Navy SEAL Killed in Iraq War Fight Against ISIS

A Navy SEAL became the third U.S. casualty in Iraq since combat troops were returned to the country in 2014. 

A defense department spokesperson said the unidentified SEAL was killed in a firefight “three to five kilometers behind the forward line of troops”, near Mosul, after Islamic State (ISIS) fighters broke through the line, according to CNN.

Defense Secretary Ash Carter told reporters in Germany that the casualty illustrated “it’s a serious fight that we have to wage in Iraq.”

There are 3,000 U.S. troops conducting combat missions in Iraq, and they’ve been joined by 250 additional troops in Syria, bringing the official total in that country of U.S. troops to 300. The Obama administration has resisted the idea that there are “boots on the ground” in Iraq and Syria.

“They are wearing boots and they are on the ground,” a State Department spokesperson explained in a daily press briefing last week. “But that doesn’t mean that they are in large-scale ground combat operations.” The spokesperson, John Kirby, insisted the press was “wrapped around the axle on the phrase ‘boots on the ground.'”

“Yes, there’s boots on the ground.  We’ve got pilots that have been flying airstrikes since August of 2014. Don’t tell me and don’t tell them or their families that they’re not involved in actual combat over Iraq and Syria,” Kirby continued. “But that’s a big difference between that and saying we’re going to involve ourselves in conventional ground troops and ground force operations on the ground, which we have not done and there are no plans to do it.”

The Navy SEAL killed today was characterized by defense officials as an advisor to the Peshmerga, Kurdish forces. An anonymous official told the Washington Post ISIS broke through the front line using armored vehicles carrying explosives that were followed bv combat troops behind them.

A commander with the Nineveh Protections Unit, a mostly Christian local militia recognized by the government in Baghdad, described the attack to the Post.

“American special forces came to rescue us with four vehicles,” Bahnam Aboush told the Post. “They opened the way for us to retreat then one of their vehicles was hit.” Aboush blamed “limited capabilities” and “old rifles” on the inability of his forces to defend against the ISIS attack.

U.S. troops returned to Iraq in the campaign against ISIS in 2014. The last U.S. combat troops previously departed Iraq in 2011 after President Obama tried, but failed, to extend the presence of combat troops in the country. He took credit for ending the Iraq war in his 2012 re-election bid, but later insisted the 2011 pull-out was not his decision.

When it bothers to, the Obama administration argues the campaign against ISIS is covered by the 9/11-rleated authorization of the use of military force (AUMF) against Al Qaeda (of which ISIS is an offshoot-cum-competitor) and “associated forces.” President Obama requested authorization of the use of military force specifically for ISIS but has not received it. A 2014 effort to repeal the 2002 AUMF on Iraq failed, with both it and the 2001 AUMF remaining in force and Congress doing little about it and the U.S. military campaigns in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and elsewhere that those AUMFs have helped justify.

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Caught On Tape: Massive Brawl Erupts During Turkish Parliament Meeting

A massive brawl broke out between the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) during a Turkish parliament meeting recently. According to Russia Today, the fight started as the two sides debated a constitutional amendment that would strip lawmakers of their legal immunity.

Tensions were already high as Turkish president Erdogan has been accusing HDP of ties to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and the constitutional amendment that was being debated was allegedly worrying members of the HDP that they'd potentially be open to prosecution for any opposition of the ruling party.

Here is the footage of the chaos…

After all of the mayhem, the parliament did end up actually approving the bill, according to Reuters.

This is presumably not going on the best practices list in any civics textbooks.

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Republicans Are Coming Around to Donald Trump. Of Course They Are.

The closer Donald Trump comes to winning the Republican presidential nomination, the more apparent it becomes that much of the GOP will back him when he does. In the process, Trump’s campaign is revealing both how little the party truly stands for and the ugliness of what it is willing to tolerate in its name.  

Over the last few days, an array of GOP elites have made it clear that even if they do not exactly care for Trump, they will offer him their support in the general election. Former Speaker of the House John Beohner and Judd Gregg, an ex-GOP Senator from New Hampshire, both said they would pull the lever for Trump in a general election. Tennessee Sen. Bob Corker, the top Republican on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, had previously denounced Trump’s proposed ban of Muslim immigrants as running counter to the nation’s values. But last week he lavished praise on Trump’s foreign policy address, calling it a “very good foreign policy speech” that challenged establishment thinking on the issue.

