The U.S. Should Welcome Russians Who Don’t Want To Fight Putin’s War


zumaamericasthirtythree848304

The United States should immediately offer refugee status to Russians looking to avoid military conscription into Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war in Ukraine. With a simple change of immigration policy, the U.S. could undermine the Russian invasion and raise the stakes of the international embargo of the Russian economy. It’s a no-brainer—a policy that wouldn’t require American boots on the ground in Ukraine or any additional risk of nuclear escalation.

Russia’s military efforts are already hampered by a manpower shortage. As Kamil Galeev, a scholar at the nonpartisan Wilson Center, notes, the days when Russia could field seemingly inexhaustible armies are a thing of the past. The average age of a Russian in 1914 was just 16 years old; today, it’s 40 and rapidly rising. The Russian military needs to replace the 1,000 or so soldiers killed in Ukraine each day, but it has faced pervasive draft-dodging from conscripts and is increasingly reliant on foreign auxiliaries from Chechnya and Syria.

Although the Russian army is running low on soldiers, it still boasts a massive reserve of 2 million men, mostly former conscripts. These men are poorly trained and calling them to active-duty service would show desperation; but even demoralized replacements would be an unwelcome addition to the Russian occupation, freeing up better troops for further offensives and prolonging the war.

But if the United States can convince these conscripts to dodge the Russian draft and emigrate to America, it would handicap Russia’s ability to wage war. When it comes to future military capacity, there is little difference between 1,000 soldiers lost to Javelin missiles outside Kyiv and 1,000 draft-dodgers seeking refuge abroad. 

There is certainly unmet Russian demand for entry to America. About 250,000 Russians apply for the U.S. diversity visa lottery each year, though only about 2 percent of them win a visa. Including spouses and children, that number swells to more than half a million Russians a year who want to escape Putin’s regime and come to America. These applicants skew young, entrepreneurial, and anti-Putin. The U.S. should grant them the opportunity to avoid fighting against Ukrainians and to instead come to the United States.

There is precedent for such a move—the U.S. once used immigration policy as a Cold War–era tool to undermine the communist revolution in Cuba. Under the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966, President Lyndon Johnson paroled all refugees who made it to America, granting them green cards after a year. The approximately 1.3 million Cuban-Americans who ultimately immigrated were a constant thorn in the side of the Castro regime.

Consider it the Bering Strait variation on the old “wet foot, dry foot” Cuba policy. Any Russian who arrives on American soil should automatically qualify for refugee status. Welcoming a wave of Russian refugees would both shrink the pool of potential Russian conscripts and worsen the ongoing brain drain of skilled Russian workers from the technology sector, who Putin needs to rebuild his devastated economy, crumbling banking system, and Russia-specific internet sites.

Cuba is the most recent example of the effective use of immigration policy as a non-martial weapon of war. But, the first immigration-related act of the Continental Congress after the Declaration of Independence was an offer of amnesty to the Hessian mercenaries fighting for Great Britain in the Revolutionary War. In August 1776, Congress resolved that “such foreigners…would chuse [sic] to accept of lands, liberty, safety and a communion of good laws, and mild government, in a country where many of their friends and relations are already happily settled, rather than continue exposed to the toils and dangers of a long and bloody war.” Congress not only offered amnesty to Hessian deserters but also proffered land—50 acres for conscripts and up to 1,000 acres for officers.

As many as 6,000 Hessians—or one-fifth of the 30,000 German troops sent by the British—ultimately deserted, many joining the already substantial German-American immigrant communities in Pennsylvania. For sake of comparison, 6,000 men represented an addition of about 0.24 percent to the population of the colonies. To reach a similar ratio today, the U.S. would need to welcome about 800,000 Russians.

Through a smart use of immigration policy, the U.S. could help defeat Putin’s aggression in Ukraine without firing a shot. It would be good for Ukraine, of course, but it would also lower the number of preventable deaths of young Russians forced to fight in an unjust war. Every young Russian working at a mechanic shop in Yonkers or at a grocery store in Philadelphia is one fewer conscript pushing up daisies outside of Kyiv.

The post The U.S. Should Welcome Russians Who Don't Want To Fight Putin's War appeared first on Reason.com.

from Latest https://ift.tt/0ce9aIO
via IFTTT

Want To Stop School Book Battles? Give Parents Real Choice in Education


v2

We’ve all seen the stories: In Tennessee last year, a group called Moms for Liberty challenged the inclusion of age-appropriate, picture-heavy books about Ruby Bridges, the little black girl who desegregated New Orleans schools in 1960 and was immortalized in Norman Rockwell’s painting “The Problem We All Live With,” in a second-grade curriculum because they “reveal anti-American” and “anti-White” animus. 

A different school board in the same state pulled Art Spiegelman’s Pulitzer-Prize winning graphic novel Maus from its eighth grade Holocaust teaching, arguing that its “unnecessary use of profanity and nudity and its depiction of violence and suicide” made it unsuitable for students of that age. 

In the state of Washington, a progressive school board yanked To Kill a Mockingbird (1960) from high school because it perpetuates “white savior tropes” and features characters using racial slurs without being punished for such now-unacceptable language. (This is an interesting turn of events, since Harper Lee’s novel has historically been called out for foregrounding age-inappropriate themes of rape, incest, and classism.)

If we’re being fair, it’s easy to mock all these decisions (what a bunch of goddamn snowflakes!) but also to make a defense of them (how dare you tell my kids what to read!). Schools necessarily do need to be making specific calls about what to include and what to skip, since they can’t teach everything. As an overducated parent of two now-grown sons who has strong (if not always strongly informed) opinions about education, I know what it’s like to sift through materials and wonder just what the fuck is going on at your kids’ schools. After two years of massively disrupted schooling and overhearing mostly useless Zoom classes, parents are understandably spoiling for fights. 

