The 10 Commandments Of Government

Via Doug Ross' Director Blue blog,

I Generally speaking, government always grows — it never shrinks — whether times are good or bad.

 

II In each area it purports to "assist", government attempts to replace individual decision-making with central planning.

 

III In order to implement its grand central plans and solidify its power, government must take from one citizen to give to another; this is, in effect, lawful theft.

 

IV No matter how many times central planning fails, the self-appointed masterminds in government assert that "this time is different" and that with only a few tweaks and more money, their delusional plans will succeed.

 

V Because it uses funds confiscated from taxpayers, self-restraint is no obstacle to government's ambitions.

 

VI Its fundamental misunderstanding of human nature notwithstanding, government must claim to grant "rights", which require it steal the labors of one citizen to give to another (such as food, shelter, employment, and health care).

 

VII No matter how widespread the harm it causes, government will never provide an honest and historical accounting — a report card — of its failures.

 

VIII As more individuals and families are harmed by the failures of central planning, government must find suitable scapegoats, must lie to do so, and therefore must also repress dissent.

 

IX In order to build its network of redistribution and grow a culture of dependency on its services, government must inevitably undermine the family unit, religion, and the notion of God-given rights in order to cow, bribe, or intimidate its citizens.

 

X As government grows ever more powerful, it must also become increasingly oppressive through compulsion and force. To do otherwise would mean government must shrink, and this it cannot do.
 

Any of these characteristics recognizable?


    



via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/D3lmajEir_o/story01.htm Tyler Durden

Paul Brodsky: "The Fed Is Holding A Burning Match"

The Fed will have to increase QE (not taper it) because systemic debt is compounding faster than production and interest rates are already zero-bound. Lee Quaintance noted many years ago that the Fed was holding a burning match. This remains true today (only it is a bomb with a short fuse). Thirteen years after the over-levered US equity market collapsed, eleven years following Bernanke’s speech, five years after the over-levered housing bubble burst, and four years into the necessary onset of global Zero Interest Rate Policies and Long-Term Refinancing Operations, global monetary authorities seem to have run out of new outlets for credit. In real economic terms, central bank policies have become ineffective. In other words, the US is now producing as much new debt as goods and services.

Sovereign Shares

Via Paul Brodsky or Kopernik Global Investors,

A few years ago, the smart people at Pimco coined the term "new normal" to help describe the increasingly obvious need for ongoing unconventional economic policy directives in over-leveraged, finance-based economies, and the impact on global production they would have. The Firm later helped promote the concept of a "stable disequilibrium" – a tenuous economic state that, if left in place too long, could lead to deteriorating and wholly a-cyclical economic consequences. This past August, Pimco's Mohamed El-Erian seemed to publicly join his colleague, Bill Gross, in conceding the new normal had further morphed into a state in which global economies and policy makers are going to have to come face to face with the sources of this disequilibria.

In this report, I will narrow this reconciliation theme to what I see as the base source of our increasingly not-so-stable disequilibrium – unsustainable global price levels – and then take a logical next step to make the case for where global wealth will flow – towards direct ownership in resources and the corporate capital structures of businesses with sustainable pricing power.

My conclusion: claims on production and demand-inelastic global resources are now the ultimate sovereign currency, regardless of their provenance, and this is where substantial alpha resides in today's equity markets.

Uneconomic Credit & Monetary Policies

Economies are meant to be naturally-functioning processes that organize societies (think efficient allocation of resources), and financial markets are supposed to exist to help form, distribute and price capital. Today, however, it seems clear that externalities are distorting these functions. Aggressive economic policy interventions are disrupting basic commercial incentives to consume and invest. While such exogenous inputs have greatly influenced such incentives for decades, they seem to be quickly losing their efficacy, as they would ultimately have to in the latter stages of their aggressive applications.

The fundamental disconnect today is unnatural clearing levels — prices of goods, services and assets that do not reflect societies' sustainable needs, wants and preferences.

If left to an economy's natural functioning, goods and service price levels would fall over time as input prices fall, which would occur naturally as the rate of innovation and productivity outpaces population growth. However, a falling general price level is unacceptable to policy makers in finance-based economies where ever-rising prices are needed to service and collateralize ever-increasing debt levels. So, global monetary authorities have sought "price stability," which in practice implies the need for

constant price inflation to offset what would otherwise be naturally-occurring price deflation. Indeed, "price stability" has become a bipartisan, socially acceptable euphemism for consistent policy- administered credit and price inflation — functionally the diminution of a currency's purchasing power.

The graph below of US CPI shows clearly the secular price-inflationary policy of the Fed, and, given the US Dollar's role as the world's reserve currency off which all global resources and currencies are valued and exchanged, the tacit inflationary policy of all global monetary authorities. (I used 1983 as a starting point because it eliminates very high 1970s inflation and marks the beginning of the era of significant financial asset leveraging.)

 

Implicit in the consistently rising slope of CPI inflation on the graph, the purchasing power of $1.00 has declined by about 59% since 1983. To be clear, this means that one who saved a dollar truly RISK-FREE (i.e., under the mattress) over the last thirty years would have about forty-one cents of her original purchasing power today. Most contemporary economists would argue that such analysis is incomplete and misleading because savers have mostly lent their money and received interest on their savings in excess of their purchasing power loss. This is true, but also misleading and incomplete.

Since 1983, implied yields on twelve-month US T-bills have averaged about 5.00% while US CPI has averaged about 2.9%. This suggests a positive average annual real return of about 2.1%. Keeping our logic constant then, the purchasing power of $1.00 invested in T-bills in 1983 and rolled-over every year would have grown to about $1.87 — an overall positive real return on one-year T-bills.

But consider this: T-bills over the last thirty years were never risk-free in aggregate, when adjusted for the inevitable need to reduce the Dollar's purchasing power. The positive gains were gamed from issuing claims on money that did not yet exist in the system. Had there been no exogenous monetary authority willing and able to manage USD credit pricing, it is likely the market would have set real returns on government issued obligations either far higher, as the US Treasury ran up significant deficits, or, less likely, far lower as Treasury would not have been able to run up deficits in the first place. So, the positive real return of "risk-free assets" over the last thirty years was in fact the result of a speculation that had to ultimately end and be reversed — if not nominally then in real terms (i.e., currency devaluation).

Secular Economic Leveraging, De-constructed

Implicit in the ability of virtually everyone in society to have received a positive real return on the money they loaned "risk-free" to the US Treasury, as appeared to occur from the early eighties to very recently, was a false reality based on the misperception that lending generally creates capital — the means for sustainable economic expansion, and that the loans created would ultimately be extinguished. Sustainable capital formation is not complete until the credit and debt created are retired and only the capital remains. As we know, systemic debt has become the economic equivalent of a bad houseguest.

Each dollar loaned by savers demands a dollar of production on the other side, plus production growth equal at least to the interest rate received. This is needed so that the borrower can service and repay the loan. Otherwise, the dollar's PURCHASING POWER cannot be returned to the lender.

For most of the last thirty years, global policy makers overseeing bank credit, led by the Fed, have generally maintained easy credit conditions. (We know this simply because aggregate credit has risen consistently.) Easy credit was accomplished by keeping real returns to "savers" (in the form of interest rates) higher than the potential increase in
sustainable real economic production derived from those savers' loans (to banks as deposits or directly to borrowers through asset-backed securities markets). Think of it this way: the real return on bank deposits and ABS has been consistently higher than the sustainable (debt-adjusted) real return on the collateral they funded. Savers had incentive to lend.

And so secularly easy credit policies served to expand nominal production at the expense of maintaining the sustainable purchasing power of all established major currencies. Securitized market debt created over the last thirty years remains and has been collateralized by asset values that, in turn, rely upon ever- growing further dilution of the very currencies in which they are denominated. Meanwhile, loans to global banks (i.e., deposits and central bank loans) have been woefully unreserved with base money.

At some point, the credit markets would have to seize, and they effectively have. The Fed has become the rate setter for benchmark "risk-free" global interest rates. It is de-levering American banks directly by creating reserves and backstopping foreign banks by promising necessary swap facilities.

Meanwhile, there has been a general misperception that zero-bound short-term interest rates have been promoted by the Fed as economic stimulus. As we have seen, however, Quantitative Easing has had little bearing on production because it helps only institutions not directly productive. Banks produce little, if any, capital directly. Creating new bank reserves for very fractionally-reserved banks only serves to de?

lever their balance sheets. QE also helps fund the US government, which is not directly productive either. Government revenues are derived mostly from taxes on production of the private sector.

