Caption Contest: Lloyd Lifts The Veil On MbS

Goldman Sachs’ CEO did some more of “god’s work” this morning when he met with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

Blankfein tweeted:

“The Crown Prince is always impressive when he sets out his vision for the KSA. Can’t remember WHEN my beard turned white, but I remember WHY. MBS is much younger and I’m sure handles stress better!” along with the following photo…

So that’s what he has under that head-dress…

It seems the Aramco IPO is weighing on both of their hairlines.

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The Geopolitical Risks of Trump’s Protectionism

Trump-XiLipingPresident Donald Trump’s punch-first-ask-questions-later trade policy yielded one of its first results today when South Korea acquiesced to a new trade pact with the United States. In exchange for being permanently exempted from Trump’s stiff tariffs on aluminum and steel, this third largest exporter of steel to America agreed to limit its U.S. steel shipments to about 70 percent of their current levels. Seoul will also double the quota of American cars that can be sold in South Korea without meeting local safety and environmental standards, though that’s largely a symbolic concession—American carmakers haven’t been able to make full use of their existing quota, because South Koreans don’t have a taste for big, badass cars. The deal will also streamline the onerous customs and regulatory procedures that American companies have to endure to do business in South Korea.

Except for the last item, what the Trump administration has pulled off here is an exercise in negotiated protectionism. If this is a blueprint for future deals, especially with China, the world may avoid an all-out trade war, but it will face far more geopolitical conflict.

The Trump administration forced South Korea to swallow such a huge reduction in steel exports despite the fact that virtually everyone on Capitol Hill was up in arms against using tariffs as a cudgel to negotiate with allies. Republicans pleaded with the president not to go there. Even Sen. Chuck Schumer (D–N.Y.), who rarely fails to drool when he sees a protectionist measure, lamented that the tariffs went too far because they were too broad and not limited to America’s enemies. Ditto for Sen. Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.), another known protectionist.

There was no comparable outrage when Trump threatened to slap $60 billion in tariffs on China, the world’s second largest economy and America’s largest trading partner after the European Union. Even free-trade Republicans were mostly mute. Democrats positively celebrated, with Schumer declaring that Trump deserved a “big pat on the back.” Beijing’s sole friend in the United States, it seems, was the stock market, which experienced its biggest one-week fall in more than two years.

The political reaction (or lack thereof) to Trump’s anti-China policies is not surprising, because China-bashing has been a bipartisan sport for a while. Neoconservatives never wanted President Bill Clinton to normalize trade ties with the Middle Kingdom, but he did it anyway. Nonetheless, Hillary Clinton accused the Bush administration of eroding America’s “economic sovereignty” and letting China become America’s banker—an allusion to the fact that China owns a big chunk of U.S. debt. Barack Obama imposed tariffs on Chinese tires right off the bat, filed four complaints against Beijing with the World Trade Organization, initiated 24 anti-dumping cases, and—above all—prevented the World Trade Organization from classifying China as a “market economy,” something that would have made it harder for the West to impose Trump-style tariffs on China.

Trump, of course, wants to take matters to a whole new orbit.

Some of his complaints against China are bogus, as when he worries that it runs a $350 billion trade deficit and manipulates its currency to encourage exports. Some are real but are none of the government’s beeswax, such as the fact that China forces foreign companies to fork over trade secrets to do business there. Some are real and are the government’s beeswax: China discriminates against foreign companies by creating all kinds of tariff and non-tariff barriers, disallows majority ownership of Chinese companies by foreigners, and severely restricts foreign presence in its financial, telecom, and other sectors.

No economist of any repute thinks that Trump is right to use the trade deficit as a scorecard to determine winners and losers. All the deficit signifies is that Americans buy more goods from China and have more money to do so. Furthermore, the dollars that China earns this way, it mostly ploughs back into the U.S. by buying American debt. This might enrage Hillary, but it keeps interest rates low for Americans, making their McMansions more affordable. Meanwhile, far from artificially lowering the price of the yuan, China has been trying to ramp it up for about 10 years to curb capital flight. As for China grabbing trade secrets: If American companies are willing to do business in China despite such demands, that’s their problem. Europe forces American pharmaceutical companies to sell drugs at severely discounted rates, but not even Trump is suggesting that Uncle Sam needs to take retaliatory action against that.

