’t free.

Most of the vendors there were using Square to process payments. The typical fee is about 3 percent to 4 percent per transaction. That might not sound like much, but that percentage is shaved off every single time money changes hands digitally.

If I hand $20 in cash to the empanada vendor, and he hands that same $20 to the barber who cuts his hair, and the barber gives it to a babysitter, and the babysitter uses it to buy a pizza, that same $20 bill keeps moving through the community at full value. No one skims anything off the top.

But in the digital system, that cut happens again and again, and the effect compounds. At a 3.5 percent fee, after one transaction, that $20 becomes $19.30. After two, $18.62. After three, $17.97. After four, $17.34. After five digital transactions, only about $16.74 remains in circulation. More than $3 of the original $20 has quietly disappeared in just a handful of everyday exchanges. That money didn’t go to the farmer, the barber, the babysitter, or the pizza shop. It left the community entirely.

It’s a quiet drain on small communities, a friction we barely see because it’s spread out, invisible, and normalized. There’s also a common belief that businesses are required to accept cash because it’s legal tender. The truth is more complicated. In most places, private businesses can choose what forms of payment they accept unless a local or state law says otherwise. So no, they aren’t necessarily breaking the law. But legality and wisdom are not the same thing.

Every digital transaction comes with processing fees and interchange costs. Small businesses quietly lose a percentage of every sale, and customers pay more over time as those costs are baked into prices. In return, we give up privacy, independence, and the simple resilience of being able to transact even when systems go down. Cash works during power outages. Cash works when the internet is down. Cash works without a corporate intermediary. Cash is anonymous, direct, and final.

When everything becomes digital, spending can be tracked, restricted, frozen, or flagged. We may not feel that pressure today when we’re buying coffee and pastries in beautiful spaces, but systems built for convenience can easily become systems of control.

What struck me most that morning was the irony. I was at a farmers market, a place that represents local food, small producers, and community resilience, and yet even there, we’ve accepted the idea that every transaction must flow through the same centralized financial rails. We tell ourselves that it’s about ease, but what we’re really trading is privacy, resilience, and a small but meaningful piece of our sovereignty over how we spend the fruits of our labor.

It happened so gradually that most of us didn’t even notice. Until one day you’re standing at a farmers market, cash in hand, and realize that the future has arrived quietly, and that it doesn’t include the simplest form of freedom we used to carry in our pockets.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times or ZeroHedge.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/17/2026 – 08:05

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BHP’s Copper Pivot Pays Off With Surprise Dividend Bump, Record-High Stock Price

BHP’s Copper Pivot Pays Off With Surprise Dividend Bump, Record-High Stock Price

Shares of BHP Group, the world’s largest miner, jumped to a record high in Australia after it posted earnings at the top end of Wall Street expectations. The miner’s pivot into copper, aided by a surging rally in industrial metals, offset softer conditions in its iron ore unit.

BHP chief executive Mike Henry reaffirmed to investors earlier on a call that the miner is pivoting toward “future-facing” metals. In other words, he explained that the world’s largest miner’s shift away from operations focused on serving China’s steel mills has paid off, as copper has soared.

Henry said that acquisitions began to bear fruit, as did the improvements at Escondida, the world’s largest mine, all of which were helped by a record surge in the price of the industrial metal used heavily for power grids and AI-related applications. 

“This is the result of our deliberate actions to grow our copper business,” Henry told analysts, adding, “Now, BHP is, by design, a diversified miner rather than focused on a single commodity.”

At the time of writing, iron ore futures on the Dalian Commodity Exchange were trading at depressed levels below $100 per ton, while copper on the London Metal Exchange was trading around $12,850 per ton.

BHP earnings highlights:

  • Underlying attributable profit rose 22% to $6.2 billion for the six months to end December. Shares in Australia jumped as much as 7.6% to a record.

  • Copper contributed more than half of the profit for the first time, motly because of higher copper prices and steady output. Copper division underlying EBITDA climbed 59% to $8 billion.

  • Iron ore earnings edged 4% higher and still make up close to half of the total, though BHP is dealing with “tough” negotiations with China’s state buyer, China Mineral Resources Group.

  • The Jansen potash project in Canada remains on track for first production in the middle of next year, though first-phase capex has risen to $8.4 billion.

  • On M&A: Recent gains include the 2023 purchase of OZ Minerals and the Vicuna joint venture with Lundin Mining. Attempts to buy Anglo American (and efforts around its tie-up with Teck Resources) were unsuccessful, so BHP is emphasizing organic growth and being more disciplined in deal-making.

  • Reiterated its plan to unlock up to $10 billion through asset sales and other transactions. It announced a $4.3 billion long-term silver streaming agreement with Wheaton Precious Metals tied to byproduct silver from the Antamina mine in Peru (BHP owns 33.75%). It also recently sold a $2 billion stake in the power network supporting Pilbara operations.

  • Declared an interim dividend set at 73 cents, equal to a 60% payout ratio

UBS analyst Dominic Ellis commented on BHP’s earnings, indicating “BHP Surprises With Dividend Bump.”

Ellis told clients:

BHP’s EBITDA beat by 3% in the first half of its financial year while EPS beat by 4%, but the surprise was the 16% increase in the dividend, on a 60% payout versus the baseline of 50%. Net debt stood at $14.7 bn, at the midpoint of the guided range, capex in line and guidance unchanged. Group EBITDA from copper was 51%, more than half of EBITDA for the first time. The stock has been a funding short for specialists, and while shares are performing well on these resutls, feedback from clients recently has been on the disconnect between iron ore (down sharply, now below $100/t) and iron ore equity resilience. BHP’s spot free cash flow yield is 3.5% this year versus Rio Tinto on 6.4%.

Reminder about the copper market:

Strong earnings and a copper-led pivot that’s cushioning a softer iron ore business have rewarded shareholders with record-high share prices in Australia.