On Capitol Hill, more Republicans are looking for ways to cooperate and coordinate with the likely nominee, The Wall Street Journal reports. The Trump campaign’s outreach to the party, which is predicated on the idea that Trump’s outrageous trail persona is an act—essentially that he has been putting on a show for voters—appears to have effectively mitigated some of the skepticism party stalwarts have had about the candidate.

Indiana Gov. Mike Pence gave a waffling endorsement to Ted Cruz last week, but he also spoke up for Trump at the same time. Trump’s outreach effort may not generated full-throated support from the GOP, but it has made the candidate tolerable.

Indeed, even some of those who have been most critical of the candidate now admit they will support him in a general election.

Former Texas Governor Rick Perry, who blasted Trump as a “cancer on conservatism” during his brief presidential run last year, said recently that “at the end of the day, I’ll vote for Trump.” Maybe cancer isn’t so bad after all?

And then there is Florida Sen. Marco Rubio, another former rival who spent the final weeks of his presidential campaign vigorously insisting that Trump should not and could not be the party’s general election representative. In February, for example, Rubio said Trump was “trying to hijack the conservative movement and the Republican Party, and he cannot be our nominee.” Rubio even offered #NeverTrump branded merchandise in his campaign store.

Yet Rubio too made clear last week that he would support Trump, should he win the nomination. Because Trump has the most important, and perhaps the only necessary, qualificaiton: He is running as a Republican. “I’ve always said I’m going to support the Republican nominee, and that’s especially true now that it’s apparent that Hillary Clinton will be the Democrat nominee,” Rubio said last week. That is not exactly an endorsement; but it signals a willingness to fall in line. It is tacit support.

Which, of course, is what the party apparatus has pleaded with everyone to do. Reince Preibus, the head of the Republican National Committee, has repeatedly urged Republicans to agree that they will support the GOP nominee, period, regardless of who that person is.

It is true, of course, there are Republicans, like Sen. Ben Sasse, who have vowed not to support Trump under any circumstances. It is possible that some number of down-ballot candidates this fall will distance themselves from Trump.

But on the whole, Priebus’ admonishments appear to be working. The Republican party is moving to support Trump, its likely nominee. Of course it is. 

Despite talk of third-party runs and anti-Trump absolutism, it was predictable, and perhaps inevitable, that most of its members would fall in line.

Perhaps the most charitable way to think about this is that the party, as an institution, lacks a functional mechanism for declaring a candidate unacceptable. The party apparatus has been designed to offer support for the nominee, whoever that person is, but not to set standards for its candidates. In some sense this is true of all political parties by definition: Both Republicans and Democrats coalesce around the goal of winning elections, with all other concerns rendered secondary at best. 

But Trump’s campaign demonstrates just how far that sort of standards-free backing goes, and how easily it happens. Yes, Trump has been controversial and widely criticized, even within Republican circles: Witness George Will’s call for conservatives to help ensure a 50-state loss for Trump if he wins the nomination.

That call suggests the unusual nature of Trump and his candidate, but it also demonstrates the distinction between party and ideology, and why it is important to distinguish between the two. Will is committed to a political ideology, and interested in the party mainly as a vehicle for that ideology. The party is interested exclusively in its own fortunes, and relies on ideological appeals only when it is convenient. Those who identify more as conservatives than as Republicans have tended to be much more forceful in their opposition to Trump.

Trump, then, is exposing the emptiness of a Republican party which stands for nothing but its own continued electoral success. In this view, there is essentially nothing that he could have said or supported that would have caused the party to withdraw its support. Trump’s campaign has provided plenty of evidence for this; over and over he has said things that appear to go too far—and then paid no political price for it. It is hard to avoid the conclusion that the only way that Trump could have made himself truly unacceptable in the GOP primary would have been to run as a Democrat.

There is an alternative, however, which is that the GOP does have the ability to weed out objectionable candidates—and that Trump has simply not met the threshold that would render him unacceptable.

There is evidence for this view as well. Yes, he is rougher around the edges than most Republicans, and more vulgar in his style and personal presentation, but he is faithful enough to the core tenets that the party actually represents that he does not represent a serious departure or a threat.