One consequence of America’s big trade deficit with China is that it adds to America’s massive monopsony power (the power from being a dominant buyer) to dictate the terms of trade. As George Mason University’s Tyler Cowen points out, if America were to stop buying Chinese toys, China couldn’t simply reroute the toys and sell them to Indonesia at the same price. So it would have to swallow massive losses. Yet it does not have very many American products to hit back against. Its options are severely limited, which is why it has responded to Trump’s threat of $60 billion tariffs with just $3 billion worth of retaliation, leaving completely untouched America’s main exports, such as soybeans and Boeing airplanes.

If the Trump administration were to use this power to pry China’s markets open further, that would be one thing because it would integrate the two economies even more. But Trump has deeply protectionist instincts. He has been excoriating America’s trade deficits since he was on his first wife. In his otherwise capricious mind, that may be the only fixed point.

Getting China to lower some of its tariffs and other barriers on foreign products might diminish the trade deficit a little, but the Chinese simply can’t afford America’s high-priced goods and services enough to make a significant dent in the trade deficit. So the odds are that Trump will try to do with China what he did with South Korea and force it to scale back its exports—particularly since, as he sees it, that’ll boost domestic manufacturing and bring back “American” jobs.

China, which has its own ideas about its “manifest destiny” and has been smarting over being history’s loser for so long, has a nationalism problem of its own. Its rulers, contra Trump, have made very great effort to keep this in check, in part by keeping growth and development on track. And trade with the West in general and the United States in particular has been an integral part of that. In 1990, before America gave China Most Favored Nation status and supported its bid to the World Trade Organization, bilateral trade between the two countries was a mere $17.6 billion and cross-border investment was trivial. Now bilateral trade touches $600 billion annually and cross-border investments have soared to $90 billion. This dependence on world trade prevented China from too aggressively pursuing its geopolitical ambitions in their sphere of contact.

Trying to reverse or freeze these gains in wealth and status will undo that. Beijing might not be able to respond to Trump’s economic bullying in kind without hurting the average Chinese. But it could retaliate on other fronts—for example, by re-igniting its ambition to annex Taiwan, accelerating the militarization of the South China Sea, encouraging North Korea’s nuclear ambitions, and expanding its influence in Asia as a counterbalance to America.

That last item might not bother those of us who don’t see a unipolar world as an entirely healthy state of affairs. But it will especially trigger Trump and the incoming hawks on his national security team, such as Secretary of State nominee John Pompeo and future National Security Adviser John Bolton.

Regardless of whether Trump’s anti-trade zealotry triggers a trade war as devastating as the one in the wake of the 1929 Smoot-Hawley tariffs, it will raise the risk of geopolitical instability, the poisonous fruit of protectionism.

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Mitt Romney Reminds Us That Trump Isn’t as Extreme on Immigration as the 2012 GOP

Still a handsome fella, tho. ||| Jim Urquhart/REUTERS/NewscomAs Elizabeth Nolan Brown pointed out this morning, U.S. Senate candidate for Utah and 2012 GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney told an audience in Provo Monday that he has been “more of a hawk on immigration than even the president.” This is true and worth reflecting on, particularly for anti-illegal-immigration hardliners.

In Q&A and a follow-up clarification, Romney indicated that his policy approach has changed somewhat toward U.S. residents who were brought here illegally as children, around 800,000 of which were entered into the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program launched by the Obama administration in 2012. “My view [in 2012] was these DACA kids shouldn’t all be allowed to stay in the country legally,” Romney said. “Now, I will accept the president’s view on this [in 2018], but for me, I draw the line and say, those who’ve come illegally should not be given a special path to citizenship.” Later, the campaign shared the candidate’s certification document, which states, “Specifically, I believe the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) individuals should be given legal status.”