“In the last five years, the BHP CEO has set the business up with options,” said Glyn Lawcock, head of metals and mining research at Barrenjoey Markets Pty in Sydney. “Clearly, growth to 2030 is really potash and iron ore, but you hit the start of the new decade, it’s pretty much all copper.”

Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/17/2026 – 07:45

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Italy Beckons The Rich: How Flat Taxes And Lifestyle Are Luring Global Millionaires

Italy Beckons The Rich: How Flat Taxes And Lifestyle Are Luring Global Millionaires

Submitted by Thomas Kolbe

Think of Italy, and wanderlust awakens immediately. Last year, over 140 million visitors experienced the beauty of the Amalfi Coast, enjoyed time at Lake Garda, in South Tyrol, Tuscany, or on the beaches of Sicily. Italy is a land of dreams with a rich cultural history, attracting those who want to experience the dolce vita in its finest form.

Italy is also a country that has drawn wealthy individuals from around the world for years. Last year alone, more than 3,600 high-net-worth individuals chose Italy as their new residence. They brought an estimated €21 billion in wealth with them – at least for tax purposes, as their investments or company holdings are usually spread across multiple countries.

What drives these wealthy newcomers may be Italian cuisine and the excellent weather, but above all, hard facts matter. Italy offers a special tax regime for the wealthy in the form of a flat tax. Incoming expats can either opt for standard domestic taxation or the so-called CR7 rule, under which wealthy newcomers previously paid a flat annual tax of €200,000 on all foreign income.

The CR7 rule, named after footballer Cristiano Ronaldo, whose now-iconic jersey bears the number seven, targets a specific class of taxpayers whose main sources of income lie abroad. It generally applies for up to 15 years and covers earnings from capital investments, image rights, licenses, foreign real estate, capital gains, or foreign inheritances.

Income from Italian domestic sources – in Ronaldo’s case, the salary from Juventus or revenues from Italian property – remains subject to standard Italian taxation. Ronaldo used this model after moving to Juve, allowing his billion-dollar wealth, largely invested abroad, to work tax-efficiently.

Italy has thus created a selective tax system designed to open doors for the global wealthy to settle in Italy, potentially establish business roots, and, later – even in the next generation – return to the regular tax system as integrated Italian citizens.

For the Italian treasury, this is a profitable arrangement. Adding ordinary consumption taxes and other routine levies, the state is estimated to have gained around €1 billion in extra revenue last year from the influx alone – without further effort. New businesses and investments from these wealthy newcomers also potentially create jobs and contribute to their local communities.

The broader tax framework is also appealing. Corporate and capital gains taxes in Italy are on average about two percent lower than in Germany. Inheritance taxation, for example, is significantly lower than in the UK, which now levies 40 percent on inheritances above £325,000, triggering an exodus of wealthy citizens.

Unsurprisingly, this preferential taxation has sparked criticism among Italians. The government of Giorgia Meloni responded by raising the flat rate from €100,000 to €200,000, and as of the start of this year, to €300,000. A flat fee of €50,000 per family member is also due. The goal seems to be defusing opposition without undermining the incentives.

Italy’s fiscal situation practically forces this approach. With public debt at roughly 135 percent of GDP, the country is cornered. Tough budget cuts accompany the government’s tax initiatives – and early results are visible.

This year, the budget deficit is expected to shrink to 2.5–2.8 percent of GDP – a notable achievement, considering other EU heavyweights like Germany and France report deficits of five to six percent.

The bond market has also responded positively. Yields on ten-year Italian government bonds have dropped from about 5 percent three years ago to roughly 3.5 percent today. The gap to German bonds – the so-called spread – is narrowing, signaling that markets view Italy’s fiscal climate as far more stable than just a few years ago, while conditions in Germany are increasingly perceived as critical.

In Rome, officials are watching Germany’s tax debates closely, where signs are emerging that Berlin might follow Norway’s 2022 example and levy a special wealth tax on the rich.

The Social Democrats, together with the united Left, are pushing for higher inheritance taxes on corporate wealth and the debated reintroduction of a wealth tax, driving their coalition partners forward. The political climate is favorable, and the Union parties appear resigned to the left’s dominance, likely to support these measures despite the precarious state of social security.

The mechanism is simple: spark a resentment-driven debate, activate the already abundant public envy, and target the wealthy. This alleviates political pressure – both on migration and on overdue welfare reforms – from the shoulders of those in charge.

Economists at the German Institute for Economic Research recently added fuel to the debate. With progressive rates of up to 12 percent for billionaires, Germany could generate roughly €150 billion in extra annual revenue.

Yet envy debates increasingly replace rational policy. This capital is not idle; it funds productive investments, company holdings, job creation, and technological advancement.

In its struggle for survival, Germany – and apparently a majority of its citizens – seems willing to consume its own productive base rather than endure a period of tough reforms and sacrifice, emerging stronger with a healthier economic foundation.

It is a fatal path, historically a civilizational rupture: for a limited time, the strong state stands at the end of a rapidly bleeding middle class, whose economic assets melt like ice in the sun. A societal climate of envy and impoverishment is the inevitable result.

South of the Alps, one can already anticipate a surge in German millionaires relocating. Germany’s political climate is increasingly hostile to enterprise and performance.

And as noted, life in Tuscany or the picturesque coastal towns of Italy offers compelling reasons to leave Germany behind. Put simply: nowhere in Italy is it as bad as in Berlin.

* * * 

About the author: Thomas Kolbe, a German graduate economist, has worked for over 25 years as a journalist and media producer for clients from various industries and business associations. As a publicist, he focuses on economic processes and observes geopolitical events from the perspective of the capital markets. His publications follow a philosophy that focuses on the individual and their right to self-determination.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/17/2026 – 07:20

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Civil Rights Leader Rev. Jesse Jackson Dead At 84

Civil Rights Leader Rev. Jesse Jackson Dead At 84

The Rev. Jesse Jackson, the longtime civil rights activist and two-time presidential candidate, died on Tuesday at the age of 84, according to NBC News.