Trump may express his hostility towards immigrants more crudely than other Republicans, but, in a world where most GOP presidential candidates press for substantially increased restrictions on immigration, and Trump’s closest rival, Ted Cruz, has been vocal about his willingness to order mass deportation, it is mostly a departure in tone. He may have a nonsense tax plan that he misdescribes and a half-baked health care proposal that he doesn’t himself understand, but isn’t that true of many, even most, of his Republican rivals? Yes, he’s more open in his embrace of old age benefit programs and budget math that doesn’t add up, but functionally, is he really so far from how the GOP has behaved, in practice, when it comes to fiscal policy and entitlements

The reality is likely a mix of these two frameworks, with some in the party supporting him simply because he’s the Republican nominee, and some because they see a candidate who ultimately shares enough of their political values. 

In any case, the picture that emerges under either understanding is not flattering for the Republican party. So long as the GOP and its leaders are willing to stand by Trump if he becomes the nominee, the clear message it is sending is either that it stands for nothing—or that, like Trump, everything it stands for is awful. 

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How Many More ‘Molenbeeks’ Are There In France?

Submitted by Yves Mamou via The Gatestone Institute,

  • "There are today, we know, a hundred neighborhoods in France that present potential similarities with what's happened in Molenbeek." — Patrick Kanner, Minister for Urban Areas.

  • The Salafists, in fact, do not want to "take the power in these neighborhoods." In many, they already have it.

  • "The farther I walked between the buildings, the more I was stunned. A courtyard of Islamist miracles; an enclave that wants to live like during the times of Muhammad. Bakery, hairdresser… It's a mini Islamic Republic. During the sermons, they denounce, they criminalize. A woman who smokes? A degenerate. A woman who does not veil herself? A tease. A man that does not eat halal? He has an express ticket to hell." — Paris Match.

  • Remadna received a death threat over the phone: "We know where your kids go to school," and "your daughter is very pretty." The next day, a delegation of completely veiled Salafist "true Muslim mothers" came and told her, "We want mosques, not schools."

Patrick Kanner, France's Minister for Urban Areas, was undoubtedly not planning to tell the truth on March 27.

He was on the set of Europe 1 TV to emphasize the left's credo: Islamist terrorism is rooted in poverty and unemployment. But they asked one question again and again: "How many Molenbeeks are in France?" Finally, he said: "There are today, we know, a hundred neighborhoods in France that present potential similarities with what has happened in Molenbeek."

Molenbeek, as the entire world knows today, is the neighborhood of Brussels that has become the epicenter of jihad in Europe. It is a neighborhood under Salafist control that sent three of its residents to assassinate hundreds of people in Paris on November 13, 2015. These are the residents of the same neighborhood that bombed the Brussels airport and the Maalbeek Metro station.

The Molenbeek neighborhood of Brussels has become the epicenter of jihad in Europe. Abdelhamid Abaaoud (right), mastermind of the November 2015 attacks in Paris, lived in Molenbeek. Amedy Coulibaly (left), who in January 2015 murdered a policewoman and four Jews in Paris, spent time in Molenbeek.

The reactions to Kanner's statement have not been slow. The first secretary of the Socialist Party, Jean-Christophe Cambadélis, accused Kanner of "dissolving national harmony." Julien Dray, another leading figure of the Socialist Party, also criticized Kanner, telling him: "I do not like it when we stigmatize [people]."

Nonetheless, Kanner will not let himself be intimidated. In a March 28 interview in Le Parisien, he recalled,

"Amedy Coulibaly [the killer in the Hyper Cacher attack], who was from the Grande-Borne à Grigny, Mehdi Nemmouche [the Brussels Jewish Museum killer], who passed through the Bourgogne neighborhood in Tourcoing. and Mohamed Merah, who was from the Mirail neighborhood in Toulouse."

Malek Boutih, Socialist Deputy, came to Kanner's aid. He declared,

"It is the first time that a minister of the suburbs says even a little bit of the truth, namely that the ghettos have transformed, little by little, into zones that we cannot control very well… Neighborhoods that are incubators for terrorists."

Samia Ghali, a Senator from Bouches du Rhones (Socialist Party), echoed the statements of the Minister for Urban Areas: "There are training camps in the neighborhoods of Marseille where people are learning to shoot." She adds, "I've gotten to the point of asking if we should build walls to protect schoolyards from Kalashnikov bullets or from rifles finding their way into the school yard."