Balance sheets of the productive non-financial private sector are not being de-levered by any external body creating new base money. If they are to be de-levered it must be the result of pure economic reasoning — debt-to-asset and/or debt-to-income levels are too high. Indeed, the factors of production have been de-levering, which tells us there remains no commercial incentive (profit-oriented motivation) to borrow. Why? It must be because assets are not cheap enough and potential income from borrowing is not high enough in real terms.

Meanwhile, nominal asset prices are generally rising in over-levered economies where capital production is suffering. Again, consider credit. Zero-bound interest rates imply little, if any, future upside for the value of credit, which in turn provides little prospect of beneficially refinancing debt that collateralizes assets. This implies that asset values must increase in real terms looking forward or else owning them would destroy wealth. Yet, positive real returns for most levered assets are unavailable today as the rate of currency dilution exceeds the rate of production growth. In this environment, the numeraire that defines asset prices and the general price level is unimportant; real value is the thing.

Unencumbered assets are generally more apt to hold their purchasing power value, as are businesses that provide goods and services to customers that do not have to borrow to spend. The currency-adjusted real values of most leveraged assets and sustainably productive assets are not accurately reflected in their relative nominal price levels currently. The former is far too high relative to the latter. It is reasonable to expect savers and investors to begin recognizing how and where wealth must be stored looking forward — in sustainable resources and businesses with sustainable pricing power. Judging by the popular composition of asset sponsorship currently, this thesis requires a change in popular sentiment, the timing of which is difficult to anticipate. However, I see timing as the only risk because a significant change in popular sentiment only has to follow already well-established macroeconomic trends. Fundamentally, it is a case of information arbitrage.

Visualizing the Current Opportunity Set

It is becoming increasingly obvious to a growing number of observers (albeit still a small bunch) that real output — currency inflation-adjusted GDP — cannot be pulled forward through further credit or currency creation. As noted, one who saved for most of the last thirty years by lending to a treasury, municipality, bank (in the form of a deposit), corporation, or to another private borrower (e.g. to a home buyer through the MBS market), would have received a higher rate of interest than the loss of purchasing power of her dollar — a positive real (inflation-adjusted) return. What many savers continuing to make such loans seem to not understand, however, is that by continuing to lend to governments, private borrowers, banks, etc. they are locking-in the likelihood that they will not be repaid with equal purchasing power.

The only market participants with a rational reason to own sovereign or tertiary debt with negative real return profiles today are levered entities able to make a positive nominal spread on their holdings. Banks and other entities that can borrow ten- or twenty-times their equity and take-out 0.25% per bond, and that do not care (or are not forced to care) about the purchasing power of any of the bonds in their arbitrage, have no structural incentive to complain about negative real rates (let alone sell their bonds). What is rational for them is not rational for most savers and investors.

 

The graph above tells an interesting story. Nominal GDP ("NGDP") represents US production growth; Total Credit Market Debt represents the growth of systemic USD-denominated debt; and USD base month growth (USD currency in float and bank reserves supporting systemic USD credit) represents the monetary denominator off which systemic credit and debt exist. In short, the graph shows past and current systemic USD leverage.

The takeaway is that the high line (public credit/debt) is ultimately supported by the integrity of the low line (actual money), while policy makers are wondering how to maintain the trajectory of the middle line (so that the high line does not collapse or they do not have to suddenly create boatloads more base money, which would make the low line rise parabolically). The leverage portrayed here is the basis for the warped general price level, which in turn is the basis for global economic disequilibrium.

To be fair, unlike the "unreserved credit" in the fractionally reserved banking system, much of the credit supporting the high line on the graph is actually collateralized by private sector assets. However, to be even more fair (s), reconciling this debt would require asset sales. To whom would we sell them to maintain their market values and the value of our debt and collateral: each other?

Needless to say, widespread asset liquidation to service and repay outstanding debt, which would drive down asset prices to reflect their un-levered (currency-adjusted) sustainable values, would be a very sub­optimal social, economic and political occurrence. The good news is that, unlike the 1930s, it is an occurrence that need not occur given the ability of monetary authorities in the current (forty year-old)

regime to create infinite base money for all debtors (not just banks). So, it seems reasonable to expect fiscal and monetary authorities with direct access to a printing press to choose inflation over austerity.

And they are. Core Europe can impose austerity on indebted peripherals because, by controlling the ECB's printing press, they control the quantity of Euros. Would American and Japanese politicians and monetary authorities really impose hardship on their own populations when they can drop their currencies from prov
erbial helicopters? Not according to Chairman Bernanke who publicly put forth central bank orthodoxy in 2002 when, as a Fed Governor, he famously noted:

"The U.S. government has a technology, called a printing press (or, today, its electronic equivalent), that allows it to produce as many U.S. dollars as it wishes at essentially no cost. By increasing the number of U.S. dollars in circulation, or even by credibly threatening to do so, the U.S. government can also reduce the value of a dollar in terms of goods and services, which is equivalent to raising the prices in dollars of those goods and services. We conclude that, under a paper-money system, a determined government can always generate higher spending and hence positive inflation."'

Flash forward to today: Japan is overtly destroying the purchasing power of the Yen to target NOMINAL GDP. Meanwhile, Washington is increasing public spending and attendant debt ceilings, and forcing the Fed to continue QE so government can continue subsidizing diminishing economic incentives in the private sector. The point here is that we have a very well-established roadmap and a very well-established inflation trend and yet the public does not seem to get it yet. There is a popular misunderstanding that the great majority of savings and investments are collateralized in currencies that are not being diluted and do not have to be greatly diluted in the future.

The Fed will have to increase QE (not taper it) because systemic debt is compounding faster than  production and interest rates are already zero-bound. My colleague, Lee Quaintance, noted many years ago that the Fed was holding a burning match. This remains true today (only it is a bomb with a short fuse). Thirteen years after the over-levered US equity market collapsed, eleven years following Bernanke's speech, five years after the over-levered housing bubble burst, and four years into the necessary onset of global Zero Interest Rate Policies and Long-Term Refinancing Operations, global monetary authorities seem to have run out of new outlets for credit.

In real economic terms, central bank policies have become ineffective. The graph below divides two lines on the graph above, Total USD Public Credit by US nominal GDP. The high plateau to the right suggests that ever-increasing credit growth is struggling to maintain economic production. In other words, the US is now producing as much new debt as goods and services.

 

The elephant in the room is that while economic policies that target rising nominal GDP may make it easier to service outstanding debt (if NGDP rises from demand growth rather than price inflation), they do not make it easier to repay that debt. Indeed, NGDP growth is mildly positive today while real economic activity, as seen through money velocity (below), is plummeting.

 

By increasing bank reserves through QE, the Fed has been de-levering the formerly almost completely unreserved stock of USD checkbook money (M1, M2, M3) — now about 8:1 checkbook money-to-bank reserves. This is better collateralizing bank assets (i.e., loan books), and that's it. It is not directly economically stimulative.

Perhaps more troubling than the obvious dearth of credit money to feed contemporaneous economic activity is the erroneous perception among most influential economists and policy makers that all is well as long as debt is kept low in relation to an economy's output. Such analysis mixes accounting identities and produces a too-sanguine conclusion. Debt obligations are first claims on checkbook money, which in turn are ultimately claims on base money (bank reserves and currency in float). Debt obligations are not claims on widgets. And so while Debt-to-GDP charts like the one below are often cited by policy makers when analyzing economic sustainability, they miss the point entirely.

 

Beyond confusing accounting identities (a debt is formally a claim on currency rather than a claim on production), Debt-to-GDP ratios also tend to count only federal debt (not including off-balance sheet obligations). Relying on debt-to-GDP metrics demonstrates more concern with the viability of government balance sheets and future government spending than with private sector investment in plant, equipment and labor.

Whether readers believe in big government, small government, efficient government or no government, we should all agree that self-important governments, government economists, and most academic economists trained to comply with government economic policy are ignoring the most basic principle of economics: economies naturally economize.

Within this context, declining rates of private sector investment make sense currently in finance-based economies where businesses and households have natural incentives to husband resources and reduce outlays — to de-lever their balance sheets. It is impossible to de-lever a balance sheet without either increasing assets or decreasing debts. Where is the incentive to take risk, to re-lever and expand? In other words, the productive economy is risk-off. There is diminishing incentive to produce.