None of what’s being discussed is censorship in the remotest sense of the word, since even the “banned” books remain readily available in libraries and bookstores. (In fact, Maus, originally published in collected form in 1991, vaulted to the top of Amazon’s bestsellers lists immediately after being challenged.) 

But here’s the thing: Unless we want to live in a country where every curricular decision—even ones about what’s served in the cafeteriais subject to scorched-earth scrutiny not simply by the relevant parents and (maybe relevant) taxpayers but by every cable news host, Instagram mom, Bean Dad, elected official, and citizen at large, we need to give the people most directly affected more options so they can find a school that works for them. 

The problem isn’t that To Kill a Mockingbird is being pulled from—or made mandatory in—10th-grade English, it’s that the overwhelming majority of kids (and parents) who are being told to suck it have no options. About 91 percent of K-12 students attend public schools, and while there has been a significant increase in various forms of school choice such as charters, online programs, and homeschooling, the overwhelming majority of kids still go to traditional, residential-assignment grammar and high schools. 

In a country as vast, diverse, and heterogenous as the United States, there’s no way that 98,000 public schools in 13,800 districts are going to please everyone, even if they are doing surprisingly well with most parents. (Even in the wake of COVID debacles, Gallup reports that 73 percent of parents are completely or somewhat satisfied “with the quality of the education [their] oldest child is receiving.”) The heart of the matter isn’t about who is making what specific decisions (however moronic you or I might think they are) but who is bound by them. Until we give parents not just more input into what their kids are learning but more actual options for where to send their kids, today’s book battles are only going to get worse. Gone for good are the days when an easy consensus on just about anything but especially education can be reached. For a lot of mostly good reasons (we’re wealthier, more educated, and more skeptical of experts and authorities), all of us feel empowered to insist on our preferences, especially when it comes to education.

The model to achieve peace in education is how religion works in a free society. When there is only one church in town and all must attend, anger and conflict are inevitable, and there are endless struggles to control what gets preached and thus forced down everyone’s throat. If you make it possible for thousands of congregations to exist and let people attend the services they want, you’ll sow tolerance and pluralism even as folks will continue to debate whose god is best, what is the one and only heaven, and how best to live a meaningful life.

The growing rancor about “inappropriate” content in public schools reflects what the conservative commentator David French calls “the censorship fever that is breaking out across America.” Increasingly aggressive challenges to books from the right and the left are the junior varsity version of a broader cancel culture that seeks to regiment public opinion and delegitimize free expression, good-faith argument, and dissent. 

None of this new, of course, as schools have always been ideological battlegrounds, often precisely because of the texts in use. In Philadelphia in 1844, disputes over whether the Protestant or Catholic Bible should be used in the city’s public schools sparked riots that killed 20 and burned down two Catholic churches. If that sort of violence seems unlikely today, the long history of curricular fights is both comforting (they’re nothing new) and depressing (god, not this again). 

If there’s something particularly dangerous in the attention paid to fights over school libraries stocking Gender Queer and The Kite Runner, it’s that they deflect attention from a more serious—and actual—form of censorship at the state level, where legislators, often in the name of empowering parents, are rushing to locate educational decision-making far, far away from neighborhood schools and local control.

The free expression group PEN America says that there’s a “steep rise in gag orders,” or laws that proscribe teaching certain ideas and concepts at the state-wide level. Such laws are not going to depoliticize culture war battles over what gets taught. Indeed, because they raise the stakes from a particular school or district to a much bigger jurisdiction, they can only pour gas on current fires. 

According to political scientist Jeffrey Sachs, over the past year, at least 122 such bills have been introduced in legislatures, a dozen have become law in 10 states, and over 100 are still “live.” The vast majority of these target K-12 education, though some also cover state-assisted higher ed institutions. PEN America keeps an updated spreadsheet of the proposals, many of which would ban particular works (never a good sign in a free society), empower a pedagogical version of the heckler’s veto, and ratchet up the politicization of curricula to an even more frenzied level.

At least 20 of the bills introduced over the past year specifically ban any classroom use or discussion of the 1619 Project and 11 also ban the teaching of critical race theory (CRT) by name, which is defined by the Florida Board of Education as a set of theories that teach “that racism is not merely the product of prejudice, but that racism is embedded in American society and its legal systems in order to uphold the supremacy of white persons.” Another two dozen create a “private right of action” that would allow parents and other citizens to sue schools and districts.

“The alleged problem [of CRT] is so endemic that conservatives typically concerned with government overreach, thought policing, and political correctness now support a top-down legislative crackdown that calls for state control of local decisions, book banning, and a single acceptable story about America’s heritage,” writes Chris Stewart, a school choice activist and former member of the St. Paul, Minnesota, school board.

The newfound commitment by mostly Republican legislators to the fierce urgency of now has led to embarrassment. In January, a Virginia delegate rushed to pre-file a bill that would have mandated the teaching of, among other sacred texts, “the first debate between Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass,” which of course doesn’t exist. (In 1858, Lincoln famously sparred with pro-slavery Senator Stephen Douglass of Illinois). We could make too much over this detail, for sure, but it’s a bad sign when basic facts are wrong in legislation that could have massive reach. 

The same bill bans the teaching of “divisive concepts,” which everyone will quickly recognize as a series of progressive talking points about systemic racism, the evils of capitalism, and equity of outcome vs. equality of opportunity comprising the colloquial definition of CRT. As someone who disagrees strongly with such thinking, the only thing I find more troubling than it is the state dictating the limits of acceptable thought.

Supporters of state-level gag orders say they merely represent, in the words of the Manhattan Institute’s Chris Rufo, parents finally “taking a stand against a broken public school system.” Rufo, who has done more than any single individual to call attention to the rise of CRT-influenced corporate and government antiracist training programs and curricula at K-12 and higher education institutions, points to last fall’s gubernatorial race in Virginia to make his case:

Terry McAuliffe, a popular former governor, went down to defeat after asserting that parents should not “be telling schools what they should teach.” In the weeks following McAuliffe’s comments, parents coalesced behind his opponent, Glenn Youngkin, who made educational choice the centerpiece of his campaign.