Gilles Kepel, professor at the Paris Institute of Political Studies, and one of the best experts on Islamism in France, explained in early April that three ingredients are necessary for making a Molenbeek:

"1) A strong system of crime organized around kif [a type of marijuana];

 

2) Hideouts for terrorists and sites where they can stock weapons;

 

3) Local politicians who accept that the Salafists have opened countless uncontrollable mosques."

These three ingredients would be uniformly present in all 100 French Molenbeeks, added Kepel. But the goal of the Salafists, he adds, is actually to seize neighborhoods in order to wage a "enclave war."

Patrick Kanner, the Minister for Urban Areas confirmed this view: "The Salafists want to take the power in these neighborhoods." The gravity of the situation was recently underscored by Prime Minister Manual Valls: a fundamentalist "minority," he said, is about to win "the ideological and cultural battle" over Islam.

The Salafists, in fact, do not want to "take the power in these neighborhoods." In many, they already have it.

On January 27, the magazine Paris-Match dedicated several pages to the neighborhood Reine-Jeanne in Avignon, a large city in the south of France, where the Salafists have systematically exploited half a million Muslims.

"The farther I walked between the buildings, the more I was stunned. A courtyard of Islamist miracles, a Salafist pocket, an enclave that wants to live like during the times of Muhammad. Bakery, hairdresser, building managers, teenagers. All (or almost) overcome with the Koran. Well, their Koran. It's a mini Islamic Republic.

 

"During the sermons, they denounce, they criminalize. A woman who smokes? A degenerate. A woman who does not veil herself? A tease. A man that does not eat halal? He has an express ticket to hell. That female neighbor, the one who is divorced, with three kids, and works with men? She will end up losing her virtue. She should just give up. In order to not pass for an 'easy woman,' the unlucky choose the hard life, welfare benefits!"

In Sevran, a suburb of Paris, the Salafist mosque was sealed off several weeks ago because it had been recruiting a dozen young Muslims for the Islamic State. Six may have already been killed in Syria. Nadia Remadna, a Muslim social worker, lives in Sevran. She started the local "Mothers' Brigade" to help women keep control over their children, against the Islamists. In 2014, she wrote the provocative book, How I Saved My Children, with the sub-title "Before, we feared our children would fall in with delinquents. Now, we fear they will become terrorists."

On March 14, Remadna received a death threat over the phone: "We know where your kids go to school," and "your daughter is very pretty."

The next day, a delegation of completely veiled Salafist "true Muslim mothers" came and told her, "We want mosques, not schools."

On March 29, the philosopher Yves Michaud spoke to the magazine Paris Match about his students:

"My ex-students who teach today in the suburbs… tell me that among their students they have some who could become terrorists overnight. They take on the weight of Islam, of adolescence, of the ghettoization that makes them question their identity, of cultural disorientation. It is an ideal breeding-ground for the jihadist calling."

How many Salafists are there in France? 15,000 to 20,000, according to Bernard Godard, former head of the Bureau of Religion for the Ministry of the Interior. According to the politician Antoine Sfeir, there are 20,000 to 30,000 Salafists. According to police sources, out of 2,500 listed Islamic places of worship in metropolitan France, at least 90 are Salafist. The number doubles every three years. They are located in the suburbs of Paris, in the Lyon region and in Marseille.

According to the Ministry of the Interior, 41 Islamic places of worship have been the target of "infiltration," meaning that "traditional" imams are being forcibly evicted and replaced by Salafist imams.

The real question is:

If the state is aware of the situation — and it is — why has it not banned Salafism, and why does it not expel the Salafist imams who are prospering not only in these neighborhoods, but also on YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter?

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Why The Founder Of A $35 Billion Hedge Fund Is “Very Worried”

David Siegel is worried, very worried as a matter of fact. The co-founder of Two Sigma, the $35 billion hedge fund said at the Milken Institute Global Conference that he's "very worried" that machines could soon replace a large amount of the workforce.

"Most people in the bulk of the job market are not involved in super-high-value jobs. They are doing routine work and tasks and it's precisely these tasks that computers are going to be better at doing" Siegel said.

A perfect example of this is on display in many Mcdonald's restaurants now as a result of some states raising the minimum wage. You now will find touch screens to place your order and pay instead of dealing with a person.

