The Yaliest of All Torts: Wrongful Interference with Clerkships

From Stubbs v. Gerken, decided today by Judge Sarah Merriam (D. Conn.):

Plaintiffs Sierra Stubbs and Gavin Jackson …, each of whom was a student at Yale Law School, bring this action alleging, in sum, that two deans of the Yale Law School, along with the Law School’s Director of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion, “worked together in an attempt to blackball” plaintiffs from the prestigious job opportunities that are often available to Yale Law School students and graduates….

For purposes of deciding the Motion to Dismiss, the Court presumes the following factual allegations set forth in the Second Amended Complaint to be true….

Events Leading to the “Dossier”

Stubbs and Jackson each first met Professor Amy Chua … when each was enrolled in Chua’s International Business Transactions course. Chua “has served as an important mentor for her students, many of whom successfully obtain prestigious [judicial] clerkships.” In September 2018, well before Stubbs and Jackson met Chua, Gerken, the current Dean of YLS, began “publicly criticizing Chua[.]”In “an email to all members of the [YLS] community[,]” Gerken expressed “‘enormous concern'” about “‘allegations of faculty misconduct’ supposedly against Chua[.]” {The allegations against Chua included claims that she had “given advice on dress or appearance to [judicial] clerkship candidates preparing for interviews[.]”} It was “reported” that in 2019 “Chua had entered a ‘no-socializing’ agreement with  the University whereby she agreed not to socialize with students off-campus.”

In February 2021, plaintiffs “separately attended Zoom ‘office hours’ with Chua to discuss their coursework.” These conversations “would also cover career discussions and any concerns that [plaintiffs] voiced about the University.” Such concerns included those of Jackson, who “struggled with what he felt was a lack of institutional support for students of color, which ended with his frustrated resignation from the board of the Yale Law Journal.” Jackson’s resignation “received media coverage[,]” which “caused” him “to face significant hostility at the school.” Chua was “in a unique position to offer [Jackson] guidance on these issues[,]” having been subject to “race-based, online instigated hostility, as well as being one of the few faculty members of color at” YLS.

Because of the “sensitive nature of the subject,” plaintiffs “wished to discuss their issues with Chua in person.” To avoid meeting in public[,]” plaintiffs “and Chua decided to meet at Chua’s home[.]” Plaintiffs met with Chua at her home on two occasions in February 2021 and March 2021. It was at this time, beginning in February 2021, that plaintiffs “became embroiled in Gerken and [Associate Dean of Student Affairs] Cosgrove’s apparent vendetta against Chua.” …

The “Dossier” and the Aftermath

Plaintiffs’ meetings with Chua “became [the] subject of pernicious law school gossip[,]” including a “20-page document, the Dossier (Ex. A), that purported to document the ‘secret dinner parties’ that Chua was supposedly hosting with [plaintiffs], and unidentified federal judges.” The Second Amended Complaint alleges that the Dossier “claims that [plaintiffs] had ‘repeatedly lied’ about their experience as students of color at the Law School, and further ‘repeatedly lied’ about the existence of the secret dinner parties, before supposedly admitting their existence to the Dossier’s author[.]”The Dossier also “denounced” plaintiffs “for ‘deliberately enabling’ a ‘secret atmosphere of favoritism, misogyny, and sexual harassment.'” “The Dossier eventually gained such wide circulation that it became the subject of  investigative reporting from” several national news outlets.

Plaintiffs “became aware of the Dossier in late April 2021, when it had begun to circulate among the [YLS] student body.” On April 23, 2021, Cosgrove and Eldik, the Director of Equity, Diversity and Inclusion at YLS, contacted plaintiffs about the Dossier. “Cosgrove and Eldik 7pressured [plaintiffs] to make a formal statement confirming the allegations against, and lodge their own formal complaint, against Chua.” Despite plaintiffs “repeatedly denying the Dossier’s assertions, Cosgrove and Eldik pressured [plaintiffs] to make … false statements against Chua.”

In communications with Stubbs, Cosgrove and Eldik made reference to “the ‘effort against Professor Chua’ and insisted that if [Stubbs] would ‘just give them’ a statement, they would have ‘enough’ against Chua.” Plaintiffs “consistently refused to make false statements, and instead repeatedly asked Cosgrove and Eldik for assistance against the troubling invasion of privacy and resulting harassment that they suffered.” “Cosgrove and Eldik ignored these requests … and discouraged [plaintiffs] from filing a formal  complaint concerning the harm” caused by the Dossier.