Jackson’s family released this statement:

“Our father was a servant leader, not only to our family, but to the oppressed, the voiceless, and the overlooked around the world. We shared him with the world, and in return, the world became part of our extended family. His unwavering belief in justice, equality, and love uplifted millions, and we ask you to honor his memory by continuing the fight for the values he lived by.”

Civil rights leader Rev. Al Sharpton wrote in a statement that “our nation lost one of its greatest moral voices” and paid tribute to a man who “carried history in his footsteps and hope in his voice.”

“Reverend Jackson stood wherever dignity was under attack, from apartheid abroad to injustice at home. His voice echoed in boardrooms and in jail cells. His presence shifted rooms. His faith never wavered,” Sharpton said.

The cause of death was not immediately given by the family; however, they said he died peacefully, surrounded by his loved ones.

One important note: Jackson had been living with progressive supranuclear palsy for more than a decade. He was also hospitalized twice with Covid in recent years.

Jackson was born in Greenville, South Carolina, in 1941 and quickly became a civil rights leader, emerging as one of several disciples of Martin Luther King Jr. His activism spanned half a century, including two runs for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1984 and 1988.

“America is not like a blanket, one piece of unbroken cloth, the same color, the same texture, the same size. America is more like a quilt: many patches, many pieces, many colours, many sizes, all woven and held together by a common thread,” Jackson told the audience at the 1984 Democratic convention. “Even in our fractured state, all of us count and fit somewhere.”

During the Monica Lewinsky scandal at the White House, Jackson offered the Clinton family much-needed spiritual advice:

“You need faith when storms come suddenly, so I really talked to Hillary and Chelsea about matters of faith and unconditional love.”

In the Obama years, Jackson stated, “We are a better America today.”

But as soon as the Trump era began, he warned, “The idea of making America great again reopens the wounds in America’s immoral foundation, born in sin, and shaped in inequity.”

Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/17/2026 – 06:55

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No Pseudonymity for Man Suing Harvard Alleging Jews Aim “to Exterminate or Enslave All Non-Jews”

From Judge Allison Burroughs’ Feb. 2 decision in Doe v. President & Fellows of Harvard College:

While it is within the Court’s discretion to allow a party to proceed under a pseudonym, “[a]s a general rule, the presumption is that all judicial proceedings remain open to the public.” “The presumption against pseudonymous litigation gives way only in ‘exceptional cases.'” The analysis is as follows: “1) there is a presumption in favor of disclosure; 2) a party may rebut the presumption by showing that a need for confidentiality exists; 3) the court must balance the need for confidentiality against the public interest in disclosure.” Alleged risks of harm that are speculative in nature, generalized, or without corroboration do not justify anonymity.

Having considered Plaintiff’s Motion, the Court finds that Plaintiff has not rebutted the presumption in favor of disclosure. Plaintiff states that the litigation involves sensitive personal information regarding Plaintiff’s ethnic heritage and academic records, and Plaintiff’s identification would risk causing Plaintiff “unusually severe” professional, financial, and physical harm. The alleged risks that Plaintiff sets forth in his motion are without corroboration and do not rise above a level of mere speculation. Further, lawsuits often “implicate substantial amounts of private information,” and if warranted going forward, the Court may employ tools such as redacting or sealing documents to manage privacy concerns that arise during the litigation. In light of the foregoing, Plaintiff’s Motion, is DENIED.

To be precise, it does seem likely that being publicly known to have made such arguments may cause “professional” and “financial” “harm.” But many plaintiffs face the risk of professional and financial harm from their lawsuits.

Consider, for instance, employment law plaintiffs who might reasonably worry that future employers won’t want to hire them if they’re identified as litigious employees. Or consider plaintiffs who think they were fired based on race, sex, etc., but worry that the defendants will argue that they were instead fired because they acted incompetently or unethically. Or consider libel plaintiffs who worry that public filing will just further amplify the allegations over which they’re suing.

Courts generally conclude that such risks are a normal feature of our open system of civil justice, and can’t themselves justify pseudonymity. (See pp. 1457-60 of The Law of Pseudonymous Litigation for citations to many such cases.) That is likewise so, I think, for this case. Plaintiff filed a motion Friday for reconsideration of this decision; I’ll try to report on the result.

The post No Pseudonymity for Man Suing Harvard Alleging Jews Aim "to Exterminate or Enslave All Non-Jews" appeared first on Reason.com.

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Stalking Allegations, Defamation, Malicious Prosecution, and Professors, with a Trans Angle

[1.] From New York trial court judge Dakota Ramseur’s opinion in Duncan v. Dick Blick Holdings, Inc., decided Jan. 21 but just posted on Westlaw (for more on the trans dimension, see item 4 below):

In July 2023, plaintiff Dustin Duncan commenced this defamation action against defendants Dick Blick Holdings, Inc. …, and Sawyer Allen, a/k/a Sawyer Quinn … related to various social media posts Allen made while employed by Blick that accused plaintiff of stalking and harassing him….

According to his first amended complaint, plaintiff is a professor of epidemiology at Columbia University whose fields of research focus on the intersectionality of health equity and black gay, bisexual, and other marginalized communities. In April 2023, he visited Harlem Dick Blick Store, a local art supplier near his campus, and placed an order to have certain works of art framed. Plaintiff first met Allen, an employee of Harlem Blick, while placing this order. During their interaction, Allen requested plaintiff’s Instagram handle, which he provided, and both communicated with each other through the app for a period of a few weeks.