But what Rufo is actually describing is a political strategy, not a pedagogical program. Youngkin was not anyone’s idea of a fierce proponent of school choice during the campaign, especially since his only concrete proposal to expand the amount and variety of educational offerings was a promise to “build at least 20” new charter schools, a meager offering according to choice activists who promote far more sweeping reforms such as “backpack funding” for students and the creation of Education Savings Accounts. 

What Youngkin did emphasize was “keeping schools open safely five days a week,” which had obvious appeal to parents strung out by COVID closures but can’t be confused with school choice. He also campaigned against CRT, especially after McAuliffe’s gaffe late in the campaign, but it remains far from clear exactly how big a role anything education-related played in Youngkin’s win. Since taking office, Youngkin has tried unsuccessfully to fund charters, passed an executive order banning CRT, and established a tip line for “parents to send us any instances where they feel that their fundamental rights are being violated, where their children are not being respected, where there are inherently divisive practices in their schools.”

Dictating what must be taught—and what absolutely cannot be taught—from a governor’s mansion or a statehouse is a strange way to empower parents. It may be good politics, but if your interest is in reducing conflict over education and helping kids find places where they flourish, the state-level gag orders are a stumbling block to building coalitions to broaden and strengthen school choice, especially among low-income minority parents who strongly support school choice programs. The push on gag orders, Stewart tells me, “is a cancer on our movement. It’s literally dividing school choice proponents from not having a big tent and moving forward with getting more constituencies involved in school choice.”

Those concerns are echoed by other school-choice proponents. “I don’t think the government should be making those decisions,” says Corey DeAngelis, national director of research at the American Federation for Children. He believes that the Republican Party is by far the better party on choice because Democrats at every level are in the pocket of teachers unions, but he notes that many GOP members still want to control curriculum rather than letting parents choose. “Virginia public schools spend over $13,000 per student per year,” he wrote shortly after Youngkin’s win last fall, which he largely attributed to parental frustration. “At least some of that funding should follow the child to wherever they receive an education—whether it be a public, charter, private, or home school.” (DeAngelis points to Pell Grants, student loans, and court decisions in various voucher cases to deflect constitutional questions about tax dollars going to religious institutions).

Under real school choice, no school at any level would be guaranteed tax dollars simply because it exists. Schools would live or die by their ability to attract and keep students based on their stated values and outcomes. “Parents should choose for their own kids,” DeAngelis told me in a recent interview. “If a family wants to take their kid’s education dollars to a school that has critical race theory [curriculum]…or a type of curriculum that aligns with their values, I think we should be OK with that. I think it’s a problem when we start to force everybody into a system where they inherently disagree with what the curriculum is and how it’s being taught.”

State-level gag orders that ban specific texts and concepts are being sold as a way of minimizing conflict over K-12 curriculum but all they do is raise the stakes by moving the battle from the local school district to the state capital. The only real way to change this toxic dynamic is by giving parents and students real choice in education and letting a thousand curricula bloom. There will still be serious and important arguments over what should be taught and how, but, like religious differences today, they will be resolved peacefully and at the family level.

The post Want To Stop School Book Battles? Give Parents Real Choice in Education appeared first on Reason.com.

from Latest https://ift.tt/qmbuXCS
via IFTTT

Joe Rogan Slams ‘Mentally Ill Woke Activists’ At Silicon Valley Tech Companies

Joe Rogan Slams ‘Mentally Ill Woke Activists’ At Silicon Valley Tech Companies

Podcaster Joe Rogan slammed Silicon Valley tech companies, saying that woke “activist” employees are “mentally ill” and are the “lunatics who are running the asylum to a certain extent.”

Rogan, who has come under fire by the left for allowing a free speech platform to non-heterodox thinkers, made the comments during a Wednesday interview with former Apple and Facebook engineer Antonio García Martínez – who upended his life to work in Silicon Valley, only to have a gaggle of woke Apple employees ‘cancel’ him for comments he made in a book more than five years ago (which Apple knew about before hiring him).

“For someone from the outside, we look at it and say: ‘How are those f–king places run?'” Rogan asked Martínez, adding that a “good friend” told him that life inside Silicon Valley is “utter madness.”

The lunatics are running the asylum to a certain extent because there’s a lot of people working inside the company now that legitimately are mentally ill and they consider themselves activists,” he continued, adding that tech bosses at these companies “have to placate these workers ““because they’re a certain percentage of the population that works for the company, and they’re the loudest, and they oftentimes don’t get work done.”

When confronted over a lack of output, the ‘woke’ employees “talk about their activism,” said Rogan, adding that his friend – a former Google manager – had to reprimand workers, according to the New York Post.

“You are here for X amount of hours per day. This is your f—–g job. You’re not an activist.”

Martinez, meanwhile, told Rogan that the companies are partly to blame because HR departments encourage people to “bring the real self to work,” which has made big tech firms such as Facebook into “kind of a cult” where employees are brought into a “campus lifestyle” where “they do your laundry for you” and “feed you.”

Facebook was a cult, and I joined it, and I was a happy member of it,” said Martínez. “It was very powerful. Everyone sacrificed themselves for the sake of the empire and its emperor.

Watch:

Tyler Durden
Tue, 03/29/2022 – 15:18

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/uowMAn9 Tyler Durden

The U.S. Should Welcome Russians Who Don’t Want To Fight Putin’s War


zumaamericasthirtythree848304

The United States should immediately offer refugee status to Russians looking to avoid military conscription into Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war in Ukraine. With a simple change of immigration policy, the U.S. could undermine the Russian invasion and raise the stakes of the international embargo of the Russian economy. It’s a no-brainer—a policy that wouldn’t require American boots on the ground in Ukraine or any additional risk of nuclear escalation.