During a call among Cosgrove, Eldik, and Stubbs, Eldik told Stubbs “that the Dossier would likely end up in every judges’ [sic] chambers, following her even after she graduates, effectively sabotaging any hopes of her securing a clerkship whether she applied now or in the future.” In a similar call among Cosgrove, Eldik, and Jackson, “Eldik and Cosgrove strongly suggested that [Jackson] should not apply for a clerkship in the summer of 2021 because of the Dossier’s wide publicity.” For these reasons, “[i]t was suggested” that plaintiffs “cooperate by making a statement against” Chua.

“Cosgrove also directly threatened [Stubbs], claiming that [YLS] was receiving complaints about her potentially serving as a Coker Fellow due to the Dossier, and further suggested that such complaints would be moot if [Stubbs] made a statement against Chua.” Cosgrove thereafter told Stubbs that if Stubbs “accepted a Coker Fellowship with the professor—despite [Stubbs’s] repeated denials that she had received an illicit offer from the professor—Cosgrove or  another member of the [YLS] administration would approach the professor with the allegations.”

Jackson likewise denied the claims in the Dossier that “the [P]rofessor had extended him an illicit Coker Fellowship offer.” Jackson “asked Cosgrove and Eldik to help him deal with the false rumors being spread by other students to the contrary,” but “Cosgrove and Eldik indicated that they were unaware of any complaints or rumors to that effect … and insinuated that they would require concrete proof of this harassment before assisting” Jackson. “When [Jackson] informed Cosgrove and Eldik about his concerns regarding the lies and misrepresentations included in the Dossier, it was suggested to [Jackson] that unless he filed a complaint against Chua, the administration could not effectively protect him from further harassment.”

In April 2021, Stubbs, “who was a student in Gerken’s academic clinic and … writing a lengthy paper under Gerken’s direct and personal supervision, sought Gerken’s advice in dealing with the Dossier.” Gerken “advised [Stubbs] to ‘be candid'” about the Dossier with faculty members, including Cosgrove and Eldik. Stubbs “explained to Gerken that the allegations in the Dossier were false and questioned why her own candor was at issue.”

Thereafter, “Gerken and Cosgrove personally approached the [P]rofessor, who was in the process of hiring Coker Fellows” to “dissuade him from offering a Coker Fellowship to” either plaintiff and to “convince him that [plaintiffs] were lying about their interactions with Chua, making them untrustworthy and unsuited for employment, despite the [P]rofessor already employing [plaintiffs] as his research assistants.” Gerken and Cosgrove showed the Professor “a copy of the Dossier that Cosgrove had personally marked up with highlighting and annotations to show where Cosgrove believed that [plaintiffs] were lying.” “Cosgrove did not try to investigate the specific allegations contained in the Dossier[,]” even though plaintiffs “repeatedly informed her that” it contained “lies and misrepresentations.” Plaintiffs assert that “[t]hese actions constituted improper retaliation[]” as defined in the University’s Policy Against Discrimination and Harassment (hereinafter the “Policy”).

As a result of defendants’ actions, plaintiffs have suffered “significant harm[,]” including “significant career damage[.]” Plaintiffs “did not apply for any judicial clerkships, and their ability to form and maintain relationships with their peers has also been irreparably and permanently stunted.” Plaintiffs have “suffered insomnia, anxiety, nausea, and loss of appetite.”

The court allowed the plaintiffs to go ahead with their intentional interference with prospective business relationship claim, which has as its elements, “(1) a business relationship between the plaintiff and another party; (2) the defendant’s intentional interference with the business relationship while knowing of the relationship; and (3) as a result of the interference, the plaintiff suffers actual loss”:

{Plaintiffs contend that they “have pleaded the specific relationships that were harmed: the Coker Fellowship with the Professor and federal clerkship opportunities[.]”} Defendants concede that plaintiffs have “plausibly allege[d] a business relationship with the Professor.” … [P]laintiffs have [also] stated a claim with respect to the lost clerkship opportunities. Here, drawing all inferences in favor of plaintiffs, plaintiffs have alleged that defendants knew of their prospective relationships with federal judges and sought to specifically target those relationships by threatening that the Dossier would “end up in ‘every judges’ chambers[.]'” …

[D]rawing all inferences in plaintiffs’ favor as to lost clerkship opportunities, plaintiffs have plausibly alleged “that, except for the tortious interference of the defendant[s], there was a reasonable probability that the plaintiff[s] would have” been hired as federal judicial law clerks.  As “compelling candidates” from YLS, it is reasonable to infer that but-for defendants’ interference, plaintiffs would have applied for, and been hired as, federal judicial law clerks. At this early stage, this is sufficient to plead actual loss.