On or around June 9, 2023, plaintiff returned to the Harlem Dick Blick to pick up the framed artwork, at which time a manager approached him and stated that he would not be able to have additional artwork framed at their store. The manager explained, in front of other customers, that an unnamed employee had made accusations that he had been harassing or stalking them and that he would not be permitted to visit the store as pretext to engage in further harassment. Thereafter, on June 23, 2023, Allen posted the accusations of harassment to his Instagram account next to plaintiff’s professional Columbia University photograph. The post’s caption reads:

“I need help!! This man has been stalking & harassing me for nearly three weeks now. He was a customer that came into my job to get some of his artwork framed …. since that day he would come to the store asking for me. After he picked up his artwork, they banned him from coming back to the store. Since then he has been messaging me nonstop! I have already blocked him off four accounts. I tried getting an order of protection, but they denied it. Because he hasn’t done any physical harm to me [sic] … [T]his man needs to be stopped!! #columbia university.”

The post is accompanied by screenshots of messages purportedly sent from plaintiff that promise to continue the harassment unless Allen speaks to him. {The allegedly fake messages include, among others, “Harassment? Lol you have no idea what it would look like if I was harassing you. You may get the cops involved, but how is that going to stop me from messaging you … I don’t plan on stopping until you meet up with me in person and we talk,” “You can continue to block me its not hard for me to make another account and you are going to hear me out,” and “I know exactly where you live as well[.] You don’t even what I need to talk to you about [sic] and I’m sure once you hear me out you will have a better understanding to all of this.”} According to the complaint, however, the messages were sent from an Instagram account with the username @d.d_can, an account which, as reveal through a subpoena issued to Meta (Instagram’s parent company), was created using Allen’s phone number (and the same number that is attached to the Instagram account that Allen originally gave plaintiff when they first met). Screenshots of what appears to be Allen’s Facebook profile reveal that he posted the same allegations on that platform as well, including one that tagged Columbia University, and that he created a Go Fund Me page entitled “Columbia University professor harassment, organized by Sawyer Allen.”

Plaintiff further alleges that Allen contacted Columbia University on June 28, 2023, and filed a complaint with the school, which prompted it to open a formal investigation. Through Columbia’s investigation, plaintiff learned that Allen accused him of “following him on the subway on more than one occasion while wielding a knife, including on the L train to Brooklyn” on June 15, 2023, and of “lurking, walking by, and/or standing on the driveway of his home on or about June 24, June 25, and June 27, 2023.” Plaintiff denies each of these allegations. Further, according to its determination letter, Columbia’s investigation “did not find, by a preponderance of the evidence standard, that you [plaintiff] engaged in conduct amounting to sexual harassment, stalking, and discriminatory harassment … Based on the investigation, [The Office of Equal Opportunity and Affirmative Action] did not find Complainant’s allegations to be supported by the evidence.”

Plaintiff’s causes of action are for (1) defamation per se against both Allen and Dick Blick, as his employer, (2) negligent supervision and retention against Dick Blick, (3) intentional infliction of emotional distress against Allen, and (4) negligent infliction of emotional distress against both defendants. In addition, … plaintiff seeks to interpose a second amended complaint and assert a cause of action for malicious prosecution against Allen. This claim is premised on Allen filing false police reports that resulted in a grand jury indictment [of Duncan] and his arrest on September 18, 2023. The indictment was ultimately dismissed on March 7, 2024….

[2.] The court rejected plaintiff’s claims against Dick Blick (though my sense is that in some other states, the respondeat superior theory might have been viable):

Under the doctrine of respondeat superior, an employer may be held vicariously liable for intentional torts committed by employees acting within the scope of their employment, as long as those acts were “generally foreseeable and a natural incident of employment.” … Where an employee’s actions do not further the employer’s interest or are not necessary to carrying out duties incumbent on them, or where the employee’s actions are taken for wholly personal reasons unrelated to their job, vicarious liability cannot attach.

Here, plaintiff alleges that Allen, in sum and substance, falsely claimed—to Dick Blick no less—that he had engaged in a serious criminal conduct by harassing and stalking him, that Allen publicly posted to Instagram these false allegation, with screenshot that made it appear as though plaintiff was continuing to engage in the harassment, and then Allen filed a complaint with Columbia University, accusing him of stalking him with a knife. These factual allegations—that Allen, for reasons unknown, “waged a campaign of harassment and defamation” against him—do not contain a nexus to any purported employment-related duties that he may have had at Dick Blick….

[P]laintiff has not explained to the Court how Allen’s conduct could theoretically come within the ambit of his job duties. As Dick Blick argues, if Allen defamed plaintiff to his manager or management in general by making the false accusations he did and Dick Blick, on this basis, refused his future business, Dick Blick’s interest could not have been served by Allen’s conduct…. Nor does the fact that Allen allegedly sent fake messages during business hours support the conclusion that Allen’s actions were within the scope of his employment….

[As to] plaintiff’s second cause of action for negligent supervision and retention …[, such claims require] allegations that the employer knew of its employee’s harmful propensities, that it failed to take necessary action, and that this failure caused damage to others. Here, as defendants contend, plaintiff’s complaint is devoid of allegations as to how Dick Blick, from Allen’s previous conduct, knew or should have known about a propensity to defame or make false accusations against customers to its management. Plaintiff’s opposition only highlights this defect. He argues that Dick Blick knew or should have known about Allen’s “propensity to misuse social media and Go Fund Me sites,” but his complaint does not identify previous instances in which Allen misused social media in a way comparable to the allegations made here….

{The Court is cognizant of the fact that the rather typical negligent supervision claim concerns an employee who engages in an act of violence. It is also cognizant that it may be more difficult to discern when an employer is put on notice of an employee’s propensity to engage in defamation than it would be for a propensity toward violence. Like here, this is because, to be on notice of the propensity for the tortious conduct at issue, i.e., the defamation, the employer must have some sort of awareness as to the truth of employee’s statements, statements that may have been made outside the confines of the employer’s premises and through social media to other third-parties. Here, assuming that plaintiff put Dick Blick on notice that he considered the allegations Allen made to be false, there was no evidence put forward to dispute Allen’s statements at that time.}

[3.] The court, however, allowed plaintiff’s defamation claim to go forward against Allen (though it rejected the infliction of emotional distress claims as duplicative of the defamation claim). And the court allowed plaintiff to amend his complaint to add a malicious prosecution complaint against Allen “based on alleged false reports he made to police that subsequently led to plaintiff’s arrest and indictment”:

[I]n providing false evidence to the police or withholding evidence that might affect the determination by the police, a defendant may be said to have initiated a criminal proceeding [for purposes of a malicious prosecution claim].