Of course, Mr. Siegel knows a bit about how powerful a role computers could play in the economy, as his New York based firm is regarded as one of the most sophisticated firms that use technology in order help it make money (i.e. high frequency trading).

A few other people chimed in on the matter as well. Steve Cohen, of SAC fame, agreed that artificial intelligence is "coming but not here yet", and it will be "a while" before technology displaces humans. David Harding, founder of $30 billion London based Winton Capital commented that artificial intelligence "won't completely change the whole field. It won't replace distressed-credit arbitrage or something like that."

While AI may not replace distressed credit arbitrage right away, one look at the floor of the NYSE during trading hours indicates that it may not be far off.

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Totally Bogus Attack on Glyphosate in Quaker Oats

GlyphosateDreamstimeThe herbicide glyphosate (sold frequently as Roundup) is widely used for weed control in biotech crops designed to resist it. Controlling weeds using glyhosate offers tremendous environmental benefits, such as boosting yields, preventing soil erosion that comes from plowing down weeds, cutting greenhouse gas emissions from fuel use, and  reducing labor costs. But the unhinged and unscientific attack against genetically modified crops (GMOs) by activists means that glyphosate must be demonized. The hyper-precautionary International Agency for Research on Cancer obligingly concluded last year that glyphosate is a probable human carcinogen.

Interestingly, it now appears that the IARC was influenced by Christopher Portier who chaired the IARC committee that set the agenda for substances to be evaluated. Not disclosed at the time he was appointed was the fact that Portier is a long-time anti-pesticide campaigner who has worked as a “senior collaborating scientist” for the anti-pesticide activist group, the Environmental Defense Fund. He later served as as a “specialist guest” adviser the IARC committee that decided that glyphosate was likely carcinogenic. I am sure that Portier maintained strict objectivity in his scientific evaluation of the dangers posed by the pesticides.

At about the same time, the European Food Safety Authority reviewed the scientific evidence and found that glyphosate is unlikely to pose a carcinogenic hazard to humans as used. The EFSA also detailed its scientific disagreements with the IARC and offered to meet with representatives of the IARC to discuss their different assessments. The IARC declined the invitation.

Activists are now using the IARC conclusions to hammer glyphosate and alarm the public. Naturally the legal vultures that inhabit our dysfunctional tort liability system have pounced. The Richman Law Group paid a laboratory to test Quaker Oats to see if they might contain trace amounts of glyphosate. The Richman Law Group often goes after deep pocket corporations who make what the firm argues are colorable advertising claims.

As the New York Times reports, the laboratory hired by the law firm found “glyphosate at a level of 1.18 parts per million in a sample of Quaker Oats Quick 1-Minute. This is roughly 4 percent of the 30 parts per million that the Environmental Protection Agency allows in cereal grains.”

The Times added: “Kim Richman, the lead lawyer of the firm representing the plaintiffs, said the amount of glyphosate was not the issue. ‘The issue is that Quaker advertises these products as 100 percent natural, and glyphosate in any amount is not natural,’ he said.”

Never mind the bogus claims about glyphosate, research has often found real and quite natural carcinogens in cereals made using oats. In addition, scaring people away from oats might even backfire healthwise since there is some weak evidence that consuming products made with that grain protects against cancer and heart attacks.

Just as the lawsuit was announced, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency published online its scientific report last Friday that glyphosate is unlikely to be carcinogenic to humans. Oddly, the agency took down the report on Monday. The EPA told Reuters that its review was not yet finished although the news agency notes that the report was marked as the “‘final Cancer Assessment Document.'” ‘FINAL’ was printed on each page of the report, which was dated Oct. 1, 2015.” While the science may be final, the politics is evidently not.

When this EPA assessment is FINALLY published, it is likely to put the kibosh on these lawsuits. Of course, this won’t stop activists from continuing to scaremonger.

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“Smart Money” Has Never Been More Bearish On Silver

Via Dana Lyons' Tumblr,

Commercial Hedgers just hit their most extreme net short position ever in sliver futures.

Just 5 weeks ago, on March 28, we noted that the so-called “smart money” commercial hedgers had reached their largest net short position in silver futures in more than a decade. Well, for us to dedicate another post to this situation within such a short time frame, there had to be either a massive reversal in that positioning, or a further expansion in shorts to an all-time record. As the title suggests, the latter is the inspiration for this post.