But the court rejected plaintiffs’ breach of contract (and promissory estoppel) claim that was based on a Yale Anti-Retaliation Policy, because “The events in question occurred before the Policy on which plaintiffs rely was adopted,” and in any event,

The breach of contract claim also fails because the conduct alleged in the Second Amended Complaint does not fall within the scope of the Policy that was allegedly breached. Defendants attach a copy of the Policy to their Motion to Dismiss…. The plain language of the Policy prohibits retaliation in response to complaints of discrimination or harassment based on a “protected characteristic” as that term is defined in the Policy…. The allegations [in the Second Amended Complaint] do not assert retaliation because plaintiffs reported racial discrimination and harassment. To be sure, the allegations of the Second Amended Complaint suggest an undercurrent of plaintiffs’ concerns regarding the treatment of minority students and professors at YLS. The Second Amended Complaint, however, alleges that defendants retaliated against plaintiffs because plaintiffs refused to be complicit in the alleged vendetta against Chua, not because plaintiffs reported concerns about racial discrimination and harassment….

The court also rejected plaintiffs’ defamation claims:

[T]he Court finds that the claim in the Dossier that plaintiffs “repeatedly lied[]” [about the dinners] is the type of statement that could constitute defamation per se….

Taken in the context of the legal profession, where character reigns supreme and is rigorously verified before admission, a statement of fact that a person “repeatedly lied” could undoubtedly “injure a man in his profession and calling[.]” This statement gives rise to a presumption of “injury” to plaintiffs’ “reputation … such that plaintiff[s] need neither plead nor prove” the injury in order to state a claim for defamation.

However, the allegations of the Second Amended Complaint do not assert that defendants conveyed objective facts, sufficient to constitute actionable defamation…. The Second Amended Complaint alleges that Gerken and Cosgrove approached the Professor with a marked-up version of the Dossier to show the Professor that Cosgrove “believed” plaintiffs were lying about certain matters, in an attempt to dissuade him from selecting plaintiffs for a Coker Fellowship…. A belief is not “[a] statement [that] can be defined as factual” because it does not “relate[] to an event or state of affairs that existed in the past or present and is capable of being known.” Rather, this statement, given the circumstances in which it occurred, could only constitute an evaluative, “personal comment about another’s conduct, qualifications or character that has some basis in fact[,]” which is non-actionable opinion.

Plaintiffs assert that Gerken and Cosgrove “proceeded to share the Dossier as a fact they accepted as true” because they “refused to investigate[]” the allegations of the Dossier. Plaintiffs assert that the lack of investigation transformed the opinion into one that “impl[ied] knowledge of existing facts,” which “are not protected and can ultimately be considered as defamatory as pure factual statements.” The lack of investigation, however, does not transform opinion into fact. Nor does the failure to investigate mean that Cosgrove and Gerken accepted the statement as true. Rather, without an investigation, Cosgrove and Gerken were in no position to present anything as fact, and were accordingly limited to  presenting their beliefs and other non-actionable evaluative opinions….

And the court also rejected plaintiffs’ disclosure of private facts, false light, and intentional infliction of emotional distress claims.

The post The Yaliest of All Torts: Wrongful Interference with Clerkships appeared first on Reason.com.

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Al Gore & John Kerry Aim To Hijack The World Bank For Climate Agenda

Al Gore & John Kerry Aim To Hijack The World Bank For Climate Agenda

Authored by Mike Shedlock via MishTalk.com,

Let’s discuss the goals of the World Bank and climate activists aim to change those goals…

Al Gore and John Kerry image from Tweet below.

World Bank Goals   

The World Bank has two ambitious goals neither of which is climate change.

  1. End extreme poverty within a generation

  2. Boost shared prosperity

Goal number one will not happen, even within several generations. Goal number two is ambiguous enough that it might.