It’s worth pointing out that candidate Donald Trump was talking about not just deporting DACA kids, but deporting U.S.-citizen children of adult legal immigrants, so the president’s current position, whatever it exactly is, represents considerable softening compared to his campaign rhetoric. But so does Mitt Romney’s.

The 2012 Republican Party Platform makes it plain: “[W]e oppose any form of amnesty for those who, by intentionally violating the law, disadvantage those who have obeyed it. Granting amnesty only rewards and encourages more law breaking.” Giving DACA kids relief from deportation is an amnesty, by any reasonable definition of the word. So why did Trump and Romney change their minds?

Public opinion could play a role—support for continuing DACA and/or not deporting illegal-immigrant children consistently polls at 66 percent or higher, depending on the wording. But there’s another lesson lurking in plain sight: Conservative immigration rhetoric, long before Donald Trump, has been writing checks that simply cannot be cashed in the real world.

An underappreciated Welch-tenure cover. ||| ReasonAs George Will pointed out in 2013, after a Romney loss that many people at the time (including Donald Trump) blamed on the candidate’s “maniacal” (in Trump’s words) immigration platform, deporting every illegal immigrant from the United States “would require a line of buses bumper-to-bumper extending from San Diego to Alaska. Not going to happen. And as soon as people come to terms with that, then we get on to settling it.” Then-candidate Gary Johnson made a similar point in 2016: “Rounding up more than 11 million people—a population larger than all but the 7 largest states in the union—is a ludicrous notion to begin with. Everyone knows it, including Donald Trump. It was a lie cloaked in a promise.”

So President Trump will eventually produce some form of “amnesty” that he explicitly ran against, as a President Romney would have had to despite running not one but two campaigns tarring all his opponents with the A-word. And these are hardly the only undeliverables in conservative immigration rhetoric.

Romney in 2012 wanted to deny federal funding not only to sanctuary cities (which the Trump administration is discovering runs up against the U.S. Constitution) but also to “universities that provide instate tuition rates to illegal aliens,” something I don’t think Trump has even broached (though it, too, would likely be quashed in court). Romney also wanted to complete the physical barrier on the southern border, though only in “double-layered fencing,” and paid for by the Treasury, not a theoretical Mexico.

Immigration restrictionists do not want to hear that their policy goals are unattainable; they would rather complain that the politician who campaigned on them then failed to deliver was just another sellout to Big Open Borders. (For those with a refined taste in crocodile tears, I recommend reading about the recent spurned-lover conversation about Trump’s immigration shortfalls with former champions Ann Coulter and Mickey Kaus.)

But the truth is, we cannot “seal our borders,” we cannot magically wave away birthright citizenship, we cannot track foreign visitors like FedEx packages, nor do most of the things Republican politicians now routinely promise on the issue. Until conservatives confront the logistical and constitutional obstacles to their enforcement fantasies, we will be at a policy impasse.

The same goes for Democrats’ mirror-image fantasia on the issue, which begins with their very recent conversion to the gauzy idea that you can protect at least five million illegal immigrants from deportation without incentivizing new illegal immigrants to come right behind them. By preemptively ruling out most any status-pathways between deportability and citizenship, they have not only helped make what should be a more fluid flow of workers go back and forth across the borders, but have encouraged Republicans to look upon immigration policy as a zero-sum contest for votes.

The immigration paths of the two major parties have only recently diverged, and much of what they still do agree on (like the E-Verify system) is intrusive and wrong. If there is to be any hope for a post-post-truth policy discussion about illegal immigrations, it should properly begin by subjecting the dilemma to a prohibition analysis, rather than screwing the bolts ever tighter on Fortress America. Until that day, let’s subject both Team Red and Team Blue to some audio-visual mockery:

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The ‘SMART’ Money Is Dumping Stocks As BTFD Officially Ends

Professional money managers were leery about buying stocks during the recent rebound, judging from Bloomberg’s Smart Money Flow Index, which tracks Dow Jones Industrial Average moves in the first and final 30 minutes of trading.

The thinking is that smart money will test the market and wait until the end of the day before committing to any large moves.