Meanwhile, the financial economy is risk-on. The S&P 500 has added $4 trillion of market cap this year on the back of corporate and margin debt. As the graph below shows, the stock market seems to be the chosen outlet for the bank multiplier effect — using bank reserves to collateralize new loans. (This clearly explains widening wealth and income gaps in an environment of widespread malaise.) The takeaway here is that real, currency-adjusted value within the stock market is being overlooked as indexes rise in nominal terms.

 

As many have noted (e.g., Churchill. Eban), people and nations tend to find the right path after they exhaust all others. Policy makers and ne'er do well economists are still trying to find solutions to increase nominal aggregate demand that would justify the risk-on financial economy. However, even if they succeed in increasing NGDP, they will likely fail in pulling the global economy out of its current disequilibrium. Policy makers cannot (and will not be able to) find a solution that increases aggregate real demand and real output because their toolbox has been reduced to printing presses and carefully parsed communications; neither of which provide the factors of production incentive to produce more.

The US and other highly-levered economies cannot grow out of the leverage problems stifling production unless they do so without incurring new debt, and there is no obvious new capital forming outlet for further credit/debt assumption. So, rather than allowing aggregate economies to de-lever on their own, central banks and governments are assuming the debts the private sector no longer wants or can afford to carry. This exercise is propping up the appearance of economic growth (NGDP) and low coincident inflation (CPI), and encouraging some capital market investors to leverage their holdings.

Policy-administered inflation on the back of already-levered balance sheets and
zero-bound interest rates is sinking governments and central banks deeper into an irreconcilable compounding debt trap that must end either in nominal insolvencies or in significant currency devaluations (a currency default in real terms). As discussed, it seems a far better bet to side with the latter outcome, which would ensure the loss of significant purchasing power for savers of those currencies and for investors in many levered financial assets denominated in them.

The public debate in which most investors, policy makers, academics, and virtually all media seem to be engaging is off-point and should be scrutinized intensely by true value investors. Their accounting identities are all wrong. Balance sheet growth is not sustainable prosperity or even a viable form of economic cyclicality. Opportunity lies in fading this consensus.

Owning Production

Public equity valuations will always be debated, as they are being debated now. Today, however, unlike any time in memory, investing one's current purchasing power based on a metric of relative nominal valuations, compared to history or to each other, seems a fool's errand. Their valuations and returns are being judged without regard for the purchasing power of the currencies in which they are denominated at a time when all monetary authorities must cheapen their currencies.

The equity market play is for market sponsorship to rotate from reliably leverage-able shares to sustainable businesses that have not relied on leveraging their capital structures or on investors to leverage theirs. Many publicly traded businesses have cut costs meaningfully and have issued debt to buy back shares, further levering their balance sheets to increase near term earnings. They have effectively reduced the scope of their operations and leveraged their balance sheets. These trends have been rational in the short term but quite irrational looking forward. (Even many good businesses with good growth prospects are priced for perfection and have very little tolerance for operational or macroeconomic surprises.)

To maintain or increase wealth, nominal asset prices must appreciate above the level of dilution of the underlying currency. Speculating on or hedging against fluctuating exchange rates does not address this issue. A relatively strong or weak Dollar, Yen, Sterling, Yuan, Euro, etc. merely gives global businesses and shareholders temporary advantage or disadvantage in terms of mark-to-market flows, not in terms of sustainable wealth (unless those flows are subsequently converted to unencumbered capital).

 

A business that produces in a cheap currency and exports for consumption in a stronger one shows higher revenues and earnings in its home currency. The employees of that business are paid and can consume in their cheap currency, as long as they consume at home. All's well if they do not travel abroad and if the domestic prices of the goods and services they consume are not impacted by the rising global cost structure the cheap currency strategy produces (so all's not well, beyond the initial stimulus).

Beggar-thy-neighbor currency wars can be good politics and good for management bonuses and correctly speculating traders, but they are poison for savers and investors seeking wealth creation. Investors that own shares denominated in weakening currencies are implicitly betting on stable or increasing earnings AND a stable or increasing currency relative to the global cost of goods and services. Those investors expecting to use their profits for future consumption must convert their shares back to stronger currencies or hope their costs-of-living do not rise with global price inflation, sure to follow.

As implied above, when it comes to production and currencies there is one critical issue often overlooked by investors and economists: aggregate demand for goods and services does not by itself drive production, consumption and the general price level. Rather, aggregate demand in relation to the supply and demand for money and credit determines production, consumption and the GPL.

Most political economists of the current era seem to assume that global production costs and the price of global resources will not rise with their intrinsic values, even as currencies are being diluted. I believe they are wrong, and long history would endorse that belief. This argument is also supported by logic. Ask yourself this: why don't all central banks simply triple the quantity of their currencies tomorrow so that global economies can boom?

The answer is because real economics matter and real economies run on value and incentives, not on price management. While tripling the quantity of money would ostensibly triple NGDP and the price level for both consumers and producers, the intrinsic value of resources and production would not change.

Tripling the money stock would, however, diminish the burden of repaying debt obligations, which is why we should continue to expect significantly increasing monetary inflation, suddenly increasing price inflation (which might even be promoted by monetary authorities), and purchasing power dilution among all currencies. It seems clear that the likely outcome is a systemic default on systemic debt in real terms so that nominal defaults can be avoided. Inflation has always been the political solution throughout history, and current trends and logic support its future endorsement.

In the end, purchasing power wealth is controlled by those that produce and by those that fund production. Ownership in scarce resources and in capital producing businesses around the world must maintain their purchasing power value regardless of which currencies they are denominated in or how many monetary units it takes to own them.

And so it is apparent today that claims on demand-inelastic global resources and production are the ultimate sovereign currency, regardless of their provenance. That's where we think substantial alpha in the equity markets resides today.


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via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/VxzeoUswpAQ/story01.htm Tyler Durden

Paul Brodsky: “The Fed Is Holding A Burning Match”

The Fed will have to increase QE (not taper it) because systemic debt is compounding faster than production and interest rates are already zero-bound. Lee Quaintance noted many years ago that the Fed was holding a burning match. This remains true today (only it is a bomb with a short fuse). Thirteen years after the over-levered US equity market collapsed, eleven years following Bernanke’s speech, five years after the over-levered housing bubble burst, and four years into the necessary onset of global Zero Interest Rate Policies and Long-Term Refinancing Operations, global monetary authorities seem to have run out of new outlets for credit. In real economic terms, central bank policies have become ineffective. In other words, the US is now producing as much new debt as goods and services.

Sovereign Shares

Via Paul Brodsky or Kopernik Global Investors,

A few years ago, the smart people at Pimco coined the term "new normal" to help describe the increasingly obvious need for ongoing unconventional economic policy directives in over-leveraged, finance-based economies, and the impact on global production they would have. The Firm later helped promote the concept of a "stable disequilibrium" – a tenuous economic state that, if left in place too long, could lead to deteriorating and wholly a-cyclical economic consequences. This past August, Pimco's Mohamed El-Erian seemed to publicly join his colleague, Bill Gross, in conceding the new normal had further morphed into a state in which global economies and policy makers are going to have to come face to face with the sources of this disequilibria.

In this report, I will narrow this reconciliation theme to what I see as the base source of our increasingly not-so-stable disequilibrium – unsustainable global price levels – and then take a logical next step to make the case for where global wealth will flow – towards direct ownership in resources and the corporate capital structures of businesses with sustainable pricing power.

My conclusion: claims on production and demand-inelastic global resources are now the ultimate sovereign currency, regardless of their provenance, and this is where substantial alpha resides in today's equity markets.

Uneconomic Credit & Monetary Policies

Economies are meant to be naturally-functioning processes that organize societies (think efficient allocation of resources), and financial markets are supposed to exist to help form, distribute and price capital. Today, however, it seems clear that externalities are distorting these functions. Aggressive economic policy interventions are disrupting basic commercial incentives to consume and invest. While such exogenous inputs have greatly influenced such incentives for decades, they seem to be quickly losing their efficacy, as they would ultimately have to in the latter stages of their aggressive applications.

The fundamental disconnect today is unnatural clearing levels — prices of goods, services and assets that do not reflect societies' sustainable needs, wants and preferences.