Specifically, as of Tuesday, April 26, commercial hedgers held a net short position of 91,302 silver futures contracts. Since the CFTC began reporting the Commitment Of Traders’ data in 1986, that is their largest net short position on record. Of course, on the other side of that position, we find the non-commercial speculators holding a record net long position of 78,773 contracts.

 

image

 

What is the significance of this situation? As we have explained before, the non-commercial speculators category mainly consists of commodity funds who are making directional bets in the futures markets. These funds are primarily trend followers and, thus, will build up a position in the direction of the trend. On the other side of those trades are commercial hedgers whose main function in the futures market, as their name implies, is to hedge. By definition, therefore, they typically build up positions contrary to the prevailing trend.

As a result, at key turning points in a contract, these groups’ net positioning is often at an extreme, with hedgers correctly positioned for the turn and speculators incorrectly positioned. It is for that reason that the hedgers are often referred to as the “smart money” and the speculators, the “dumb money”.

These tags represent a bit of a misnomer, however, as neither group has a monopoly on right or wrong positions. Indeed, during long trends, the “dumb money” speculators may be correctly positioned for a considerable length of time. It is at the turns that the group will most often be off-sides, and vice-versa for the “smart money” hedgers.

Of course, identifying the turning points in the underlying contract and delineating when the groups’ positioning is extreme enough to matter are the challenges. An apparent extreme can continue to become even more extreme before any consequences are felt. Premature record commercial short positions in crude and the U.S. Dollar in recent years come to mind as examples.

Thus, the positives that silver bulls have going for them are

A) the trend is on their side,

 

B) the metal has continued to be firm in the face of the bearish COT positioning, and

 

C) a market that does not do what it’s “supposed to” is likely telling us that its current trend is strong enough to overwhelm these ancillary factors for the moment.

However, with the COT positioning at its most extreme ever, the potential headwind for silver upon a turn lower could be considerable should the speculators race to unwind their record long position.

Assuming silver does run into a setback, it will interesting, and telling, to see what form such a setback takes. If the metal is able to consolidate its gains of the past few months by more or less going sideways while the COT extremes are worked off, it may argue for another eventual leg higher in the metal. On the other hand, should the full potential of the unwind of COT extremes come to pass, it could conceivably undermine the 2016 reflation scenario, at least as far as silver is concerned.

But that is getting a bit ahead of ourselves. For the moment, silver’s intermediate-term bull market remains in force, albeit with a record level of bearishness on the part of the “smart money”.

*  *  *

More from Dana Lyons, JLFMI and My401kPro.

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Pimco Global Economic Advisor Suggests QE Should Buy Equities Next

Speaking at a panel in the Milken conference titled “Monetary Policy: Out Of Ammunition” moments ago Pimco’s global economic advisor Joachim Fels, formerly of Morgan Stanley and Goldman Sachs, had a few observations on QE vs NIRP, not surprisingly nudging central banks that explicitly central bank buying, i.e., QE, is far more powerful than the implicit deflationary signal which is NIRP.

  • FELS: QE IS A MORE POWERFUL TOOL THAN NEGATIVE RATES

He then proceeded to point out the obvious;

  • FELS: PROBLEM IS INFLATION IS TOO LOW

By which he was of course referring to wages; as we showed recently rent inflation is currently running at a record 8% Y/Y (ignoring the double digit increases in health insurance costs).

He then had some more big picture ideas of how the world can get rid of its excess debt: central banks should just buy it all up and then “cancel it” (of course by doing so they would also cancel the offsetting balance sheet entry which is bank reserves which also happen to prop up global capital markets).

  • FELS: TO ERASE DEBT, CANCEL IT ON CENTRAL BANK BALANCE SHEET

And finally, he hinted what he, and/or Pimco, would prefer that the Fed should buy next. Stocks.

  • FELS: QE SHOULD FOCUS ON CREDIT AND POTENTIALLY EQUITY BUYING

What he did not note is that by the time it’s all over, central banks will be buying not just credit and equities, but virtually every asset class, both directly and indirectly through helicopter money. That said, we prefer that “other” proposal by Pimco’s Harley Bassman from two weeks ago, according to which the Fed should monetize gold to a price of about $5,000 to “shock” inflation expectations higher. However, somehow we doubt if given the option of buying gold or stocks (directly as opposed to through Citadel), the Fed will pick the former.