Neither of those goals has anything to do with climate change but Al Gore and John Kerry want to change that. 

At a New York Times sponsored event last week, Gore and Kerry accused World Bank President David Malpass of being a climate denier. The climate lobbyists in the press then piled accusing Malpass for  refusing “to acknowledge that the burning of fossil fuels is rapidly warming the planet.”

But climate science is not part of Malpass’ expertise, not should it be given World Bank goals. Let’s pick up from there with comments by the WSJ.

Gore-Kerry Political Hit Job

Please consider A Gore-Kerry Political Hit Job.

Bloomberg and Axios, both advocates for the Gore-Kerry agenda in their reporting, teased that the Biden Administration is looking into the issue and that Mr. Malpass’s job could be in jeopardy. Axios even hinted that Mr. Gore might then get the World Bank job.

Mr. Malpass said he isn’t resigning and made clear he thinks greenhouse gases are contributing to climate change. He has no cause to step down, having managed the bank in a commendable fashion since he took the job in 2019. 

The World Bank’s main job is to alleviate poverty. This requires energy, which today is still most efficiently and affordably provided by fossil fuels. Yet Mr. Kerry recently cautioned African leaders against investing in long-term natural gas production, as if they have an alternative if they want to develop.

This is an indulgence in a place like California, which is affluent enough to pay twice what its neighboring states do for energy. But it amounts to condemning countries in Africa and much of the developing world to more decades of poverty.

Mr. Kerry may even be consigning poor countries to needless hunger from rising prices and perhaps a global shortage of natural gas for fertilizer. Climate monomania is easier to preach with a sea-side view from a bluff in Martha’s Vineyard than it is from a village with unreliable electricity in the Congo.

Climate Hypocrites

Meanwhile, Kerry and Gore travel the globe in carbon-spewing private jets or government aircraft.

Gore has been wrongly preaching climate doom for decades. They hold doom conferences to foster unrealistic emissions targets. 

The irony, as noted by the Journal, is U.S. carbon emissions reductions in recent decades are almost entirely the result of the expansion of natural gas production that the climate lobby wants to shut down.

Exploring the Massive Clean Energy Boondoggle of Burning Trees as Carbon Neutral

In case you missed, it please see Exploring the Massive Clean Energy Boondoggle of Burning Trees as Carbon Neutral

To the shock of everyone with any semblance of common sense, we are clearcutting forests and burning the trees based on the idea the process is carbon neutral.

Also, Let’s Review 50 Years of Dire Climate Forecasts and What Actually Happened

Many of the predictions are outrageously funny.

*  *  *

Like these reports? I hope so, and if you do, please Subscribe to MishTalk Email Alerts.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/29/2022 – 18:20

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“Historic Levels Of Fraud”: US Watchdog Estimates $45.6 Billion Bilked From Pandemic Unemployment Program

“Historic Levels Of Fraud”: US Watchdog Estimates $45.6 Billion Bilked From Pandemic Unemployment Program

A federal watchdog has found that $45.6 billion may have been scammed out of the nation’s unemployment program during the pandemic, as fraudsters used a variety of methods to commit fraud – including using the Social Security numbers of dead people, hard-to-trace emails, and the identities of prisoners who were ineligible for aid.

According to the Washington Post, a Thursday report by the inspector general for the Labor Department reveals that the program – which helped some 57 million families in the first five months of the crisis – became an easy target for criminals.

To siphon away funds, scammers allegedly filed billions of dollars in unemployment claims in multiple states simultaneously and relied on suspicious, hard-to-trace emails. In some cases, they used more than 205,000 Social Security numbers that belonged to dead people. Other suspected criminals obtained benefits using the identities of prisoners who were ineligible for aid.

But officials at the watchdog office warned their accounting still may be incomplete: They said they were not able to access more updated federal prisoner data from the Justice Department, and acknowledged that they only focused their report on “high risk” areas for fraud. The two factors raised the prospect that they could uncover billions of dollars in additional theft in the months to come. -WaPo

At least 1,000 individuals have been charged with unemployment fraud and related crimes, according to a Thursday announcement. DOJ director of covid-related enforcement, Kevin Chambers, described the situation as “unprecedented fraud,” while the IG’s office says it’s opened roughly 190,000 related investigative matters since the beginning of the pandemic.