If left to an economy's natural functioning, goods and service price levels would fall over time as input prices fall, which would occur naturally as the rate of innovation and productivity outpaces population growth. However, a falling general price level is unacceptable to policy makers in finance-based economies where ever-rising prices are needed to service and collateralize ever-increasing debt levels. So, global monetary authorities have sought "price stability," which in practice implies the need for

constant price inflation to offset what would otherwise be naturally-occurring price deflation. Indeed, "price stability" has become a bipartisan, socially acceptable euphemism for consistent policy- administered credit and price inflation — functionally the diminution of a currency's purchasing power.

The graph below of US CPI shows clearly the secular price-inflationary policy of the Fed, and, given the US Dollar's role as the world's reserve currency off which all global resources and currencies are valued and exchanged, the tacit inflationary policy of all global monetary authorities. (I used 1983 as a starting point because it eliminates very high 1970s inflation and marks the beginning of the era of significant financial asset leveraging.)

 

Implicit in the consistently rising slope of CPI inflation on the graph, the purchasing power of $1.00 has declined by about 59% since 1983. To be clear, this means that one who saved a dollar truly RISK-FREE (i.e., under the mattress) over the last thirty years would have about forty-one cents of her original purchasing power today. Most contemporary economists would argue that such analysis is incomplete and misleading because savers have mostly lent their money and received interest on their savings in excess of their purchasing power loss. This is true, but also misleading and incomplete.

Since 1983, implied yields on twelve-month US T-bills have averaged about 5.00% while US CPI has averaged about 2.9%. This suggests a positive average annual real return of about 2.1%. Keeping our logic constant then, the purchasing power of $1.00 invested in T-bills in 1983 and rolled-over every year would have grown to about $1.87 — an overall positive real return on one-year T-bills.

But consider this: T-bills over the last thirty years were never risk-free in aggregate, when adjusted for the inevitable need to reduce the Dollar's purchasing power. The positive gains were gamed from issuing claims on money that did not yet exist in the system. Had there been no exogenous monetary authority willing and able to manage USD credit pricing, it is likely the market would have set real returns on government issued obligations either far higher, as the US Treasury ran up significant deficits, or, less likely, far lower as Treasury would not have been able to run up deficits in the first place. So, the positive real return of "risk-free assets" over the last thirty years was in fact the result of a speculation that had to ultimately end and be reversed — if not nominally then in real terms (i.e., currency devaluation).

Secular Economic Leveraging, De-constructed

Implicit in the ability of virtually everyone in society to have received a positive real return on the money they loaned "risk-free" to the US Treasury, as appeared to occur from the early eighties to very recently, was a false reality based on the misperception that lending generally creates capital — the means for sustainable economic expansion, and that the loans created would ultimately be extinguished. Sustainable capital formation is not complete until the credit and debt created are retired and only the capital remains. As we know, systemic debt has become the economic equivalent of a bad houseguest.

Each dollar loaned by savers demands a dollar of production on the other side, plus production growth equal at least to the interest rate received. This is needed so that the borrower can service and repay the loan. Otherwise, the dollar's PURCHASING POWER cannot be returned to the lender.

For most of the last thirty years, global policy makers overseeing bank credit, led by the Fed, have generally maintained easy credit conditions. (We know this simply because aggregate credit has risen consistently.) Easy credit was accomplished by keeping real returns to "savers" (in the form of interest rates) higher than the potential increase in sustainable real economic production derived from those savers' loans (to banks as deposits or directly to borrowers through asset-backed securities markets). Think of it this way: the real return on bank deposits and ABS has been consistently higher than the sustainable (debt-adjusted) real return on the collateral they funded. Savers had incentive to lend.

And so secularly easy credit policies served to expand nominal production at the expense of maintaining the sustainable purchasing power of all established major currencies. Securitized market debt created over the last thirty years remains and has been collateralized by asset values that, in turn, rely upon ever- growing further dilution of the very currencies in which they are denominated. Meanwhile, loans to global banks (i.e., deposits and central bank loans) have been woefully unreserved with base money.

At some point, the credit markets would have to seize, and they effectively have. The Fed has become the rate setter for benchmark "risk-free" global interest rates. It is de-levering American banks directly by creating reserves and backstopping foreign banks by promising necessary swap facilities.

Meanwhile, there has been a general misperception that zero-bound short-term interest rates have been promoted by the Fed as economic stimulus. As we have seen, however, Quantitative Easing has had little bearing on production because it helps only institutions not directly productive. Banks produce little, if any, capital directly. Creating new bank reserves for very fractionally-reserved banks only serves to de?

lever their balance sheets. QE also helps fund the US government, which is not directly productive either. Government revenues are derived mostly from taxes on production of the private sector.

Balance sheets of the productive non-financial private sector are not being de-levered by any external body creating new base money. If they are to be de-levered it must be the result of pure economic reasoning — debt-to-asset and/or debt-to-income levels are too high. Indeed, the factors of production have been de-levering, which tells us there remains no commercial incentive (profit-oriented motivation) to borrow. Why? It must be because assets are not cheap enough and potential income from borrowing is not high enough in real terms.

Meanwhile, nominal asset prices are generally rising in over-levered economies where capital production is suffering. Again, consider credit. Zero-bound interest rates imply little, if any, future upside for the value of credit, which in turn provides little prospect of beneficially refinancing debt that collateralizes assets. This implies that asset values must increase in real terms looking forward or else owning them would destroy wealth. Yet, positive real returns for most levered assets are unavailable today as the rate of currency dilution exceeds the rate of production growth. In this environment, the numeraire that defines asset prices and the general price level is unimportant; real value is the thing.

Unencumbered assets are generally more apt to hold their purchasing power value, as are businesses that provide goods and services to customers that do not have to borrow to spend. The currency-adjusted real values of most leveraged assets and sustainably productive assets are not accurately reflected in their relative nominal price levels currently. The former is far too high relative to the latter. It is reasonable to expect savers and investors to begin recognizing how and where wealth must be stored looking forward — in sustainable resources and businesses with sustainable pricing power. Judging by the popular composition of asset sponsorship currently, this thesis requires a change in popular sentiment, the timing of which is difficult to anticipate. However, I see timing as the only risk because a significant change in popular sentiment only has to follow already well-established macroeconomic trends. Fundamentally, it is a case of information arbitrage.

Visualizing the Current Opportunity Set

It is becoming increasingly obvious to a growing number of observers (albeit still a small bunch) that real output — currency inflation-adjusted GDP — cannot be pulled forward through further credit or currency creation. As noted, one who saved for most of the last thirty years by lending to a treasury, municipality, bank (in the form of a deposit), corporation, or to another private borrower (e.g. to a home buyer through the MBS market), would have received a higher rate of interest than the loss of purchasing power of her dollar — a positive real (inflation-adjusted) return. What many savers continuing to make such loans seem to not understand, however, is that by continuing to lend to governments, private borrowers, banks, etc. they are locking-in the likelihood that they will not be repaid with equal purchasing power.

The only market participants with a rational reason to own sovereign or tertiary debt with negative real return profiles today are levered entities able to make a positive nominal spread on their holdings. Banks and other entities that can borrow ten- or twenty-times their equity and take-out 0.25% per bond, and that do not care (or are not forced to care) about the purchasing power of any of the bonds in their arbitrage, have no structural incentive to complain about negative real rates (let alone sell their bonds). What is rational for them is not rational for most savers and investors.

 

The graph above tells an interesting story. Nominal GDP ("NGDP") represents US production growth; Total Credit Market Debt represents the growth of systemic USD-denominated debt; and USD base month growth (USD currency in float and bank reserves supporting systemic USD credit) represents the monetary denominator off which systemic credit and debt exist. In short, the graph shows past and current systemic USD leverage.

The takeaway is that the high line (public credit/debt) is ultimately supported by the integrity of the low line (actual money), while policy makers are wondering how to maintain the trajectory of the middle line (so that the high line does not collapse or they do not have to suddenly create boatloads more base money, which would make the low line rise parabolically). The leverage portrayed here is the basis for the warped general price level, which in turn is the basis for global economic disequilibrium.

To be fair, unlike the "unreserved credit" in the fractionally reserved banking system, much of the credit supporting the high line on the graph is actually collateralized by private sector assets. However, to be even more fair (s), reconciling this debt would require asset sales. To whom would we sell them to maintain their market values and the value of our debt and collateral: each other?