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It’s Not Hedge Funds That Caused Puerto Rico to Fail to Manage Its Debts

Puerto RicoNowhere in John Oliver’s recent 20-minute segment on Puerto Rico’s massive $70 billion debt (it officially defaulted on its payments yesterday) does he mention public employee pensions and benefits and the role they’ve played in the island territory’s financial crisis.

He talks about the various business tax incentives that helped create the situation, and there’s actually a lot to learn from his segment, so we shouldn’t dismiss it entirely. But like a lot of political activism over municipal debt crises, Oliver zeroes on only certain components and downplays or outright ignores others in order to create a class of villains and victims that doesn’t completely reflect reality. In this case, he sets his sights on the whipping boys who run hedge funds who want to make sure Puerto Rico prioritizes paying their municipal bond debts. The victims are the people of Puerto Rico who are seeing all their government services reduced (and taxes increased) as a result of the island struggling to scrounge up money to pay its bills.

What is misleading in Oliver’s story is the assumption that what Puerto Rico’s government had been spending its money wisely and appropriately for the benefit of the populace it serves prior to this crisis. And when you look deeper, what you see is very similar to what we see in other ailing municipalities in the United States: Puerto Rico has been throwing its money at its employees now and not adequately preparing for what would come down the line. In fact, not only does Oliver not engage in this issue at all, he ends a quote by former reformist Gov. Luis Fortuño by accusing him of being part of the problem (while presenting no facts), though Fortuño fought hard to salvage Puerto Rico’s financial situation. For a better perspective, watch Fortuño speaking at Reason Weekend back in 2012 here.

Reuters thoroughly researched the state of Puerto Rico’s employee pensions and found them disastrous, in even worse shape than those in high-debt states like Illinois. In April, Reuters determined the government’s unfunded portion of its pension liabilities to total $43.2 billion—out of $45 billion. Meaning, Puerto Rico’s pension shortfall stands at 96 percent.

Why is the shortfall so high? Because whenever Puerto Rico had money, it did not sock it away to prepare for employees’ retirements:

Since Puerto Rico gained self-rule in the late 1940s, improvident populist governments have lavished additional pension benefits on public employees, from holiday bonuses to loans for international travel. These measures have rarely been accompanied by moves to pay for them, and occasional efforts to fill the funding gap have fallen short.

Puerto Rican leaders have been eternal optimists, “always thinking things would eventually improve,” said [Francisco] del Castillo, 40 years old and now legal counsel to the Teachers Retirement System (TRS), one of two main public-employee pensions on the island. “But things continued to deteriorate, and deteriorate, and deteriorate.”

Puerto Rico reformed its pension program in 2013, increasing retirement ages, contribution levels, and transferring employees to 401(k)-style programs. But these are solutions that help keep the debt from growing. It doesn’t deal with existing debt. And what has happened is similar to what we’ve seen in New Jersey at the hands of Gov. Chris Christie. This reform requires that the government start making lump sum payments to reduce its pension debt. It was supposed to have paid $367 million by now. It has only paid $23 million. So the bomb kept ticking until it finally exploded.

The mess has put Puerto Rico in a situation where, like many bankrupt municipalities, it either has to screw over pensioners or screw over bondholders, or screw over both groups to a lesser degree. Oliver notes the complication that Puerto Rico is prohibited by federal law by filing for Chapter 9 bankruptcy. Veronique de Rugy warned against recklessly changing the rules here and what it would mean for the creditors who have purchased bonds to have the rules suddenly retroactively changed. Given that Oliver has cast hedge funds as the villains, one suspects he doesn’t see the downside of this. George Will does, though, and recently warned that if Puerto Rico is allowed to find legislative ways to not have to deal with the consequences of its government’s terrible behavior, we’ll see badly managed states like Illinois attempting the same thing.

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When Is A Boot On The Ground Not A Boot On The Ground?

Authored by AP's Lolita Baldor, via Military.com,

No one disputes that U.S. military forces are fighting in combat in Iraq and Syria — except maybe President Barack Obama and some members of his administration.