The last time SMART money and the market diverged this much did not end well for stocks…

The index is hovering at its lowest in two years – since the start of The Shanghai Accord – suggesting a very different regime has recently begun.

One thing is for sure, volatility is back and most notably the VIX term structure has been inverted for a significant period of time – which itself is unusual…

As Bloomberg notes, backwardation is a tell-tale sign that stress is still built into the market — typically, contracts for further months are priced higher since the future is less certain. So even as global equities rally, traders are happily paying a premium for a contract betting on another bout of volatility sooner rather than later.

However the biggest ‘regime shift’ is the one that has been so-ingrained in investors’ minds – thanks to central bank exuberance – over the past few years, that it is now ubiquitous… except in the last few months Buy-The-Fucking-Dip has failed

CNBC reports that according to Bespoke Investment Group, buying on the dip has gone out of style in the US stock market.

“The YTD [year-to-date] pattern has been a very big spike at the open towards highs of the day between 10:00 and 11:00 AM,” Bespoke said in a note Friday.

“There are bouts of volatility back and forth, but the biggest swing lower comes in at the end of day trade right before the close.”

“The YTD intraday performance chart suggests that the most reactive buyers are piling in early while the smart money is selling into the close,” Bespoke said.

Which confirms the chart at the top – buying any fucking dip intraday has officially ended!

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Stormy Daniels “Would Consider” A Settlement

Stormy Daniels’ lawyer (and former Democratic oppo research grunt) Michael Avenatti, has been making the cable TV rounds this week after filling a motion late Tuesday seeking to depose President Trump and his longtime personal attorney, Michael Cohen. The motion followed a “60 Minutes” segment where his client’s pupils appeared to be in a state of mydriasis – a sign that she might’ve been high on one of any number of illicit or legal drugs.

Avenatti further stirred the pot by tweeting a photo of a compact disc in a safe, hinting that he might have “video evidence” of Daniels’ affair with Trump (for the record, Daniels has said she only slept with Trump one time).

Given the legal firepower that Trump has brought to bear against his client (and considering her claims that she was threatened by an individual she described as “thuggish”) it probably shouldn’t come as a surprise that, during an interview with CBS This Morning on Wednesday, Avenatti said he and his client – whose real name is Stephanie Clifford – might be open to a substantial cash exchange, also known in legal terms as “settlement.”

“If they came to you with a settlement in this case, would you accept it?” This Morning host Anthony Mason asked.

“I think we would consider it, I would converse with my client. It would depend on the terms of a settlement,” Daniels’ lawyer replied. “But at this point, I don’t see how the case gets resolved short of the truth coming out.”

Avenatti also pushed back on whether he has political motivations to embarrass the president (with one interviewer noting that he has been lambasted as a “political hack” by Trump’s allies), saying “my client wants the American people to know the truth.” Avenatti added that he and his client have a hearing next month.

Meanwhile, Trump’s legal team is seeking to move a lawsuit filed by Avenatti and Daniels to federal court.

Avenatti’s latest interview follows a dustup between him and and Cohen attorney David Schwartz where Avenatti declared that Cohen is a “thug” and Schwartz accused him of doctoring photos of Trump and Daniels, as well as a lie detector test that she reportedly took.

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New Medicare Rule Promises Needless Suffering for Pain Patients

The CDC’s controversial but officially optional opioid prescription guidelines, which encourage doctors to be as stingy as possible with pain medication, seem to be getting more mandatory every day. The recommendations, which were published in March 2016, already have been imposed on veterans, incorporated into state laws, and adopted as a guide to proper medical practice by regulators, insurers, and doctors. Now the Trump administration plans to impose them on the 44 million Americans enrolled in Medicare, against the advice of critics who say that move will lead to needless suffering. Those critics include doctors who helped produce the guidelines.