Russia’s military efforts are already hampered by a manpower shortage. As Kamil Galeev, a scholar at the nonpartisan Wilson Center, notes, the days when Russia could field seemingly inexhaustible armies are a thing of the past. The average age of a Russian in 1914 was just 16 years old; today, it’s 40 and rapidly rising. The Russian military needs to replace the 1,000 or so soldiers killed in Ukraine each day, but it has faced pervasive draft-dodging from conscripts and is increasingly reliant on foreign auxiliaries from Chechnya and Syria.

Although the Russian army is running low on soldiers, it still boasts a massive reserve of 2 million men, mostly former conscripts. These men are poorly trained and calling them to active-duty service would show desperation; but even demoralized replacements would be an unwelcome addition to the Russian occupation, freeing up better troops for further offensives and prolonging the war.

But if the United States can convince these conscripts to dodge the Russian draft and emigrate to America, it would handicap Russia’s ability to wage war. When it comes to future military capacity, there is little difference between 1,000 soldiers lost to Javelin missiles outside Kyiv and 1,000 draft-dodgers seeking refuge abroad. 

There is certainly unmet Russian demand for entry to America. About 250,000 Russians apply for the U.S. diversity visa lottery each year, though only about 2 percent of them win a visa. Including spouses and children, that number swells to more than half a million Russians a year who want to escape Putin’s regime and come to America. These applicants skew young, entrepreneurial, and anti-Putin. The U.S. should grant them the opportunity to avoid fighting against Ukrainians and to instead come to the United States.

There is precedent for such a move—the U.S. once used immigration policy as a Cold War–era tool to undermine the communist revolution in Cuba. Under the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966, President Lyndon Johnson paroled all refugees who made it to America, granting them green cards after a year. The approximately 1.3 million Cuban-Americans who ultimately immigrated were a constant thorn in the side of the Castro regime.

Consider it the Bering Strait variation on the old “wet foot, dry foot” Cuba policy. Any Russian who arrives on American soil should automatically qualify for refugee status. Welcoming a wave of Russian refugees would both shrink the pool of potential Russian conscripts and worsen the ongoing brain drain of skilled Russian workers from the technology sector, who Putin needs to rebuild his devastated economy, crumbling banking system, and Russia-specific internet sites.

Cuba is the most recent example of the effective use of immigration policy as a non-martial weapon of war. But, the first immigration-related act of the Continental Congress after the Declaration of Independence was an offer of amnesty to the Hessian mercenaries fighting for Great Britain in the Revolutionary War. In August 1776, Congress resolved that “such foreigners…would chuse [sic] to accept of lands, liberty, safety and a communion of good laws, and mild government, in a country where many of their friends and relations are already happily settled, rather than continue exposed to the toils and dangers of a long and bloody war.” Congress not only offered amnesty to Hessian deserters but also proffered land—50 acres for conscripts and up to 1,000 acres for officers.

As many as 6,000 Hessians—or one-fifth of the 30,000 German troops sent by the British—ultimately deserted, many joining the already substantial German-American immigrant communities in Pennsylvania. For sake of comparison, 6,000 men represented an addition of about 0.24 percent to the population of the colonies. To reach a similar ratio today, the U.S. would need to welcome about 800,000 Russians.

Through a smart use of immigration policy, the U.S. could help defeat Putin’s aggression in Ukraine without firing a shot. It would be good for Ukraine, of course, but it would also lower the number of preventable deaths of young Russians forced to fight in an unjust war. Every young Russian working at a mechanic shop in Yonkers or at a grocery store in Philadelphia is one fewer conscript pushing up daisies outside of Kyiv.

The post The U.S. Should Welcome Russians Who Don't Want To Fight Putin's War appeared first on Reason.com.

from Latest https://ift.tt/0ce9aIO
via IFTTT

Louisiana Supreme Court Allows Police Officer’s Lawsuit Against Black Lives Matter Organizer


deraymckesson_1161x653

Louisiana’s Supreme Court has ruled 6–1 that a Black Lives Matter organizer can be sued by a police officer for injuries the officer suffered in a Baton Rouge protest in 2016.

The organizer, DeRay Mckesson, was not responsible for the injury to the officer (who is not named). The officer claims that as police were confronting protesters blocking a highway, he suffered head injuries when a protester struck him in the face with thrown rocks or concrete. The officer filed a civil suit attempting to hold Mckesson civilly liable for the incident. Even though Mckesson wasn’t personally responsible for the injury, the officer argues that Mckesson should have known that the nature of the protest he organized could provoke a possibly violent confrontation between police and protesters.

Mckesson argued that he was engaging in protected First Amendment speech and can’t be sued. The case took a very winding route through federal courts (detailed here in a series of tweets by Houston attorney Raffi Melkonian). It made it up to the Supreme Court, which kicked it back down to the state level to see if the Louisiana Supreme Court could resolve the legal claims before it took up the First Amendment concerns.

But Friday’s ruling by the Louisiana Supreme Court probably means the Supreme Court will need to take a look at the case. The majority ruled that state law recognizes that citizens have a duty not to “negligently precipitate the crime of a third party” and that Mckesson could be held civilly accountable.

Louisiana’s Supreme Court didn’t actually rule that Mckesson was responsible, though. We haven’t even gotten to that part yet. This ruling was just over whether, under state law, the police officer could pursue a civil claim against Mckesson. Nevertheless, the potential First Amendment implications here are clear: Freedom of speech allows the right to protest, and Mckesson didn’t actually tell protesters to chuck rocks at the police. Justice Piper Griffin warned in her sole dissent about the potential chilling effects and some pretty serious unintended consequences:

It is beyond citation that political protest carries a high moral value in our society. It is also true that protests which turn violent may not only result in injuries to police and bystanders but also damage to businesses and property—deterring such outcomes is sound policy. However, the finding of a duty in this case will have a chilling effect on political protests in general as nothing prevents a bad actor from attending an otherwise peaceful protest and committing acts of violence. While in such instances the organizers of a protest may ultimately be cleared of liability by the trier of fact, the costs of defending a lawsuit at the pre-trial phase are significant.