The semantic arguments over whether there are American "boots on the ground" muddy the view of a situation in which several thousand armed U.S. military personnel are in Iraq and Syria. Obama has said more than a dozen times that there would be no combat troops in Iraq and Syria as the number of service members in those countries grows; last week, Defense Secretary Ash Carter acknowledged the military personnel there were in combat and "we should say that clearly."

So, when is a military boot on the ground? And what does it all mean?

Are U.S. military troops in Iraq?

Yes. More than 5,500 U.S. service members. The Pentagon, however, counts them in different ways. Obama recently authorized an increase in the number of troops that can deploy to Iraq to advise and assist Iraqi forces in fighting the Islamic State. The cap was increased last week from 3,870 to 4,087.

But a number of troops aren't counted against the cap because of the military's personnel accounting system. For example, troops assigned to the U.S. Embassy for security or those sent to Iraq for temporary, short-term assignments are there in addition to the 4,087.

Defense Secretary Ash Carter, in Stuttgart, Germany for a change-of-command ceremony Tuesday, revealed that a serviceman had been killed in combat near Irbil in Iraq. A U.S. military official, speaking on grounds of anonymity, said the American was killed while performing his duty as an adviser to Kurdish Peshmerga troops. He was killed by "direct fire" after Islamic State forces penetrated the Peshmerga's forward line. The official said the American was three to two to three miles behind the front line.

Are U.S. military troops in Syria?

Yes. Last week the Pentagon announced an increase in the number of U.S. forces working in Syria from 50 to 300. Those troops are working with local Syrian forces and are mainly Army special forces, but the latest increase will also include medical and logistics units.

So, that would mean there are U.S. "boots on the ground" in Iraq and Syria, wouldn't it?

Yes it would. In Iraq there are advisers, trainers, special operations forces and others stationed at Iraqi bases, working with the Iraqi forces. Last week, Defense Secretary Ash Carter announced that some advisers would begin working with Iraqis at the brigade and battalion level. They had been working with Iraqis at the division headquarters level. The change would embed those teams of advisers with smaller units, who would likely be closer to the fight.

In Syria, the U.S. has about 50 special operations forces going into Syria from a base in a neighboring country to meet with local Syrian opposition forces. They aren't based in Syria, so they travel in and out, sometimes staying in the country for several days at a time. According to officials, the additional 250 forces will do the same thing. They will not be based in Syria, but will instead work out of neighboring countries, such as Iraq or Turkey. And they are not there to fight alongside the Syrians, they are there to provide advice and other assistance.

What about air strikes? Aren't pilots flying combat missions?

Yes they are. Gen. Joseph Dunford, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, made it clear during a Senate hearing last week that U.S. fighter jets conducting airstrikes in Iraq and Syria are conducting combat missions.

Why does the administration say there are no U.S. boots on the ground?

Obama administration officials have consistently told the American public since 2013 that there will be no combat "boots on the ground" in Iraq and Syria. Their argument is based on the idea that there are no conventional U.S. ground forces in large units fighting the Islamic State militants in direct combat. Saying there are "no U.S. boots on the ground" — while inaccurate — is meant to convey the administration's view that U.S. troops are not on the front lines waging the war. Instead, U.S. troops are advising and assisting the Iraqi and Syrian forces, providing training, intelligence, and logistical support from behind the battlefront.

The parsing of words is meant to differentiate the latest Islamic State conflicts from earlier wars in Iraq and Afghanistan when thousands of U.S. troops were battling the enemy in small units and in close combat.

Carter told the Senate Armed Services Committee last week that U.S. troops are not going to war to substitute for the local forces, but are trying "to get them powerful enough that they can expel ISIL with our support. And when we provide that support, we put people in harm's way. We ask them to conduct combat actions."

Aren't special operations forces in direct combat in Iraq or Syria?

A: Probably. But the Pentagon doesn't talk about the often highly classified operations that U.S. commandos — including Army Delta Force or Navy SEALs — are doing no matter where they are. And Army special forces — or Green Berets — are in many war-torn countries providing training and assistance, because that's one of their key jobs.

In some cases, U.S. officials have acknowledged special operations missions to capture or kill high-value targets or to try and rescue hostages.

But those are not considered "boots on the ground" because they often move in and out quickly, and stay for short periods of time.

via http://ift.tt/1Z8r2SA Tyler Durden