Needless to say, widespread asset liquidation to service and repay outstanding debt, which would drive down asset prices to reflect their un-levered (currency-adjusted) sustainable values, would be a very sub­optimal social, economic and political occurrence. The good news is that, unlike the 1930s, it is an occurrence that need not occur given the ability of monetary authorities in the current (forty year-old)

regime to create infinite base money for all debtors (not just banks). So, it seems reasonable to expect fiscal and monetary authorities with direct access to a printing press to choose inflation over austerity.

And they are. Core Europe can impose austerity on indebted peripherals because, by controlling the ECB's printing press, they control the quantity of Euros. Would American and Japanese politicians and monetary authorities really impose hardship on their own populations when they can drop their currencies from proverbial helicopters? Not according to Chairman Bernanke who publicly put forth central bank orthodoxy in 2002 when, as a Fed Governor, he famously noted:

"The U.S. government has a technology, called a printing press (or, today, its electronic equivalent), that allows it to produce as many U.S. dollars as it wishes at essentially no cost. By increasing the number of U.S. dollars in circulation, or even by credibly threatening to do so, the U.S. government can also reduce the value of a dollar in terms of goods and services, which is equivalent to raising the prices in dollars of those goods and services. We conclude that, under a paper-money system, a determined government can always generate higher spending and hence positive inflation."'

Flash forward to today: Japan is overtly destroying the purchasing power of the Yen to target NOMINAL GDP. Meanwhile, Washington is increasing public spending and attendant debt ceilings, and forcing the Fed to continue QE so government can continue subsidizing diminishing economic incentives in the private sector. The point here is that we have a very well-established roadmap and a very well-established inflation trend and yet the public does not seem to get it yet. There is a popular misunderstanding that the great majority of savings and investments are collateralized in currencies that are not being diluted and do not have to be greatly diluted in the future.

The Fed will have to increase QE (not taper it) because systemic debt is compounding faster than  production and interest rates are already zero-bound. My colleague, Lee Quaintance, noted many years ago that the Fed was holding a burning match. This remains true today (only it is a bomb with a short fuse). Thirteen years after the over-levered US equity market collapsed, eleven years following Bernanke's speech, five years after the over-levered housing bubble burst, and four years into the necessary onset of global Zero Interest Rate Policies and Long-Term Refinancing Operations, global monetary authorities seem to have run out of new outlets for credit.

In real economic terms, central bank policies have become ineffective. The graph below divides two lines on the graph above, Total USD Public Credit by US nominal GDP. The high plateau to the right suggests that ever-increasing credit growth is struggling to maintain economic production. In other words, the US is now producing as much new debt as goods and services.

 

The elephant in the room is that while economic policies that target rising nominal GDP may make it easier to service outstanding debt (if NGDP rises from demand growth rather than price inflation), they do not make it easier to repay that debt. Indeed, NGDP growth is mildly positive today while real economic activity, as seen through money velocity (below), is plummeting.

 

By increasing bank reserves through QE, the Fed has been de-levering the formerly almost completely unreserved stock of USD checkbook money (M1, M2, M3) — now about 8:1 checkbook money-to-bank reserves. This is better collateralizing bank assets (i.e., loan books), and that's it. It is not directly economically stimulative.

Perhaps more troubling than the obvious dearth of credit money to feed contemporaneous economic activity is the erroneous perception among most influential economists and policy makers that all is well as long as debt is kept low in relation to an economy's output. Such analysis mixes accounting identities and produces a too-sanguine conclusion. Debt obligations are first claims on checkbook money, which in turn are ultimately claims on base money (bank reserves and currency in float). Debt obligations are not claims on widgets. And so while Debt-to-GDP charts like the one below are often cited by policy makers when analyzing economic sustainability, they miss the point entirely.

 

Beyond confusing accounting identities (a debt is formally a claim on currency rather than a claim on production), Debt-to-GDP ratios also tend to count only federal debt (not including off-balance sheet obligations). Relying on debt-to-GDP metrics demonstrates more concern with the viability of government balance sheets and future government spending than with private sector investment in plant, equipment and labor.

Whether readers believe in big government, small government, efficient government or no government, we should all agree that self-important governments, government economists, and most academic economists trained to comply with government economic policy are ignoring the most basic principle of economics: economies naturally economize.

Within this context, declining rates of private sector investment make sense currently in finance-based economies where businesses and households have natural incentives to husband resources and reduce outlays — to de-lever their balance sheets. It is impossible to de-lever a balance sheet without either increasing assets or decreasing debts. Where is the incentive to take risk, to re-lever and expand? In other words, the productive economy is risk-off. There is diminishing incentive to produce.

Meanwhile, the financial economy is risk-on. The S&P 500 has added $4 trillion of market cap this year on the back of corporate and margin debt. As the graph below shows, the stock market seems to be the chosen outlet for the bank multiplier effect — using bank reserves to collateralize new loans. (This clearly explains widening wealth and income gaps in an environment of widespread malaise.) The takeaway here is that real, currency-adjusted value within the stock market is being overlooked as indexes rise in nominal terms.

 

As many have noted (e.g., Churchill. Eban), people and nations tend to find the right path after they exhaust all others. Policy makers and ne'er do well economists are still trying to find solutions to increase nominal aggregate demand that would justify the risk-on financial economy. However, even if they succeed in increasing NGDP, they will likely fail in pulling the global economy out of its current disequilibrium. Policy makers cannot (and will not be able to) find a solution that increases aggregate real demand and real output because their toolbox has been reduced to printing presses and carefully parsed communications; neither of which provide the factors of production incentive to produce more.

The US and other highly-levered economies cannot grow out of the leverage problems stifling production unless they do so without incurring new debt, and there is no obvious new capital forming outlet for further credit/debt assumption. So, rather than allowing aggregate economies to de-lever on their own, central banks and governments are assuming the debts the private sector no longer wants or can afford to carry. This exercise is propping up the appearance of economic growth (NGDP) and low coincident inflation (CPI), and encouraging some capital market investors to leverage their holdings.

Policy-administered inflation on the back of already-levered balance sheets and zero-bound interest rates is sinking governments and central banks deeper into an irreconcilable compounding debt trap that must end either in nominal insolvencies or in significant currency devaluations (a currency default in real terms). As discussed, it seems a far better bet to side with the latter outcome, which would ensure the loss of significant purchasing power for savers of those currencies and for investors in many levered financial assets denominated in them.

The public debate in which most investors, policy makers, academics, and virtually all media seem to be engaging is off-point and should be scrutinized intensely by true value investors. Their accounting identities are all wrong. Balance sheet growth is not sustainable prosperity or even a viable form of economic cyclicality. Opportunity lies in fading this consensus.

Owning Production

Public equity valuations will always be debated, as they are being debated now. Today, however, unlike any time in memory, investing one's current purchasing power based on a metric of relative nominal valuations, compared to history or to each other, seems a fool's errand. Their valuations and returns are being judged without regard for the purchasing power of the currencies in which they are denominated at a time when all monetary authorities must cheapen their currencies.

The equity market play is for market sponsorship to rotate from reliably leverage-able shares to sustainable businesses that have not relied on leveraging their capital structures or on investors to leverage theirs. Many publicly traded businesses have cut costs meaningfully and have issued debt to buy back shares, further levering their balance sheets to increase near term earnings. They have effectively reduced the scope of their operations and leveraged their balance sheets. These trends have been rational in the short term but quite irrational looking forward. (Even many good businesses with good growth prospects are priced for perfection and have very little tolerance for operational or macroeconomic surprises.)

To maintain or increase wealth, nominal asset prices must appreciate above the level of dilution of the underlying currency. Speculating on or hedging against fluctuating exchange rates does not address this issue. A relatively strong or weak Dollar, Yen, Sterling, Yuan, Euro, etc. merely gives global businesses and shareholders temporary advantage or disadvantage in terms of mark-to-market flows, not in terms of sustainable wealth (unless those flows are subsequently converted to unencumbered capital).

 

A business that produces in a cheap currency and exports for consumption in a stronger one shows higher revenues and earnings in its home currency. The employees of that business are paid and can consume in their cheap currency, as long as they consume at home. All's well if they do not travel abroad and if the domestic prices of the goods and services they consume are not impacted by the rising global cost structure the cheap currency strategy produces (so all's not well, beyond the initial stimulus).