For patients suffering from severe chronic pain, the most problematic aspect of the guidelines is the recommendation that doctors “should avoid increasing dosage” above 90 morphine milligram equivalents (MME) per day, or at least “carefully justify a decision to titrate dosage” above that level. Critics say that threshold, which many doctors have interpreted as a hard cap, is arbitrary because patients vary widely in the way they metabolize and respond to opioids, especially if they have developed tolerance after taking pain medication for years. Thanks to the CDC’s advice, patients across the country have seen their doses dramatically reduced, even when they had been responding well to opioids for years.

Lynn Webster, a former president of the American Academy of Pain Medicine (AAPM), hears from such patients almost every day. He says opioids enabled them to “have a reasonable life…maybe for a decade or more,” but “many of them are now bedridden, because they’re being forced to take a dose far less than what has been necessary to keep them functional.”

The Trump administration seems determined to replicate that pattern among Medicare recipients. Under a proposed rule that is expected to take effect in January, Medicare will not cover pain medication amounting to 90 MME or more a day for more than a week, except for cancer and hospice patients. According to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), 1.6 million patients currently exceed that cap. That means many patients with severe chronic pain will have to choose between agony and paying thousands of dollars more every year for their medication, assuming they can afford it.

“While a strong case can be made for consensual, supported opioid dose reductions for voluntary patients, no data support nonconsensual/forcible dose reductions or curtailment in otherwise stable patients that have become common as prescribers react to regulations, mandates, insurers and fear for professional security,” say 150 physicians in a letter to CMS criticizing the new policy. “The CMS plan risks accelerating a chaotic pattern of churn, abandonment and medical harm to patients who receive opioids as physicians flee an increasingly risk-laden and cumbersome decision matrix that may not advance patient safety.”

Stefan Kertesz, the University of Alabama at Birmingham pain and addiction specialist who spearheaded that letter, notes that several experts who worked on the CDC’s guidelines have expressed concerns about the proposed CMS limits. One of those CDC advisers, University of Minnesota internist Erin Krebs, told The New York Times she worries about “aggressive tapering or immediate discontinuation,” which “could harm people, even if opioids have no benefit for their pain.” Krebs emphasized that “we can’t walk away from patients who have been treated with opioids for years or even decades now.”

Another doctor who worked on the guidelines, Lewis Nelson, chairman of emergency medicine at Rutgers New Jersey Medical School and University Hospital, told the Times: “We didn’t take a specific position on people who were already on high doses. We did say that established, high-dose patients might consider dosage reduction to be anxiety-provoking, but that these patients should be offered counseling to re-evaluate.” He added that “there is a difference between a CDC guideline for doctors and a CMS hard stop for insurers and pharmacists.”

Deborah Dowell, a co-author of the guidelines, likewise has insisted that the CDC did not intend to encourage involuntary tapering or cessation. “We do hear stories about people being involuntarily taken off opioids,” she said at an April 2017 conference. “We specifically advise against that in the guidelines.” That’s not exactly true, although the guidelines do describe tapering as a consensual process.

Webster says the CDC, given its status within the medical community, should have known that its advice would be interpreted as a mandate. “The CDC bears full responsibility for how these arbitrary dose levels are being implemented throughout the country and the consequences for the people in pain,” he says. “I said at the time when they were proposed that if something comes from the CDC as a guideline, it is more than a guideline. It will be interpreted basically as a level of dosing that if you exceed [it], then you are at legal jeopardy.”

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‘Facebook Condom’? – Mozilla Launches Firefox Extension To Avoid Zuck’s Spying Eyes

In response to the Facebook data harvesting scandal, Mozilla has launched an extension for its Firefox Browser which helps you segregate your web activity from Facebook’s prying eyes by isolating your identity into a separate “container.” This makes it far more difficult for Facebook to track your activity on other websites using third-party cookies. 

You can get the extension here.

Upon installation, the extension deletes your Facebook cookies and logs you out of Facebook. The next time you visit the social media giant, it will open in a special blue browser “container” tab – which you can use to safely log in to Facebook and use it like you normally would. If you then click on a link that takes you outside of Facebook, it will load outside of the container. 

Should you click on any Facebook Share buttons on other browser tabs it will load them within the Facebook container. You should know that when you’re using these buttons information will be sent to Facebook about the website that you shared from.