Here, taking the allegations as true, plaintiff alleges that Allen did not “merely report” a crime, but invented one. His complaint details that Allen reported to police that plaintiff “displayed a knife” and stated, “just listen to me or else” on June 14, 2023—a date in which, according to plaintiff, he was traveling outside New York. He further alleges that Allen provided police with the messages from his own fake Instagram account, in which he pretended to be plaintiff. Those messages include, “I hate this saying. But you can run, but you can’t hide for long,” “Eventually you are going to have to face me. Whether it’s in court or in person. And I am not worried about court,” “Drop the investigation or else. Do you care about your family’s lives,” and “Good morning, I need you to drop this investigation now! I don’t need to follow you to know where you are. But trust me. If you don’t drop this investigation, this won’t end well on your end.”

According to the complaint, one of the charges returned by the Grand Jury include intimidating a victim or witness. It strains credulity to suggest, as defendants appear to, that defendant’s alleged false evidence was not made “with malice” and “did not contribute to the determination to arrest plaintiff.” At this juncture, plaintiff has sufficiently pled a cause of action for malicious prosecution….

[4.] The underlying dispute also produced another pending libel suit, Duncan v. Lett (E.D. Pa.), which Duncan filed against another professor, Elle Lett, who publicly supported Allen’s accusations. Here’s the Preliminary Statement from Lett’s pending motion for summary judgment:

In this action, Dr. Dustin Duncan (“Plaintiff” or “Dr. Duncan”) accuses Dr. Elle Lett (“Defendant” or “Dr. Lett”) of defamation per se for publicly supporting a fellow member of the Transgender community who alleged Dr. Duncan harassed him across various social media platforms. {Dr. Lett is a Black Transgender (“Trans”) woman, University of Pennsylvania Physician and Statistician-Epidemiologist, notable LGBTQ scholar and outspoken advocate for the rights of marginalized persons, particularly the Trans community.} However, the law does not permit liability for defamation per se when Dr. Lett was, at all times, acting to support someone genuinely believed by many members of the LGBTQIA and academic public health communities (with Plaintiff’s employees) to be the victim of harassment. Pennsylvania (“PA”) and New York (“NY”) law protect Dr. Lett’s speech from liability.

This SJM should be granted on ten bases: 1) Dr. Lett’s speech is protected by PA’s anti-SLAPP law; 2) if PA’s anti-SLAPP law does not apply, NY Law governs this action and 3) NY anti-SLAPP applies; 4) the public interest privilege protects Dr. Lett’s speech; 5) Plaintiff is a public figure; 6) as a public figure, Plaintiff must demonstrate actual malice by clear and convincing evidence in Dr. Lett’s speech—there is no such evidence; 7) Dr. Lett’s private messages to colleagues are protected by the common interest privilege; 8) Dr. Lett’s commentary on “X” (Twitter) are non-actionable opinions so this claim cannot be sustained; 9) even if these statements were actionable, Plaintiff must still demonstrate actual malice—there is none; 10) Dr. Lett is owed attorney’s fees.

(Note that Judge Kelley Hodge, who is presiding over Duncan v. Lett, held in July that the anti-SLAPP statutes don’t apply.)

And here’s an excerpt from the Preliminary Statement from Duncan’s pending motion for summary judgment:

The gravamen of Defendant’s defense in this case has been the insistence that Defendant made public statements about Professor Duncan with a belief that Defendant was courageously standing up for Sawyer against Professor Duncan. (Def. 3rd SJ Dkt. # 67 at 3 (“When confronted with these alarming accusations, [Defendant], for the sake of professional and financial gain, could have done the much easier thing: remain silent. Instead, [Defendant] mustered the courage to stand against a well-known colleague by publicly supporting [Sawyer] who [Defendant] believed was harmed.”).) Defendant’s rhetoric is wholly insufficient to avoid liability.

No defendant in a defamation case can “insure a favorable verdict by testifying that he published with a belief that the statements were true. The finder of fact must determine whether the publication was indeed made in good faith…. [R]ecklessness may be found where there are obvious reasons to doubt the veracity of the informant or the accuracy of his reports.” St. Amant v. Thompson (1968). The undisputed factual record demonstrates: (1) Defendant acknowledged having a long-standing ill will toward Professor Duncan; (2) within a few hours of learning about Sawyer’s accusations about Professor Duncan, Defendant leapt on them uncritically, republishing and amplifying them to, inter alia, professional colleagues of Professor Duncan and purposefully avoiding an opportunity to verify any of Sawyer’s accusations with Sawyer directly; (3) when Defendant was presented with verified facts in the NYS Complaint in July 2023, Defendant understood that they disputed key aspects of Sawyer’s story but made the choice to disregard those facts; (4) only when Defendant was sued in this case—and confronted with the possibility of facing real consequences—did Defendant acknowledge that Sawyer had indeed fabricated claims against Professor Duncan. This factual background is dispositive here. Professor Duncan respectfully submits that this Court can and should determine as a matter of law that the Defendant’s statements are defamatory per se.

The post Stalking Allegations, Defamation, Malicious Prosecution, and Professors, with a Trans Angle appeared first on Reason.com.

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New in City Journal: Let’s Fix Our Federal Holiday Schedule

I recently became an adjunct fellow at the Manhattan Institute. The flagship journal of MI is City Journal, where I will contribute on a regular basis. For my inaugural essay, I decided to do something totally different, that is only tangentially about the law.