Over at the online criminal justice and election magazine Bolts, Daniel Nichanian takes note of how this is part of a trend of trying to tamp down on protests by holding organizers and participants legally responsible for any troublemakers. He writes:

Police investigated a Utah senator in 2020 for allegedly donating money to a fund that Black Lives Matter protesters used to buy red paint that they spilled in front of the district attorney’s office. Also in 2020, police in Portsmouth, Virginia, filed charges against local Black leaders, including a state senator, who were present at a rally where people toppled a Confederate statue. The police also tried to sideline prosecutor Stephanie Morales, who is Black, though she eventually asserted control and dismissed the charges.

It’s always worthy of noting how profoundly different courts treat police officers when the shoe is on the other foot—when police conduct results in innocent people being harmed. Thanks to the legal concept of qualified immunity, police officers often evade civil responsibility when they are personally responsible for violating citizens’ civil rights, harming them, or destroying their property. Billy Binion noted last year that Shreveport police officers have been protected from a lawsuit by a man they pulled over and beat up over broken brake and license plate lights.

In that case, the police officers were physically responsible for the victim’s harm, yet the courts are shielding them from consequences. Contrast that with what’s happening to Mckesson, and it’s hard not to think that police officers are under a different set of laws than the citizenry they serve to protect.

The post Louisiana Supreme Court Allows Police Officer's Lawsuit Against Black Lives Matter Organizer appeared first on Reason.com.

from Latest https://ift.tt/6Qmu21p
via IFTTT

Which Major Currency Will Be The First To Fall?

Which Major Currency Will Be The First To Fall?

Authored by Bruce Wilds via Advancing Time blog,

…Could the euro beat the Yen in the race to the graveyard?

Before saying anything else, it is important to note, when it comes to the major currencies, it is safe to assume they are manipulated by central banks. It is in the best interest of Central Bankers to keep them trading in a rather tight pattern as so not to rock the foundation of the global financial system. On top of the stress being placed upon economies due to the war in Ukraine, the one thing bankers don’t want to deal with is the growing fear the fiat monetary system is about to fail. 

The destruction of the myth that a major currency cannot fail could create a situation where we would see skittish investors dumping currencies in mass. As wealth rushed from currencies into tangible assets inflation would soar. When a currency implodes it fosters a transfer of wealth from those holding the now worthless paper to those holding other currencies or tangible assets. The group-think of all the major central banks until just recently has been concreted into a global monetary policy favoring inflation in order to support economic growth. This monetary policy is now being challenged by rising prices at the same time economies are slowing.

It is important to remember that fiat currency systems depend on the faith of its users and participants to survive. The emergence of a slew of new cryptocurrencies is an indication faith in the current fiat currencies is beginning to wane. These digital currencies that have flooded the market are disconnected from central banks. Also adding to the perception we are about to see a major shakeup in the global financial system are efforts by countries such as China and Russia to move more trade away from the dollar. This is happening at the same time we see the cost of living for the 16 nations that share the euro currency rose to 5.1% in January, a  new record high, few interest rate increases expected in 2022, and a time the German PPI is 18% and Spain’s 31%.

Recently, Zoltan Poz­sar, an In­vest­ment Strategist at Credit Suisse and is based in New York, has appeared all over the media touting a theory that would affect us all. He is touting the idea Russian sanctions combined with its relationship with China and a crisis in some commodities are threatening the dollar’s reserve status. He claims this will bring about a Bretton Woods III event where commodity collateral may repave the road to hard money

While Pozar may not be completely right, if we are moving in that direction, the effect has broad implications for all of us. It would substantially redefine the relationship between fiat currency and tangible assets. A strong argument can be made that even though the BOJ is the top dog when it comes to monetizing debt it may not be for long. The ECB is catching up in the percentage of central bank holdings of government bonds in percent of total issuance. Considering all of Europe’s problems the big issue is envisioning a scenario from which an economic renaissance might flow.

To say the Euro-zone banking system deception which has been going on for many years is continuing understates the size of the fraud occurring before our eyes. A program known as “Target 2” has been the salvation of the euro and is responsible for preventing countries from collapsing. Since 2015 when Draghi started QE, the Bundesbank has been buying bonds on the market. The Italian central bank is dependent on the ECB which buys Italian government bonds. Germany then sends euros to Italy transferring the debt via Target 2 to their German bank. The growing differences in the Target 2 balance sheet are the result of the Germans taking these bonds. Italians have also added to the capital flight by liquidating their bonds and sending their money abroad.

Italy Is Far Worse Post Covid-19

Target 2 translates into enormously huge debt claims on the Germans that are not covered by any securities. In short, if Italy (or even Spain) would withdraw from the Euro-zone, the Germans would be left holding worthless paper. The bottom-line is Brussels and Germany must continue buying what could be considered, “bad debt” to keep the system afloatAll this raises the question of when the value of the euro will begin to reflect the stress which has been masked over and greatly ignored. In short, the choice of Europe has been whether to put a lot of bad debt on the balance sheet of the European Central Bank or deal with defaults and the contagion that flows from them. To be clear, many German economists criticize Target 2 and see it as a check that cannot be cashed.

As for the yen, for a long time, many investors have viewed it as a safe-haven currency, so much in fact that it has been called a “widowmaker” trade for those betting on its decline. For years Japan has been the poster child and living proof that low-interest rates do not guarantee economic growth and prosperity. Going unnoticed by many investors is that the BOJ  has been pumping up Japan’s stock market by buying into the ETF market. This has morphed into a program that seems akin to Mario Draghi’s fraud of doing “whatever it takes” to give the appearance their economy is moving forward. Following along the line of thought that while there is no way of avoiding the final collapse of a boom brought about by credit expansion years ago, Ludwig Von Mises wrote; “The alternative is only whether the crisis should come sooner as the result of a voluntary abandonment of further credit expansion, or later as a final and total catastrophe of the currency system involved.” In short, the BOJ now has little choice but to go all-in which strips away any illusion all is well.