If you use your Facebook credentials to create an account or log in using your Facebook credentials, it may not work properly and you may not be able to login. Also, because you’re logged into Facebook in the container tab, embedded Facebook comments and Like buttons in tabs outside the Facebook container tab will not work. This prevents Facebook from associating information about your activity on websites outside of Facebook to your Facebook identity. So it may look different than what you are used to seeing. –Mozilla.org

Think of it as a condom for Facebook. 

Mozilla notes that it “does not collect data from your use of the Facebook Container extension,” adding “We only know the number of times the extension is installed or removed.” 

One Reddit user asks “why not just make every tab an isolated container? “There should be NO REASON for one tab to know or read what another tab (aka cookies) are doing from another domain,” states /u/Pro2U

Lo and behold, the Mozilla programmer who created the extension popped into the thread and answered the question:

What you describe is actually possible in Firefox. It’s called “First Party Isolation”: https://wiki.mozilla.org/Security/FirstPartyIsolation

When we studied various privacy protections, FPI had a higher amount of website breakage reported by users: https://blog.mozilla.org/data/2018/01/26/improving-privacy-without-breaking-the-web/ -/u/groovecoder

So there you have it – if you don’t want Facebook harvesting most of your data and tracking you around the web, strap on the Firefox extension and go to town. 

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Who Needs Wall Street When You Can Have A Monetary Unicorn?

Authored by David Stockman via Contra Corner blog,

The single most important price in all of capitalism is the interest rate—-and at all points on the maturity curve. And the single most important truth about honest interest rates is that they must be discovered by markets, not imposed by the state.

We got to ruminating about those core propositions when we read that San Francisco Fed head, John Williams, may be headed toward the true #2 job at the Fed. That is, President of the New York Fed—-the joint that actually runs the casinos domiciled in the canyons of Wall Street.

We did not burst out laughing exactly, but nearly so. After all, why do you even need Wall Street if you are going to have John Williams running the joint?

Recall that Dr. Williams claims to see a financial apparition that no one has ever touched, measured, photographed, X-rayed or otherwise proven the existence of. We are referring, of course, to the “Neutral Rate of Interest”.

By contrast, Dr. Williams is certain that he has spotted it, measured it and completely understood it. Indeed, he is so certain that in recent times it has been extraordinarily low, that he wants to run the entire $19.7 trillion US economy on the basis of it.

That is, peg actual interest rates in the money market based on a theoretical rate that might as well be the equivalent of a Monetary Unicorn. That’s because no one on the bond and bill trading desks of Wall Street has ever seen it, or ever will.

Not only that, but Dr. Williams now suggests that we actually need even more inflation than the sacred 2.00% target to cure whatever ails the US economy, and that his Monetary Unicorn told him so. Thus, as per the AM’s Wall Street Journal:

His influential research at the Fed includes his work with Thomas Laubach, a top Fed economist, on identifying the neutral rate of interest: the inflation-adjusted rate that neither spurs nor curbs growth. Understanding how to glean this unobservable rate is critical to setting Fed interest-rate policy.

Mr. Williams has argued, and many other officials have come to agree, that the neutral rate fell very low during the financial crisis and recession and hasn’t recovered much since. This conclusion became a key factor behind the Fed’s thinking in keeping its own benchmark federal-funds rate very low in recent years and then raising it slowly and cautiously.

More recently, Mr. Williams has been outspoken in calling on Fed officials to rethink their 2% inflation target, and allow periods where inflation might run higher to make up for times where it runs lower.

That’s right. There is not a pittance of evidence that 2.00% inflation is better than 1.00% inflation, but Dr. Williams wants to up the ante to 3.00% in order to make up for lost ground during the alleged “low-flation” of recent years.

Stated differently, he wants to empower the Fed to manage the entire financial system by targeting the inflation index level, not just the annual rate of gain; and to do so based on a invisible price of money (the Neutral Rate of Interest) that no one on Wall Street has ever seen; nor has anyone else with real financial skin in the game.

And they want to put him in charge of the casino!