I have long had problems with how the calendar of holidays is structured. These holidays were not organized in a single plan, but instead were added in a piecemeal fashion over the years. Professionally, I see the difficulties of optimizing the law school academic calendar. I usually teach on Mondays. As a result, there is a gap for both the fall and spring semesters with Labor Day and MLK Day, respectively, which requires making up a class at an irregular time. Some years ago, I tried to move Labor Day till later in the semester to give students another reading day before exam; my motion failed. And, as a parent, I am repeatedly frustrated with how many days my kids have off from school. It is an abomination to hold back-to-back half days–all the frustration of getting kids ready in the morning, only to have to pick them up a few hours later. Anyway, calendars could improve. And one way to start is by realigning the holidays.

My essay is titled, Let’s Fix Our Federal Holiday Schedule.

Here is the introduction:

At present, the United States has 11 federal holidays, accumulated over the course of two and a half centuries. Some of the current dates make sense; others don’t. As a whole, these national holidays create complexities for Americans’ school, work, and vacation calendars. We should rearrange this lineup.

Three principles guide this endeavor. First, it must be bipartisan. For better or worse, some holidays have become more associated with the Left and others with the Right. Reform will require give and take from both sides.

Second, the holidays should make it easier to establish regular schedules in schools and workplaces. One holiday in close proximity to another disrupts continuity.

Third, under the current calendar, several months have no holidays while other months have several. As any school child will tell you, it’s not fair that six holidays are crammed together in the cold months, while only one holiday is in spring. As any school administrator will confide, Labor Day and MLK Day both make scheduling classes difficult. The holidays should be spaced out more evenly.

A few adjustments could create a calendar that garners bipartisan support, simplifies scheduling, and spaces out time for reflection and relaxation.

And here is where I ultimately wind up:

The resultant calendar: New Year’s Day on January 1; Martin Luther King Jr. Day on the first Monday in February; President’s Day on the first Monday in March; Labor Day on the first Monday in May; Memorial Day on the last Monday in May; Juneteenth on June 19; Independence Day on July 4; Constitution Day on September 17; Veterans Day on the third Monday in October; Thanksgiving on the fourth Thursday in November; and Christmas on December 25.

This plan checks all the boxes.

As is the case with many of my writings, the purpose here is to stimulate discussion. I’m sure there are other, better proposals. If you think of something, please drop me a line!

The post New in City Journal: Let's Fix Our Federal Holiday Schedule appeared first on Reason.com.

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Stalking Allegations, Defamation, Malicious Prosecution, and Professors, with a Trans Angle

[1.] From New York trial court judge Dakota Ramseur’s opinion in Duncan v. Dick Blick Holdings, Inc., decided Jan. 21 but just posted on Westlaw (for more on the trans dimension, see item 4 below):

In July 2023, plaintiff Dustin Duncan commenced this defamation action against defendants Dick Blick Holdings, Inc. …, and Sawyer Allen, a/k/a Sawyer Quinn … related to various social media posts Allen made while employed by Blick that accused plaintiff of stalking and harassing him….

According to his first amended complaint, plaintiff is a professor of epidemiology at Columbia University whose fields of research focus on the intersectionality of health equity and black gay, bisexual, and other marginalized communities. In April 2023, he visited Harlem Dick Blick Store, a local art supplier near his campus, and placed an order to have certain works of art framed. Plaintiff first met Allen, an employee of Harlem Blick, while placing this order. During their interaction, Allen requested plaintiff’s Instagram handle, which he provided, and both communicated with each other through the app for a period of a few weeks.

On or around June 9, 2023, plaintiff returned to the Harlem Dick Blick to pick up the framed artwork, at which time a manager approached him and stated that he would not be able to have additional artwork framed at their store. The manager explained, in front of other customers, that an unnamed employee had made accusations that he had been harassing or stalking them and that he would not be permitted to visit the store as pretext to engage in further harassment. Thereafter, on June 23, 2023, Allen posted the accusations of harassment to his Instagram account next to plaintiff’s professional Columbia University photograph. The post’s caption reads:

“I need help!! This man has been stalking & harassing me for nearly three weeks now. He was a customer that came into my job to get some of his artwork framed …. since that day he would come to the store asking for me. After he picked up his artwork, they banned him from coming back to the store. Since then he has been messaging me nonstop! I have already blocked him off four accounts. I tried getting an order of protection, but they denied it. Because he hasn’t done any physical harm to me [sic] … [T]his man needs to be stopped!! #columbia university.”

The post is accompanied by screenshots of messages purportedly sent from plaintiff that promise to continue the harassment unless Allen speaks to him. {The allegedly fake messages include, among others, “Harassment? Lol you have no idea what it would look like if I was harassing you. You may get the cops involved, but how is that going to stop me from messaging you … I don’t plan on stopping until you meet up with me in person and we talk,” “You can continue to block me its not hard for me to make another account and you are going to hear me out,” and “I know exactly where you live as well[.] You don’t even what I need to talk to you about [sic] and I’m sure once you hear me out you will have a better understanding to all of this.”} According to the complaint, however, the messages were sent from an Instagram account with the username @d.d_can, an account which, as reveal through a subpoena issued to Meta (Instagram’s parent company), was created using Allen’s phone number (and the same number that is attached to the Instagram account that Allen originally gave plaintiff when they first met). Screenshots of what appears to be Allen’s Facebook profile reveal that he posted the same allegations on that platform as well, including one that tagged Columbia University, and that he created a Go Fund Me page entitled “Columbia University professor harassment, organized by Sawyer Allen.”

Plaintiff further alleges that Allen contacted Columbia University on June 28, 2023, and filed a complaint with the school, which prompted it to open a formal investigation. Through Columbia’s investigation, plaintiff learned that Allen accused him of “following him on the subway on more than one occasion while wielding a knife, including on the L train to Brooklyn” on June 15, 2023, and of “lurking, walking by, and/or standing on the driveway of his home on or about June 24, June 25, and June 27, 2023.” Plaintiff denies each of these allegations. Further, according to its determination letter, Columbia’s investigation “did not find, by a preponderance of the evidence standard, that you [plaintiff] engaged in conduct amounting to sexual harassment, stalking, and discriminatory harassment … Based on the investigation, [The Office of Equal Opportunity and Affirmative Action] did not find Complainant’s allegations to be supported by the evidence.”