Japan Led The Way In This Experiment

Before the “Bernanke has all the answers” era, many of us criticized Japan for failing to own its problems. At the time the idea was that only by letting its zombie banks and industries fail could Japan clean out the system and move forward. Instead, the Government of Japan ran huge deficits and ran up massive debt. For decades Japan languished and avoided disaster only by the fact that it enjoyed a large trade surplus year after year and was able to pigtail onto the rapid growth occurring in China. Today much of that trade surplus has vanished but Japan’s massive debt remains.

After 2008 Japan decided to put itself on the leading edge of an experiment to propel its economy forward. This includes the BOJ not only expanding its balance sheet but pumping up the market by jumping into the ETF market, what the country is not doing is taking big steps toward economic reform. All this has morphed into a program that seems to share a key focus on doing “whatever it takes” to keep the economy moving forward. The problem in pursuing the flawed policy of never allowing the market to slip but putting it on a path ever upward until everyone doubting the strength of the market finally capitulates is that it thwarts true price discovery.

Recently articles have surfaced exploring how the central banks and governments have distorted true price discovery in stock markets across the world. By buying stocks they are taking or transferring branches of industry or commerce from the private sector to state ownership or control. The keyword here is “ownership.” This is because the state may choose to abdicate control over decisions leaving them in the hands of management. It has been estimated the BOJ holds around 35 trillion yen, accounting for roughly 80% of Japan’s ETF market. In some ways, the actions of Japan’s central bank could be considered nothing more than a new model of “stealth nationalization.” 

This is a course filled with moral hazard since it destroys true price discovery the bedrock of free markets. We cannot underestimate the importance between assets prices and the feedback signals they send. These are critical in determining value, especially when it comes to assets such as stocks, bonds, currencies, or paper promises which carry no utility value and can perform no useful task. When true price discovery is lost or impaired management teams no longer get market feedback as to whether an executive decision is good or bad, this dilutes the market’s ability to reward and punish companies no matter how disastrous their decisions.

To keep the illusion of a viable economy alive central banks must continue expanding credit and debt so the wheels do not come off the economy. It is hard to create the illusion all is well if unemployment soars and defaults skyrocket. This means the central banks remain trapped in a box Ben Bernanke built, Janet Yellen reinforced, and Jerome Powell has not tried to escape from. It is easy to see how central bank policy, right or wrong, falsely accomplishes two things, it bolsters and supports current holdings while reinforcing the image markets are climbing higher because our economic future is getting brighter which is a narrative mainstream media is glad to provide.

This may have started as a “short-term solution” but Ben Bernanke upped the ante by setting the money printing machines on high and flooding America and the world with QE. When other central bankers embraced this solution the world embarked on a grand experiment. The big problem is momentum seems to ebb shortly after each new wave of stimulus and another fix seems to constantly be needed. Current policies are not creating true growth in productivity or real wealth but simply driving up the value of certain markets and assets. This benefits those who own or have assets but does little or even hurts the poor or those who have nothing. It also increases economic inequality and social unrest. The harsh reality central bankers, politicians, and the world must face is the medicine for curing high inflation is high-interest rates. This will not go down well and to some an unacceptable solution.

For years, Japan and Italy, both mired in debt, have been on artificial support. Not only the size of the debt, but the quality of the debt, suggest a huge drop in the values of their currencies must occur. Weakness in the euro or even the yen almost certainly will result in a stronger dollar which could be the catalyst for a crisis in currencies issued by emerging market economies. In short, there is the potential to see such an incident over to the rest of the developed world and evolve into a global deleveraging event. This will most likely be seen as part of the great reset many of us have come to expect will occur at some point. Meaning, promises will be broken and rules will be rewritten as we go through the wash. If I’m correct this reset will involve a massive transfer of wealth with many people having their assets rinsed away as society gets put through the wringer.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 03/29/2022 – 14:50

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/dLrBCGD Tyler Durden

Louisiana Supreme Court Allows Police Officer’s Lawsuit Against Black Lives Matter Organizer


deraymckesson_1161x653

Louisiana’s Supreme Court has ruled 6–1 that a Black Lives Matter organizer can be sued by a police officer for injuries the officer suffered in a Baton Rouge protest in 2016.

The organizer, DeRay Mckesson, was not responsible for the injury to the officer (who is not named). The officer claims that as police were confronting protesters blocking a highway, he suffered head injuries when a protester struck him in the face with thrown rocks or concrete. The officer filed a civil suit attempting to hold Mckesson civilly liable for the incident. Even though Mckesson wasn’t personally responsible for the injury, the officer argues that Mckesson should have known that the nature of the protest he organized could provoke a possibly violent confrontation between police and protesters.

Mckesson argued that he was engaging in protected First Amendment speech and can’t be sued. The case took a very winding route through federal courts (detailed here in a series of tweets by Houston attorney Raffi Melkonian). It made it up to the Supreme Court, which kicked it back down to the state level to see if the Louisiana Supreme Court could resolve the legal claims before it took up the First Amendment concerns.

But Friday’s ruling by the Louisiana Supreme Court probably means the Supreme Court will need to take a look at the case. The majority ruled that state law recognizes that citizens have a duty not to “negligently precipitate the crime of a third party” and that Mckesson could be held civilly accountable.