Needless to say, the gamblers down there will doubtless think they have died and gone to carry trade heaven.

So at this point it is useless to say that you can’t make this stuff up—because they do day in and day out in our central bank driven financial fantasy land.

But perhaps the sheer irony of sending Dr. Williams to Wall Street at least provides an occasion to note the obvious. Namely, monetary central planning as practiced by the Fed and other central banks is the very antithesis of sound finance because its very modus operandi is based on setting administered debt prices that vary from the free market, and in recent times by considerable amounts.

Otherwise, why call it “emergency policy”; or if the variance from market prices is held to be minor, why bother in the first place?

Stated differently, if the central banks are doing what they claim—steering the economy through non-market interest rates and asset prices—it all boils down to a simple proposition: Namely, that central banks are in the business of materially falsifying market based financial asset prices (debt is somebody’s asset), and that’s all to the good.

Not being in the Cool Aid drinkers camp, we are inclined to ask: Why in the world would you believe that?

For instance, why would the 12 members of the FOMC be better equipped to price BBB corporate debt, than the daily tug and haul of tens of thousands of traders, issuers and bond managers?

When put that baldly it’s pretty obvious that the academics and apparatchiks who dominate the FOMC don’t have a clue about risks and rewards in this border-line region between junk and investment grade, where more than half of so-called investment grade bonds are now rated.

In fact, it is not even a close call because by definition BBB issuers are in risky businesses, have risky balance sheets and compete in highly competitive and dynamically changing, not to say unstable, global markets. After all, there is a reason why BBBs are not meant for the accounts of blue-haired widows.

Of course, we do not mean that the monetary politburo literally sets the price of BBB corporates like traders do in each separate transaction, but they are priced at a spread off the 10-year UST. And we do know that in the last 20 years the Fed has expanded its balance sheet from $400 billion to $4.4 trillion.

That means, in turn, that it purchased $4.o trillion of USTs and their GSE cousins. So doing, it drove up the price of the 10-year benchmark, encouraged front-running speculators to do the same, and also forced mercantilist central banks abroad to sterilize these dollar emissions via FX interventions and purchase of even more USTs.

In all, the Fed’s $4 trillion bond buying spree since 1997 triggered a whole bunch of yield repression in the US sovereign debt market, thereby triggering a whole lot of consternation—sometimes even panic—among bond portfolio managers (PMs). So they responded to falsified benchmark bond prices by stretching mightily for yield.

And one place the yield chasers landed was in the corporate BBB sector which more than quadruped in size during this period. That, and also, it fell like a stone in terms of yield and the carry cost to issuers.

As shown by the blue line in the chart, during the halcyon days of the tech boom, BBB yields hovered around 7.5% prior to the recession triggered spike after 2000. Since the CPI averaged about 2.5%during the second half of the 1990s, call the real yield about 5.0%.

By the same token, the 5-6% nominal yield during the Greenspan mortgage/credit boom over 2003-2007 translated to 3-4% in real terms.  And then came the finale of the Fed bond buying spree after the 2008 financial meltdown, causing nominal yields on the BBB to hover around just 3.75% during most of the last six years.

Contrary to the low-flation narrative, of course, CPI inflation has not dropped by a commensurate amount, averaging about 1.75% during recent years.  So the Fed price-setting committee (i.e. the FOMC) did apparently get the real corporate BBB yield down to just 2.0%.

What happened?

Why, corporate America did well and truly go on a borrowing spree. Back in early 1997, corporate debt outstanding totaled $4.6 trillion and it computed to 54% of GDP. By contrast, by Q3 2017 it had soared to $14 trillion, and amounted to 72% of GDP.

There is absolutely no reason to assume that somehow the US corporate sector was “underleveraged” in 1997, and that the Fed’s monetary central planners helped to get it properly buried in debt.

Still, had the debt ratio stayed at the 54% of GDP level, corporate debt today would be a cool $3.5 trillion lower.

The theory of monetary central planners like Dr Williams, of course, is that they were just helping the business community borrow hand-over-fist—-that’s what the nearly $10 trillion gain since 1997 amounts to—-in order to invest at higher rates than slow-witted corporate executives would do on their own.