Beggar-thy-neighbor currency wars can be good politics and good for management bonuses and correctly speculating traders, but they are poison for savers and investors seeking wealth creation. Investors that own shares denominated in weakening currencies are implicitly betting on stable or increasing earnings AND a stable or increasing currency relative to the global cost of goods and services. Those investors expecting to use their profits for future consumption must convert their shares back to stronger currencies or hope their costs-of-living do not rise with global price inflation, sure to follow.

As implied above, when it comes to production and currencies there is one critical issue often overlooked by investors and economists: aggregate demand for goods and services does not by itself drive production, consumption and the general price level. Rather, aggregate demand in relation to the supply and demand for money and credit determines production, consumption and the GPL.

Most political economists of the current era seem to assume that global production costs and the price of global resources will not rise with their intrinsic values, even as currencies are being diluted. I believe they are wrong, and long history would endorse that belief. This argument is also supported by logic. Ask yourself this: why don't all central banks simply triple the quantity of their currencies tomorrow so that global economies can boom?

The answer is because real economics matter and real economies run on value and incentives, not on price management. While tripling the quantity of money would ostensibly triple NGDP and the price level for both consumers and producers, the intrinsic value of resources and production would not change.

Tripling the money stock would, however, diminish the burden of repaying debt obligations, which is why we should continue to expect significantly increasing monetary inflation, suddenly increasing price inflation (which might even be promoted by monetary authorities), and purchasing power dilution among all currencies. It seems clear that the likely outcome is a systemic default on systemic debt in real terms so that nominal defaults can be avoided. Inflation has always been the political solution throughout history, and current trends and logic support its future endorsement.

In the end, purchasing power wealth is controlled by those that produce and by those that fund production. Ownership in scarce resources and in capital producing businesses around the world must maintain their purchasing power value regardless of which currencies they are denominated in or how many monetary units it takes to own them.

And so it is apparent today that claims on demand-inelastic global resources and production are the ultimate sovereign currency, regardless of their provenance. That's where we think substantial alpha in the equity markets resides today.


    



via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/VxzeoUswpAQ/story01.htm Tyler Durden

The "Oh Crap" Moment For Housing Is Now In The Can

Real estate guru Mark Hanson updates his housing view following this week’s dismal housing industry data: 

  • Sept. Pending Sales… the largest MoM drop since Sept 2001… not 2011… yes, 2001.

Don’t let them tell you ‘this is normal for Sept’. The ‘oh-crap’ moment is now in the can. Going forward, “Existing Sales” volume will disappoint on a YoY basis for several quarters. There is no way around it…

 

Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me; fool me thrice, shame on the Fed…

 

Via Mark Hanson,

Existing Sales is terribly backward looking and you can’t change history no matter how hard certain parties try.

‘House Prices’ have already fallen sharply post-surge and continue to weaken — prices are set at contract but not recorded until “closing” — simply awaiting printing by lagging surveys.

Contrary to ‘New’ Home Sales, Existing Sales are where the Fed’s go-go juice really showed up thanks to the Twist/QE 3, 4 increase in “purchasing power” beginning in Q4 2011 and the new-era “investor” rush to market in mid-2012. This is evident in the demand divergence between the two series. As such, the “post-surge” housing market “demand collapse” will be much more evident in this series than it was by the 27% MoM drop in New Home Sales in July. 

In short, over the next few months we will see the two series quickly “converge” — Existing Sales weaken considerably to be more in-line with the weak builder demand — reflecting conditions more akin to the “hangover” period following the sunset of the Homebuyer Tax Credit

Along with this comes lower YoY Existing and New Sales volume along with down trending MoM house prices as far out as July 2014, at which point house prices have a good shot at being negative YoY as well.

Sept Pending Home Sales Low-lights

1) US Pendings Fell 21.1% MoM on an NSA basis (down more not including last month’s revision), the most on record for any Sept since Sept 2001…that’s a terrible period to comp against. 

2) On a YoY basis Pendings were down 4.3% on a daily basis (Sept 2013 had 1 extra business day YoY). And remember, in Sept demand was still being pulled forward due to rates and fear of Gov’t shutdown.

3) Levels of Sept Pendings virtually ensure Oct through April Existing Sales” are lower YoY. A year ago volume outperformed (muted seasonality) in winter & spring, as new-era “investors” all dove in at the same time. This year the market will underperform (heavier than normal seasonality) due to the stimulus “hangover”. This delta will produce meaningful YoY Existing Sales declines especially through April 2014.

4) Leading indicating Western region absolute Pending Sales lowest since 2007. 

5) Heavily weighted, leading-indicating Northeast & West Sept Pendings down 31% & 20% MoM NSA respectively, also 12-year record drops.

6) YoY, Northeast & West Pendings down YoY by 3.1% and 5.2% respectively…the first YoY drop since after the 2010 sunset of the Homebuyer Tax Credit.

7) MoM, Sept national Pendings dropped 54% and 40% more than the 10-year average and post housing market crash avg Sept respective seasonal drops.

**note, items 5 & 6 were straight from NAR and not normalized for more business days this Sept than last. In short, the YoY drop is larger than reflected in 5 & 6.


    



via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/pEjnFO5MFc8/story01.htm Tyler Durden

The “Oh Crap” Moment For Housing Is Now In The Can

Real estate guru Mark Hanson updates his housing view following this week’s dismal housing industry data: 

  • Sept. Pending Sales… the largest MoM drop since Sept 2001… not 2011… yes, 2001.

Don’t let them tell you ‘this is normal for Sept’. The ‘oh-crap’ moment is now in the can. Going forward, “Existing Sales” volume will disappoint on a YoY basis for several quarters. There is no way around it…

 

Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me; fool me thrice, shame on the Fed…

 

Via Mark Hanson,

Existing Sales is terribly backward looking and you can’t change history no matter how hard certain parties try.

‘House Prices’ have already fallen sharply post-surge and continue to weaken — prices are set at contract but not recorded until “closing” — simply awaiting printing by lagging surveys.

Contrary to ‘New’ Home Sales, Existing Sales are where the Fed’s go-go juice really showed up thanks to the Twist/QE 3, 4 increase in “purchasing power” beginning in Q4 2011 and the new-era “investor” rush to market in mid-2012. This is evident in the demand divergence between the two series. As such, the “post-surge” housing market “demand collapse” will be much more evident in this series than it was by the 27% MoM drop in New Home Sales in July. 

In short, over the next few months we will see the two series quickly “converge” — Existing Sales weaken considerably to be more in-line with the weak builder demand — reflecting conditions more akin to the “hangover” period following the sunset of the Homebuyer Tax Credit

Along with this comes lower YoY Existing and New Sales volume along with down trending MoM house prices as far out as July 2014, at which point house prices have a good shot at being negative YoY as well.

Sept Pending Home Sales Low-lights

1) US Pendings Fell 21.1% MoM on an NSA basis (down more not including last month’s revision), the most on record for any Sept since Sept 2001…that’s a terrible period to comp against. 

2) On a YoY basis Pendings were down 4.3% on a daily basis (Sept 2013 had 1 extra business day YoY). And remember, in Sept demand was still being pulled forward due to rates and fear of Gov’t shutdown.

3) Levels of Sept Pendings virtually ensure Oct through April Existing Sales” are lower YoY. A year ago volume outperformed (muted seasonality) in winter & spring, as new-era “investors” all dove in at the same time. This year the market will underperform (heavier than normal seasonality) due to the stimulus “hangover”. This delta will produce meaningful YoY Existing Sales declines especially through April 2014.

4) Leading indicating Western region absolute Pending Sales lowest since 2007. 

5) Heavily weighted, leading-indicating Northeast & West Sept Pendings down 31% & 20% MoM NSA respectively, also 12-year record drops.

6) YoY, Northeast & West Pendings down YoY by 3.1% and 5.2% respectively…the first YoY drop since after the 2010 sunset of the Homebuyer Tax Credit.

7) MoM, Sept national Pendings dropped 54% and 40% more than the 10-year average and post housing market crash avg Sept respective seasonal drops.

**note, items 5 & 6 were straight from NAR and not normalized for more business days this Sept than last. In short, the YoY drop is larger than reflected in 5 & 6.


    



via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/pEjnFO5MFc8/story01.htm Tyler Durden

Indian Inflation: Out of Control?