Louisiana’s Supreme Court didn’t actually rule that Mckesson was responsible, though. We haven’t even gotten to that part yet. This ruling was just over whether, under state law, the police officer could pursue a civil claim against Mckesson. Nevertheless, the potential First Amendment implications here are clear: Freedom of speech allows the right to protest, and Mckesson didn’t actually tell protesters to chuck rocks at the police. Justice Piper Griffin warned in her sole dissent about the potential chilling effects and some pretty serious unintended consequences:

It is beyond citation that political protest carries a high moral value in our society. It is also true that protests which turn violent may not only result in injuries to police and bystanders but also damage to businesses and property—deterring such outcomes is sound policy. However, the finding of a duty in this case will have a chilling effect on political protests in general as nothing prevents a bad actor from attending an otherwise peaceful protest and committing acts of violence. While in such instances the organizers of a protest may ultimately be cleared of liability by the trier of fact, the costs of defending a lawsuit at the pre-trial phase are significant.

Over at the online criminal justice and election magazine Bolts, Daniel Nichanian takes note of how this is part of a trend of trying to tamp down on protests by holding organizers and participants legally responsible for any troublemakers. He writes:

Police investigated a Utah senator in 2020 for allegedly donating money to a fund that Black Lives Matter protesters used to buy red paint that they spilled in front of the district attorney’s office. Also in 2020, police in Portsmouth, Virginia, filed charges against local Black leaders, including a state senator, who were present at a rally where people toppled a Confederate statue. The police also tried to sideline prosecutor Stephanie Morales, who is Black, though she eventually asserted control and dismissed the charges.

It’s always worthy of noting how profoundly different courts treat police officers when the shoe is on the other foot—when police conduct results in innocent people being harmed. Thanks to the legal concept of qualified immunity, police officers often evade civil responsibility when they are personally responsible for violating citizens’ civil rights, harming them, or destroying their property. Billy Binion noted last year that Shreveport police officers have been protected from a lawsuit by a man they pulled over and beat up over broken brake and license plate lights.

In that case, the police officers were physically responsible for the victim’s harm, yet the courts are shielding them from consequences. Contrast that with what’s happening to Mckesson, and it’s hard not to think that police officers are under a different set of laws than the citizenry they serve to protect.

The post Louisiana Supreme Court Allows Police Officer's Lawsuit Against Black Lives Matter Organizer appeared first on Reason.com.

from Latest https://ift.tt/6Qmu21p
via IFTTT

Fed Finally Admits That COVID Stimulus Is Responsible For Hottest Inflation In A Generation

Fed Finally Admits That COVID Stimulus Is Responsible For Hottest Inflation In A Generation

It looks like the analytical geniuses over at the San Francisco Fed have finally figured out something that Larry Summers anticipated nearly a year ago: When you pump trillions of dollars of stimulus spending into the economy, it causes inflation to overheat to the highest level in a generation.

Of course, Summers was aggressively poo-poo’d by policy nabobs at Treasury (not to mention the Eccles Building) when he first projected that inflation would likely exceed 5% by the end of 2021 thanks to the federal government’s decision to hand out trillions of dollars in stimmies, benefits and PPP loans (combined with the Fed’s ’emergency’ policy posture that involved backstopping corporate debt and slamming interest rates back down to the zero-bound). While he has since been vindicated, at the time, Summers was nearly excommunicated by his fellow Democrats for having the audacity to suggest that the federal government shouldn’t have ridden to the rescue of ordinary people during a once-in-a-century pandemic (or, at the very least, it maybe should have considered a more measured approach).

Now, months after Summers inflationary fears were vindicated, the Fed has finally summoned the courage to acknowledge that maybe the government’s balls-to-the-wall COVID stimulus was responsible for stoking the voracious inflationary spiral that – contrary to Jerome Powell’s assurances – has been anything but “transitory”.

To wit, on Monday, a team of researchers with the SF Fed published a research report illustrating how the US fiscal-policy response is, more than likely, responsible for driving up price pressures.

According to the note, the team set out to answer a question that has plagued economists in recent months: why has inflation been so much more intense in the US than in many of its developed-nation peers?

After crunching the numbers, the team arrived at the following conclusion:

“Though many of the pandemic distortions are common to other countries, we show that U.S. inflation has risen more quickly and increasingly diverged from inflation in other OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries. In seeking an explanation, we turn to the combination of direct fiscal support introduced to counteract the economic devastation caused by the pandemic.”

The team compared US inflation to a smattering of OECD countries, before determining that the difference between the US inflation rate and that of its OECD rivals – which had moved largely in lock-step during the years before the pandemic – was the boost to disposable incomes in the US, which were buttressed by the federal government’s generous fiscal largess.

First, the team ruled out that the difference in the inflation readings wasn’t due to a “measuring error”, but to “direct fiscal transfers”, which are higher in the US than abroad.

As the chart below shows, the data are pretty stark: “they show that throughout 2020 and 2021, US households experienced significantly higher increases in their disposable income relative to their OECD peers.” Note how the peaks in US disposable income correspond to the passage of the CARES Act and the other COVID stimulus bills

That’s not to say that the Fed believes the US should have held back (like Summers initially suggested). On the contrary, the team concluded (for reasons that weren’t entirely fleshed out in their note) that “without these spending measures, the economy might have tipped into outright deflation and slower economic growth, the consequences of which would have been harder to manage.”

Of course, relying on a counterfactual to prove one’s argument is never ideal.

But maybe policymakers can take this admission to heart, and try to keep it in mind when the next once-in-a-generation crisis finally arrives.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 03/29/2022 – 14:30

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/rmTbKu3 Tyler Durden

Russian Pipeline Giant Sets Oil Intake Caps As Storage Overflows

Russian Pipeline Giant Sets Oil Intake Caps As Storage Overflows

Russia’s Transneft, operator of the world’s largest oil pipeline network, has taken the unprecedented step of imposing caps on oil received by it as storage filled up amid weak Western demand for Russian oil, Reuters reports citing five sources familiar with the matter.

While Russian oil exports are still flowing – especially in the direction of India and China – despite self-imposed sanctions by western energy buyers, difficulties with payments, insurance and shipping as well as curbs on dealing with several Russian oil suppliers forced many regular buyers to shun the market, leaving barrels unsold.