We could say wrong again, but why bother?

The data is dispositive, but completely ignored by our omnipotent monetary central planners. In fact, net investment has been heading straight downhill on a trend basis since the late 1990s, and is still 35% lower after 10 years of Fed stimulated “recovery” and drastically falsified interest rates, as illustrated by corporate BBBs.

Then again, maybe the C-suites are not as slow-witted as Dr. Williams presumes. Since 1997 they have cycled upwards of $20 trillion into financial engineering plays. That is, stock buybacks, M&A deals, leveraged recapitalizations and cash extractions of every imaginable shape and kind have flowed back into the canyons of Wall Street, inflating stock prices and options values along the way.

As we said, the Fed is in the fundamental business of falsifying interest rates and other financial asset prices. The problem is, it fuels financial bubbles and malinvestments, not capitalist prosperity.

By now that much should be obvious. Except to the likes of power-seeking apparatchiks like Dr. Williams who would run the world based on financial fairy tales rather than allow free markets to do the honest work of price discovery.

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Yen Drops To 2-Week Low As North Korea Said To Want Summit Talks With Japan

USDJPY has pushed up to two-week highs following reports from Asahi news that North Korea is seeking to hold summit talks with Japan.

 

This comes after comments from China’s Xi and North Korea’s Kim last night that Kim is willing to hold summit talks with President Trump.

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Russia Warns West Risks “Hot War” After Mass Expulsion Of Diplomats

After a legion of western nations announced this week that they would expel Russian diplomats in solidarity with the UK, one Russian ambassador warned during an impromptu unscripted speech that, by hastily blaming Moscow for the poisoning of a former Russian spy at a shopping center in Salisbury, the West was risking a return to the Cold War. A second Russian ambassador took the warning a step further, and claimed the West has inadvertently risked a “hot war” with Russia.

So far, 23 countries have expelled over 130 Russian diplomats since the UK pointed the finger at Russia, accusing it of organizing an assassination plot that involved poisoning former Russian spy Sergei Skripal with a Soviet-era nerve agent called Novichok.

Russia

The UK demanded that Russia explain how the nerve agent came to be used in the attack, if it wasn’t ordered by senior officials in the Russian government, per Newsweek.

Russia

Grigory Logvinov

Russia responded by demanding a sample of the chemical used, and offered to assist the UK in its investigation, but has been rebuffed. Meanwhile, the UK media reports say Skripal and his daughter Yulia Skripal may never fully recover from the attack.

Amid the escalating noise, Russia’s ambassador to Australia said on Wednesday that the world will enter into a “Cold War situation” should the West continue its “biased” attacks on Russia, according to Reuters.

“The West must understand that the anti-Russian campaign has no future,” Russian Ambassador Grigory Logvinov told reporters in Canberra.

“If it continues, we will be deeply in a Cold War situation.”

Australia said Tuesday it would expel two Russian diplomats, inspiring Logvinov to make his address warning of the dangers of deteriorating relations between Russia and its partners. So far, countries have at least stopped short of adding to the sanctions against Russia that were imposed following the annexation of Crimea.

He added that Russia has yet to decide on its response, hinting that the country could be planning retaliation beyond the proportional expulsions of diplomats.

“I said we have no evidence. The British stubbornly denied giving any evidence. They have denied following the provisions and protocol of the Convention on Prohibition of Chemical Weapons,” he said.

Lyudmila Vorobieva, Russia’s ambassador to Indonesia, said the situation was “absolutely absurd.” Except that, rather than a “Cold War”, Vorobieva said the confrontation could lead to an “ice war” – apparently referring to a full-scale military conflict between Russia and the West.

“What is worse than an ice war. It’s a hot war.”

She added that a conflict of that magnitude would be “fatal for our planet” given the stockpiles of nuclear weapons held by both sides. “Do we want that? Well, I can tell you from Russia’s side definitely we don’t want that because if we take into account the number of nuclear weapons accumulated by the country – this kind of development would be fatal for our planet.”

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