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While some harp on about the growing dangers of yet another housing bubble in the western world, there are other more important things perhaps that are going on in other countries in the world. But, they are of little interest since we are not directly concerned by them. How is it that we only care about what’s actually happening in the back yard while someone round the block might be doing something or on the receiving end of something pretty bad and yet we don’t give a damn about what happens to them? While we are concerned with our bubbles, there are people in India that are suffering from the rise in prices that is drastically changing the way they live.

Over the past year inflation has been driven up by food prices. In September alone food prices were at their highest level for the past seven months and it seems that India is now going through the worst financial crisis that it has ever experienced since 1991.

  • The Indian wholesale price index (WPI) rose by 6.46% in September.
  • This was largely due to the fact that food prices have increased beyond control.
  • Since the start of this year onions have increased by 322%, for example.
  • Food prices have increased by an annual rate of 18.4% so far according to data released by the Indian government on Monday this week.

Food prices have been increasing due to supply shortages in India which were brought about to climatic conditions and rain. Today the price of a kilogram of onions amounts to 75 rupees today (or $1.22). One third of the Indian population still earns less than $1.25 per day in the country and that means that buying basic foodstuffs is pretty much out of their price range today. Food prices have hit the political agenda as a result and have been made a key issue in the run-up to the general elections that are going to take place within the next 7-month period.

Food Inflation in India

Food Inflation in India

Traders and shop owners are reaping the rewards of a rapid rise in prices today. But, the shopkeepers will not be able to keep hiking prices to recoup on the price increases as the people will run out of money. The real people are at the short end of the stick and suffering from the consequences of the hike that is almost daily now.

India is not the only one suffering from high inflation today in the world. Other emerging countries have also recently seen highs in their own rates. China had a consumer-inflation rate that hit3.1% in September. That was also the highest it had been for the past seven months. Food prices in China have increased by6.1% so far this year. However, in comparison with Indian data, that seems as if it is insignificant.

  • India is having immense difficulty increasing economic growth in the country and it has a 5%-growth rate that hasn’t been seen for the past decade.
  • The rupee has already hit lows that have rarely been seen before (it has lost 10% since the start of the year against the dollar) and inflation looks as if it will be fuelled by the interest rates that have been increased by theReserve Bank of India.
  • There has been a general outflow of capital from India since the start of this year due to the slow-down in the economy.
  • Inflation stood at 2.1% in September for India and it’s that which is the most worrying element perhaps today (at least for the population).

While India has problems with its economy and price stability, it’s the people that will be suffering the most. When food prices increase and they get out of control, it’s the third of the population that is living with just over a dollar a day that will have trouble making ends meet more than they already did in the past.

Originally posted: Indian Inflation: Out of Control?

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via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/Im1dVrndkFE/story01.htm Pivotfarm

Guest Post: Should Extremist Parties Be Banned?

Following the slaying of two members of Greece’s far-rght Golden-Dawn party (and wounding of a third) on Friday evening, the Greek government’s crackdown on the country’s ‘extremist’ party has revived a vexing question that seemed to have disappeared with the Cold War’s end: Is there a place within liberal democracies for apparently anti-democratic parties?

 

Via AP,

Police investigating the slaying of two members of the far-right Golden Dawn party and the wounding of a third say the gun used in the Friday evening attack had not been used in previous terrorist attacks.

 

The assailant fired 12 rounds from a Zastava Tokarev type semi-auto pistol, police say.

 

A police source, speaking on condition of anonymity because officers were not authorized to comment on the ongoing investigation, said Saturday that a video from a nearby security camera confirmed accounts from Golden Dawn lawmakers that the assailant started firing from 15 meters (yards) away and finished off his victims from point-blank range. The gunman fired at a fourth Golden Dawn member, who managed to enter a building unharmed.

One can’t help but get the sense their is a growing ‘instigation’ of more killing in Greece, which got us thinking of the following discussion…

 

Authored by Jan-Werner Mueller, originally posted at Project Syndicate,

Should Extremist Parties Be Banned?

To be sure, liberal democracies have felt threatened since communism collapsed in 1989 – but mostly by foreign terrorists, who tend not to form political parties and sit in these countries’ parliaments. So, should extremist parties that seek to compete within the democratic framework be outlawed, or would such a restriction on freedom of speech and association itself undermine this framework?

Above all, it is crucial that such decisions be entrusted to non-partisan institutions such as constitutional courts, not other political parties, whose leaders will always be tempted to ban their competitors. Unfortunately, the moves against Golden Dawn are mostly identified with the government’s interests, rather than being perceived as the result of careful, independent judgment.

On the face of it, democratic self-defense seems a legitimate goal. As US Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson (who was also the chief US prosecutor at Nuremburg) put it, the constitution is not “a suicide pact” – a sentiment echoed by the Israeli jurist Aharon Barak, who emphasized that “civil rights are not an altar for national destruction.”

But too much democratic self-defense can ultimately leave no democracy to defend. If the people really want to be done with democracy, who is to stop them? As another US Supreme Court justice, Oliver Wendell Holmes, put it, “if my fellow citizens want to go to Hell, I will help them. It’s my job.”

So it seems that democracies are damned if they ban and damned if they do not ban. Or, in the more elevated language of the twentieth century’s most influential liberal philosopher, John Rawls, this appears to be a “practical dilemma which philosophy alone cannot resolve.”

History offers no clear lessons, though many people like to think otherwise. In retrospect, it appears obvious that the Weimar Republic might have been saved had the Nazi Party been banned in time. Joseph Goebbels, Hitler’s propaganda minister, famously gloated after the Nazis’ legal Machtergreifung (seizure of power): “It will always remain one of the best jokes of democracy that it provided its mortal enemies with the means through which it was annihilated.”

But a ban might not have halted the German people’s general disenchantment with liberal democracy, and an authoritarian regime still might have followed. Indeed, whereas West Germany banned a neo-Nazi party and the Communist Party in the 1950’s, some countries –particularly in Southern and Eastern Europe, where dictatorship came to be associated with the suppression of pluralism – have drawn precisely the opposite lesson about preventing authoritarianism. That is one reason why Greece, for example, has no legal provisions for banning parties.

The fact that Greece nonetheless is effectively trying to destroy Golden Dawn – the parliament just voted to freeze the party’s state funding – suggests that, in the end, most democracies will want to draw the line somewhere. But just where, exactly, should it be drawn?

For starters, it is important to recognize that the line needs to be clearly visible before extremist parties even arise. If the rule of law is to be upheld, democratic self-defense must not appear ad hoc or arbitrary. Thus the criteria for bans should be spelled out in advance.

One criterion that seems universally accepted is a party’s use, encouragement, or at least condoning of violence – as was evidently the case with Golden Dawn’s role in attacks on immigrants in Athens. There is less consensus about parties that incite hatred and are committed to destroying core democratic principles – especially because many extremist parties in Europe go out of their way to emphasize that they are not against democracy; on the contrary, they are fighting for “the people.”

But parties that seek to exclude or subordinate a part of “the people” – for example, legal immigrants and their descendants – are violating core democratic principles. Even if Golden Dawn – a neo-Nazi party in appearance and content – had not engaged in violence, its extreme anti-immigrant stance and its incitement of hatred at a moment of great social and economic turmoil would have made it a plausible candidate for a ban.

Critics warn of a slippery slope. Any disagreement with a government’s immigration policy, for example, might eventually be deemed “racist,” resulting in curtailment of freedom of speech. Something like the classic American standard – the speech in question must pose a “clear and present danger” of violence – is therefore essential. Marginal parties that are not connected to political violence and do not incite hatred should probably be left in peace – distasteful as their rhetoric may be.

But parties that are closer to assuming power are a different matter, even if banning them might automatically appear undemocratic (after all, they will already have deputies in parliaments). In one famous case, the European Court of Human Rights agreed with the banning of Turkey’s Welfare Party while it was the senior member of a governing coalition.

It is a myth that bans turn leaders of extremist parties into martyrs. Very few people can remember who led the postwar German neo-Nazis and Communists. Nor is it always the case that mainstream parties can cut off support for extremists by selectively coopting their complaints and demands. Sometimes this approach works, and sometimes it does not; but it always amounts to playing with fire.

Banning parties does not have to mean silencing citizens who are tempted to vote for extremists. Their concerns should be heard and debated; and sometimes banning is best combined with renewed efforts at civic education, emphasizing, for example, that immigrants did not cause Greece’s woes. True, such measures mi
ght come across as patronizing – but such forms of public engagement are the only way to avoid making anti-extremism look like extremism itself.