And as the oil plumbing has literally clogged up, Transneft has told several Russian oil firms it would limit intake to its system amid high volumes of stored oil, which affect flexibility and threaten normal operations.

Transneft’s curbs cover oil that has yet to find buyers, while companies that have no difficulty selling cargoes would be allowed to supply all their oil to the system, two Reuters sources said.

As reported previously, more than a dozen cargoes of Urals oil from the March loading plan were cancelled, postponed or replaced amid weak demand, traders said, while Russian firms had to divert extra volumes for export, as domestic refinery runs declined. Furthermore, Russian oil giants Surgutneftegaz and Zarubezhneft did not award spot tenders this month.

That said, Russia’s pipeline capping may reverse soon: while the Urals oil loading plan for April has been increased significantly, May is looking stellar with Bloomberg reporting that according to the loading program, a total of 33 cargoes of Russian ESPO crude totaling 3.3m tons (all cargoes in May program are 100k tons) are scheduled to be shipped from the port of Kozmino in May. This equates to 780k b/d, a record, compared with 3.1m tons or 757k b/d in April.

Last week, Russia indicated that it aims to ship the largest amount of its flagship Urals crude in almost three years in April.

 

Tyler Durden
Tue, 03/29/2022 – 13:50

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/0DszyCw Tyler Durden

“Hard Landing Virtually Inevitable” – Countdown To Recession Begins As 2s10s Curve Inverts

“Hard Landing Virtually Inevitable” – Countdown To Recession Begins As 2s10s Curve Inverts

While several asset-gatherers and commission-rakers will try to gaslight investors into monitoring the steepening in the 3M2Y spread – “see no recession to fear there”; for anyone who has actually lived through a Fed hiking cycle, or has read any market history, the 2s10s curve is the most-monitored, the most-studied, and the most accurate predictor of recession the market has to offer.

And today, after a long wait…

…2s10s has finally inverted…(according to Bloomberg data 2s10s spread was -0.23bps)

…chasing the rest of the curve (3s10s, 5s10s, 5s30s, 20s30s) all into inversion…

As Deutsche Bank’s Jim Reid notes this morning, there has never been such a directional divergence possibly because the Fed have never been as behind the curve as they are today.

For a sense of just how far behind, The Taylor Rule suggests given the current inflation rate and unemployment rate, The Fed needs to hike by an absurd-sounding 1155bps to get back to ‘normal’…

But back to the divergences in the curve, Reid notes that the remarkable thing is that the two have always gone hand in hand directionally until around December 2021 when 3m10s started to steepen as 2s10s collapsed.

If market pricing is correct, they will rapidly catch up over the next year so it’s possible that in 12 months’ time this measure will be flat.

As a reminder, every hiking cycle that has inverted the curve has led to a recession within 1-3 years.

The table from DB below shows the details of every Fed hiking cycle over the last 70 years alongside the time to recession, yield curve shape, and inflation at the first hike. DB has ordered this by length of time from first hike to recession to demonstrate that the quickest recessions following hikes were associated with an inverted curve by the time the Fed stopped hiking.

On average it takes around three years from the first Fed hike to recession. However all but one of the recessions inside 37 months (essentially three years) occurred when the 2s10s curve inverted before the hiking cycle ended. With all the recessions that started later than that, none of them had an inverted curve when the hiking cycle ended. In fact, hiking cycles that ended with the curve in positive territory saw the next recession hit 53 months on average after the first rate hike, whereas the next recession for hiking cycles that ended with an inverted curve started on average in 23 months, just under two years. All these cycles eventually saw an inverted curve but this happened after the Fed stopped hiking. As a reminder, none of the US recessions in the last 70 years have occurred until the 2s10s has inverted. On average it takes 12-18 months from inversion to recession. Then again, the Fed has never before started a rate hiking cycle when inflation was already 7.9%.

Many would prefer to ignore this indicator, or make general excuses for why it’s different this time “because of QE”, “because of COVID”, “because of Putin”, but as Jim Reid explains so eloquently:

…for me I think about it very differently. I don’t care why the curve inverts as I think the transmission mechanism is through animal spirits. When a curve is steep it should encourage entrepreneurial behaviour as borrowing costs at the front end are low relative to potential returns. In an inverted curve environment, the rational investor/entrepreneur/business should be more risk averse and either place more money in safe assets at the front end or do less animal spirits enhancing longer-term investments/economic activity.

As Reid notes, this all operates with a lag but if I exaggerate to illustrate, if 2yr yields are 5% and 10yr yields are 1% then rational economic agents will be highly likely to park money at the front end and wait for better opportunities irrespective of how negative the term premium is.

But, as a new Piper Sandler study finds, stocks and bonds tend to do quite well in the window between yield-curves inverting and the onset of the actual recessions.

“The broad stock-market appreciates between inversions and the onset of the subsequent recession,” Roberto Perli, the head of global policy at Piper Sandler, wrote in a note with his colleagues Tuesday.

“With the exception of the Volcker years, fixed-income assets always appreciated, with mortgages, investment-grade corporates, and munis as top performers.”

“Overall, the message seems clear for equity and fixed-income investors alike: Don’t get too gloomy as soon as the yield curve (or a portion of it) inverts — doing so is very likely to leave performance on the table,” Perli wrote.

We do note that this study ‘excludes the Volcker years’ and the ‘burst of the equity bubble’ – consider that before piling in.

However, bear in mind that this could well be what The Fed wants – politics and plunge protectors aside – as the only solution to soaring inflation

In fact, for those who still believe ‘the consumer is strong’ and ‘just look at the stock market’, we suggest just look at sentiment surveys – all crashing to multi-decade lows as inflation expectations hit multi-decade highs.

As none other than the former head of the Hew York Fed, Bill Dudley, wrote this morning, The Fed’s application of its framework has left it behind the curve in controlling inflation. This, in turn, has made a hard landing virtually inevitable.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 03/29/2022 – 13:34

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/BaxOZ8R Tyler Durden