Plaintiff’s causes of action are for (1) defamation per se against both Allen and Dick Blick, as his employer, (2) negligent supervision and retention against Dick Blick, (3) intentional infliction of emotional distress against Allen, and (4) negligent infliction of emotional distress against both defendants. In addition, … plaintiff seeks to interpose a second amended complaint and assert a cause of action for malicious prosecution against Allen. This claim is premised on Allen filing false police reports that resulted in a grand jury indictment [of Duncan] and his arrest on September 18, 2023. The indictment was ultimately dismissed on March 7, 2024….

[2.] The court rejected plaintiff’s claims against Dick Blick (though my sense is that in some other states, the respondeat superior theory might have been viable):

Under the doctrine of respondeat superior, an employer may be held vicariously liable for intentional torts committed by employees acting within the scope of their employment, as long as those acts were “generally foreseeable and a natural incident of employment.” … Where an employee’s actions do not further the employer’s interest or are not necessary to carrying out duties incumbent on them, or where the employee’s actions are taken for wholly personal reasons unrelated to their job, vicarious liability cannot attach.

Here, plaintiff alleges that Allen, in sum and substance, falsely claimed—to Dick Blick no less—that he had engaged in a serious criminal conduct by harassing and stalking him, that Allen publicly posted to Instagram these false allegation, with screenshot that made it appear as though plaintiff was continuing to engage in the harassment, and then Allen filed a complaint with Columbia University, accusing him of stalking him with a knife. These factual allegations—that Allen, for reasons unknown, “waged a campaign of harassment and defamation” against him—do not contain a nexus to any purported employment-related duties that he may have had at Dick Blick….

[P]laintiff has not explained to the Court how Allen’s conduct could theoretically come within the ambit of his job duties. As Dick Blick argues, if Allen defamed plaintiff to his manager or management in general by making the false accusations he did and Dick Blick, on this basis, refused his future business, Dick Blick’s interest could not have been served by Allen’s conduct…. Nor does the fact that Allen allegedly sent fake messages during business hours support the conclusion that Allen’s actions were within the scope of his employment….

[As to] plaintiff’s second cause of action for negligent supervision and retention …[, such claims require] allegations that the employer knew of its employee’s harmful propensities, that it failed to take necessary action, and that this failure caused damage to others. Here, as defendants contend, plaintiff’s complaint is devoid of allegations as to how Dick Blick, from Allen’s previous conduct, knew or should have known about a propensity to defame or make false accusations against customers to its management. Plaintiff’s opposition only highlights this defect. He argues that Dick Blick knew or should have known about Allen’s “propensity to misuse social media and Go Fund Me sites,” but his complaint does not identify previous instances in which Allen misused social media in a way comparable to the allegations made here….

{The Court is cognizant of the fact that the rather typical negligent supervision claim concerns an employee who engages in an act of violence. It is also cognizant that it may be more difficult to discern when an employer is put on notice of an employee’s propensity to engage in defamation than it would be for a propensity toward violence. Like here, this is because, to be on notice of the propensity for the tortious conduct at issue, i.e., the defamation, the employer must have some sort of awareness as to the truth of employee’s statements, statements that may have been made outside the confines of the employer’s premises and through social media to other third-parties. Here, assuming that plaintiff put Dick Blick on notice that he considered the allegations Allen made to be false, there was no evidence put forward to dispute Allen’s statements at that time.}

[3.] The court, however, allowed plaintiff’s defamation claim to go forward against Allen (though it rejected the infliction of emotional distress claims as duplicative of the defamation claim). And the court allowed plaintiff to amend his complaint to add a malicious prosecution complaint against Allen “based on alleged false reports he made to police that subsequently led to plaintiff’s arrest and indictment”:

[I]n providing false evidence to the police or withholding evidence that might affect the determination by the police, a defendant may be said to have initiated a criminal proceeding [for purposes of a malicious prosecution claim].

Here, taking the allegations as true, plaintiff alleges that Allen did not “merely report” a crime, but invented one. His complaint details that Allen reported to police that plaintiff “displayed a knife” and stated, “just listen to me or else” on June 14, 2023—a date in which, according to plaintiff, he was traveling outside New York. He further alleges that Allen provided police with the messages from his own fake Instagram account, in which he pretended to be plaintiff. Those messages include, “I hate this saying. But you can run, but you can’t hide for long,” “Eventually you are going to have to face me. Whether it’s in court or in person. And I am not worried about court,” “Drop the investigation or else. Do you care about your family’s lives,” and “Good morning, I need you to drop this investigation now! I don’t need to follow you to know where you are. But trust me. If you don’t drop this investigation, this won’t end well on your end.”

According to the complaint, one of the charges returned by the Grand Jury include intimidating a victim or witness. It strains credulity to suggest, as defendants appear to, that defendant’s alleged false evidence was not made “with malice” and “did not contribute to the determination to arrest plaintiff.” At this juncture, plaintiff has sufficiently pled a cause of action for malicious prosecution….

[4.] The underlying dispute also produced another pending libel suit, Duncan v. Lett (E.D. Pa.), which Duncan filed against another professor, Elle Lett, who publicly supported Allen’s accusations. Here’s the Preliminary Statement from Lett’s pending motion for summary judgment:

In this action, Dr. Dustin Duncan (“Plaintiff” or “Dr. Duncan”) accuses Dr. Elle Lett (“Defendant” or “Dr. Lett”) of defamation per se for publicly supporting a fellow member of the Transgender community who alleged Dr. Duncan harassed him across various social media platforms. {Dr. Lett is a Black Transgender (“Trans”) woman, University of Pennsylvania Physician and Statistician-Epidemiologist, notable LGBTQ scholar and outspoken advocate for the rights of marginalized persons, particularly the Trans community.} However, the law does not permit liability for defamation per se when Dr. Lett was, at all times, acting to support someone genuinely believed by many members of the LGBTQIA and academic public health communities (with Plaintiff’s employees) to be the victim of harassment. Pennsylvania (“PA”) and New York (“NY”) law protect Dr. Lett’s speech from liability.