    



via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/IBAM8Vhz6G8/story01.htm Tyler Durden

The Fallacies Of Forward Guidance

With the recent adoption of explicit forward guidance as a stimulative policy tool by the major European central banks, virtually every major central bank is now using the tool in some form. The potential benefits and dangers of such policies as central bank communications have evolved are unclear as "the form of guidance" matters. As Robin Brooks notes, and is so well illusrated below in the example of the Riksbank's and Norges Bank's 'failures', "[In terms of implications for rates] the jury is still out on how well forward guidance works. What is clear, though, is that markets prefer 'deeds' to 'words'."

Forward Guidance has become extremely important

As Central bank communications (whether at extremes of policy or not) have evolved dramatically over the past 20 years…

(click image for massive legible version)

Especially intriguing is Janet Yellen's note:

As recently as two decades ago, most central banks actively avoided communicating about monetary policy. According to Janet Yellen, the current Vice Chair of the Federal Reserve who was recently nominated to succeed Chairman Bernanke: “Montagu Norman, governor of the Bank of England in the early 20th century, reputedly lived by the motto “never explain, never excuse”.

 

The conventional wisdom among central bankers was that transparency was of little benefit for monetary policy and, in some cases, could cause problems that would make policy less effective.

Source: Janet Yellen, Speech: “Communication in Monetary Policy”,
April 4, 2013.

We have little historical precedent for judging the efficacy if explicit forward guidance. However, as Goldman Sachs notes, Norway’s Norges Bank introduced a form of forward guidance in 2005, while Sweden’s Riksbank followed soon after in 2007; and so we look to how well their "guidance" has fit reality (or shaped markets at the time)…

Lessons From Forward Guidance Pioneers

Forward guidance is not a policy reserved for only extreme situations. Indeed, well ahead of the global financial crisis and before the “zero lower bound” of policy rates motivated some central banks to explore the role of communication tools to achieve further easing,

Explicit but conservative

The Scandinavian central banks’ form of forward guidance is among the most explicit in nature: both Norges Bank and the Riksbank publish a “policy rate path” several times a year detailing the level of the policy rate expected by the (majority) of the Executive Board of the central bank over their forecast horizon (around three years). In addition, the Scandinavian central banks publish a range of economic forecasts, such as growth, inflation, the output gap and the unemployment rate.

Although the form of forward guidance may be one of the most explicit currently in place, the nature is more conservative: the “policy rate path” is a conditional estimate of future policy rates – based on the economy and market conditions – not a commitment.

With no intention of attempting to “tie their hands” in the way that Fed-style forward guidance aims to do by promising to keep rates “lower for longer” than would normally be the case, Norges Bank and the Riksbank maintain full discretion at all times. Forward guidance in Scandinavia is therefore a pure communication tool rather than an innovation in monetary policy strategy.

Relevant for the ECB?

Scandinavian central banks’ lengthy experience with forward guidance may be more relevant for the ECB’s nascent forward guidance than what one might immediately think. While the ECB’s style of forward guidance is rather vague, stating only that policy rates will remain at current or lower levels for an “extended period of time”, compared to the Scandinavian central banks’ detailed policy rate paths, both the ECB and Norges Bank/the Riksbank maintain full discretion of their policy rates at all times.

This is a crucial similarity. And with a shared fundamental underpinning of forward guidance, the Scandinavian experience may shed light on whether a more explicit form of forward guidance by the ECB, while maintaining full discretion, might help the ECB more effectively influence Euro area money market rates.

Gains from transparency despite discretion

A look at how past shifts in the Riksbank’s published policy rate path have impacted market pricing suggests that changes to the policy rate path can be just as important to shaping forward market pricing as changes to actual policy rates. Because the form of communication at the Riksbank is so explicit, this experience provides a likely upper bound to what can be achieved (e.g., by the ECB) with a fully transparent form of forward guidance that still allows for full discretion.


 

While we do not expect the ECB to adopt much more explicit forward guidance, let alone to actually publish a policy rate path any time soon, the Riksbank experience suggests that the ECB’s impact on market rates may be enhanced by increasing the information available to the market regarding the ECB’s view of future likely policy developments. This could take the form of increasing the length of the ECB’s forecast horizon (currently only between 1 to 2 years) or providing a greater account of the Governing Council’s deliberations.

 

[ZH: While the result is still out, one thing seems very clear from the two charts above… Central bank "forward guidance" appears always and forever overly-confident of their ability (or willingness) to tighten…]


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via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/QC8qjWwfvyU/story01.htm Tyler Durden

Top Obama Donor Gets Paid To Fix Obamacare Website After Blowing It Up

The ironically-named Quality Software Services Inc (QSSI) responsible for the SNAFU that is the Obamacare website’s data hub has, incredibly, been named the new general contractor in charge off repairing the glitch-plagued HealthCare.gov. As The NY Post reports, as if the $150 million so far paid to this UnitedHealth subsidiary for its farcically bad implementation was not enough, the executive vuce president of the firm (Anthony Welters) and his wife were among Obama’s largest personal campaign contributors during the 2008 election cycle (and the firm has spent millions “lobbying” for Obamacare). The cronyism runs deep as the Post also notes, visitor logs show at least a dozen visits between the two by the end of 2012, the most recent information available.

 

The man at the center of the “cronyism”… Anthony Welters

 

Via NY Post,

A tech firm linked to a campaign-donor crony of President Obama not only got the job to help build the federal health-insurance Web site — but also is getting paid to fix it.

 

Anthony Welters, a top campaign bundler for Obama and frequent White House guest, is the executive vice president of UnitedHealth Group, which owns the software company now at the center of the ObamaCare Web-site fiasco.

 

UnitedHealth Group subsidiary Quality Software Services Inc. (QSSI), which built the data hub for the ObamaCare system, has been named the new general contractor in charge of repairing the glitch-plagued HealthCare.gov.

 

Welters and his wife, Beatrice, have shoveled piles of cash into Obama’s campaign coffers and ­apparently reaped the rewards.

 

 

The couple have been frequent guests at the White House.

 

Visitors logs show at least a dozen visits between the two by the end of 2012, the most recent information available.

 

The entire Welters family has gotten into the donation game.

 

The Welters, along with their sons, Andrew and Bryant, have contributed more than $258,000 to mostly Democratic candidates and committees since 2007.

 

What’s more, UnitedHealth Group is one of the largest health-insurance companies in the country and spent millions lobbying for ObamaCare.

 

 

The insurance giant’s purchase of QSSI in 2012 raised eyebrows on Capitol Hill, but the tech firm nevertheless kept the job of building the data hub for the ObamaCare Web site where consumers buy the new mandatory health- ­insurance plans.

 

QSSI has been paid an estimated $150 million so far, but officials couldn’t say how much more the company might collect on the ­repair contract.


    



via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/h3KZCM_am7w/story01.htm Tyler Durden

China's Gold Hoarding Continues: Over 2,200 Tons Imported In Two Years

Paper gold in the developed world may trade based on the whims of marginal momentum chasers, and of course, the daytrading mood of the BIS gold and FX trading desk, but when it comes to physical gold and China’s appetite for it, one word explains it best: unstoppable.

After rising to a gross 131 tons imported from Hong Kong alone in August, which was the second highest ever monthly import tally, September saw a modest decline to “only” 116 tons: “only” because it is still 67% more than the amount imported a year earlier. 

The total gross imports since September 2011 is now a whopping 2232 tons. Why September? Because that is when we posted: “Wikileaks Discloses The Reason(s) Behind China’s Shadow Gold Buying Spree.” The chart below confirms precisely said reason.

The gross imports year to date are now over 1,113 tons, 91.3% more than the amount of gold imported through September of 2012.

Netting out exports to Hong Kong, September was virtually unchanged from August, at 109 metric tons vs 110 a month earlier. In other words, September was tied for the third highest net import month in Chinese history.

And yes, we realize that to western thinking buying more when the price is dropping in explicable: ironically even the vast majority of gold bugs are merely interested in a momentum conversion in and out of fiat, thus treating gold as an investable, fiat-denominated asset and not as a currency. China, on the other hand, continues to show that when one’s only intention is to purchase as much gold as possible to preserve wealth and purchasing power and/or unleash the gold standard back on the world (either alone or jointly with Russia and/or Germany), dropping or plunging gold prices are merely the icing on the cake.


    



via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/VCKePCkQ6D0/story01.htm Tyler Durden