This SJM should be granted on ten bases: 1) Dr. Lett’s speech is protected by PA’s anti-SLAPP law; 2) if PA’s anti-SLAPP law does not apply, NY Law governs this action and 3) NY anti-SLAPP applies; 4) the public interest privilege protects Dr. Lett’s speech; 5) Plaintiff is a public figure; 6) as a public figure, Plaintiff must demonstrate actual malice by clear and convincing evidence in Dr. Lett’s speech—there is no such evidence; 7) Dr. Lett’s private messages to colleagues are protected by the common interest privilege; 8) Dr. Lett’s commentary on “X” (Twitter) are non-actionable opinions so this claim cannot be sustained; 9) even if these statements were actionable, Plaintiff must still demonstrate actual malice—there is none; 10) Dr. Lett is owed attorney’s fees.

(Note that Judge Kelley Hodge, who is presiding over Duncan v. Lett, held in July that the anti-SLAPP statutes don’t apply.)

And here’s an excerpt from the Preliminary Statement from Duncan’s pending motion for summary judgment:

The gravamen of Defendant’s defense in this case has been the insistence that Defendant made public statements about Professor Duncan with a belief that Defendant was courageously standing up for Sawyer against Professor Duncan. (Def. 3rd SJ Dkt. # 67 at 3 (“When confronted with these alarming accusations, [Defendant], for the sake of professional and financial gain, could have done the much easier thing: remain silent. Instead, [Defendant] mustered the courage to stand against a well-known colleague by publicly supporting [Sawyer] who [Defendant] believed was harmed.”).) Defendant’s rhetoric is wholly insufficient to avoid liability.

No defendant in a defamation case can “insure a favorable verdict by testifying that he published with a belief that the statements were true. The finder of fact must determine whether the publication was indeed made in good faith…. [R]ecklessness may be found where there are obvious reasons to doubt the veracity of the informant or the accuracy of his reports.” St. Amant v. Thompson (1968). The undisputed factual record demonstrates: (1) Defendant acknowledged having a long-standing ill will toward Professor Duncan; (2) within a few hours of learning about Sawyer’s accusations about Professor Duncan, Defendant leapt on them uncritically, republishing and amplifying them to, inter alia, professional colleagues of Professor Duncan and purposefully avoiding an opportunity to verify any of Sawyer’s accusations with Sawyer directly; (3) when Defendant was presented with verified facts in the NYS Complaint in July 2023, Defendant understood that they disputed key aspects of Sawyer’s story but made the choice to disregard those facts; (4) only when Defendant was sued in this case—and confronted with the possibility of facing real consequences—did Defendant acknowledge that Sawyer had indeed fabricated claims against Professor Duncan. This factual background is dispositive here. Professor Duncan respectfully submits that this Court can and should determine as a matter of law that the Defendant’s statements are defamatory per se.

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New in City Journal: Let’s Fix Our Federal Holiday Schedule

I recently became an adjunct fellow at the Manhattan Institute. The flagship journal of MI is City Journal, where I will contribute on a regular basis. For my inaugural essay, I decided to do something totally different, that is only tangentially about the law.

I have long had problems with how the calendar of holidays is structured. These holidays were not organized in a single plan, but instead were added in a piecemeal fashion over the years. Professionally, I see the difficulties of optimizing the law school academic calendar. I usually teach on Mondays. As a result, there is a gap for both the fall and spring semesters with Labor Day and MLK Day, respectively, which requires making up a class at an irregular time. Some years ago, I tried to move Labor Day till later in the semester to give students another reading day before exam; my motion failed. And, as a parent, I am repeatedly frustrated with how many days my kids have off from school. It is an abomination to hold back-to-back half days–all the frustration of getting kids ready in the morning, only to have to pick them up a few hours later. Anyway, calendars could improve. And one way to start is by realigning the holidays.

My essay is titled, Let’s Fix Our Federal Holiday Schedule.

Here is the introduction:

At present, the United States has 11 federal holidays, accumulated over the course of two and a half centuries. Some of the current dates make sense; others don’t. As a whole, these national holidays create complexities for Americans’ school, work, and vacation calendars. We should rearrange this lineup.

Three principles guide this endeavor. First, it must be bipartisan. For better or worse, some holidays have become more associated with the Left and others with the Right. Reform will require give and take from both sides.

Second, the holidays should make it easier to establish regular schedules in schools and workplaces. One holiday in close proximity to another disrupts continuity.

Third, under the current calendar, several months have no holidays while other months have several. As any school child will tell you, it’s not fair that six holidays are crammed together in the cold months, while only one holiday is in spring. As any school administrator will confide, Labor Day and MLK Day both make scheduling classes difficult. The holidays should be spaced out more evenly.

A few adjustments could create a calendar that garners bipartisan support, simplifies scheduling, and spaces out time for reflection and relaxation.

And here is where I ultimately wind up:

The resultant calendar: New Year’s Day on January 1; Martin Luther King Jr. Day on the first Monday in February; President’s Day on the first Monday in March; Labor Day on the first Monday in May; Memorial Day on the last Monday in May; Juneteenth on June 19; Independence Day on July 4; Constitution Day on September 17; Veterans Day on the third Monday in October; Thanksgiving on the fourth Thursday in November; and Christmas on December 25.

This plan checks all the boxes.

As is the case with many of my writings, the purpose here is to stimulate discussion. I’m sure there are other, better proposals. If you think of something, please drop me a line!

The post New in City Journal: Let's Fix Our Federal Holiday Schedule appeared first on Reason.com.

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