The new report highlights challenges faced by government watchdogs and regulators, two years after what became roughly $5 trillion in (inflationary) pandemic aid was printed in response to the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.

Last week, federal prosecutors  charged 47 individuals from the Minnesota Somali community for allegedly bilking $250 million in Covid-19 federal funds meant for a child nutrition program, in what the DOJ described as the largest single fraud case related to pandemic aid to date.

Twitter via @LouRaguse

Meanwhile, federal investigators are looking into roughly $1 trillion in loans an grants designed to help small businesses.

Hundreds of billions in pandemic funds attracted fraudsters seeking to exploit the UI program — resulting in historic levels of fraud and other improper payments,” said Labor Department inspector general, Larry Turner.

Turner’s office found that between March and October 2020, there were roughly $16 billion in potential fraud in key high-risk areas.

One lawmaker actually who’s actually pursuing the fraud is Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR), who chairs the Senate Finance Committee. Wyden praised the “strong effort to identify criminals,” but stressed the need to overhaul the jobless benefits system.

“I’ve long said we need a national set of technology and security standards for state systems to better prevent this kind of fraud, and we’re going to keep working to get our reforms passed,” he added.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/29/2022 – 18:00

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Trump Wins Ruling In Rape Accuser Carroll’s Defamation Lawsuit

Trump Wins Ruling In Rape Accuser Carroll’s Defamation Lawsuit

Authored by Rita Li via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

A federal appeals court in Manhattan handed former President Donald Trump a procedural victory Tuesday in a defamation lawsuit, after famed columnist E. Jean Carroll claimed that Trump had raped her in the 1990s.

Former President Donald Trump speaks at a Save America Rally to support Republican candidates running for state and federal offices in the state at the Covelli Centre, in Youngstown, Ohio, on Sept. 17, 2022. (Jeff Swensen/Getty Images)

In a two-to-one decision on Sept. 27, the panel on the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that a lower court erred when it ruled that Carroll could sue Trump for defamatory statements during his presidency, given that a federal law, known as the Westfall Act, shields government employees from liability in work-related incidents.

Carroll, 78, sued Trump in 2019, claiming the Republican sexually assaulted her in the mid-1990s in a dressing room at a Bergdorf Goodman department store in Manhattan. Because the alleged attack happened decades ago, Carroll was originally barred from suing over sexual battery, pushing her to sue for defamation over allegedly disparaging comments Trump made about the rape allegation.

Trump denied her allegation at the time and accused her of using false claims as a way to promote her book. “I’ll say it with great respect: Number one, she’s not my type. Number two, it never happened,” the-then president told The Hill in an interview at the White House in June 2019.

The D.C. Court of Appeals is now asked to weigh in on whether Trump was acting within the scope of his presidential duties when he denied raping Carroll and dismissed her during the interview. If Trump was, he would be entitled to immunity from the lawsuit, according to the ruling by the 2nd Circuit judges. And while the U.S. government can be sued over some wrongdoing by its employees, it is immune from defamation lawsuits, which would mean Carroll’s suit would fail.

In a majority opinion written by Circuit Judge Guido Calabresi on Tuesday, two members of the 2nd Circuit’s three-judge panel declined to further address the defamation action while the matter was “of extreme public importance.”

We do not pass judgment or express any view as to whether Trump’s public statements were indeed defamatory or whether the sexual assault allegations had, in fact, occurred,” the judges said.

E. Jean Carroll talks to reporters outside a courthouse in New York on March 4, 2020. (Seth Wenig, File/AP Photo)

Trump’s lawyer Alina Habba, meanwhile, welcomed the decision, saying it “will protect the ability of all future presidents to effectively govern without hindrance.”

“We are confident that the D.C. Court of Appeals will find that our client was acting within the scope of his employment when properly repudiating Ms. Carroll’s allegations,” she said in a statement.

Former Attorney General William Barr and current Attorney General Merrick Garland defended the Department of Justice’s decision to back Trump as a defendant in the ongoing defamation case.

Dissent

In an opinion written by Judge Denny Chin, the third judge who dissented, he said that the law protecting federal employees from liability does not apply to Trump. He said it was only to protect low-level, rank-and-file government employees rather than the president.

And he said at least some of the former president’s statements were not part of his official duties.

“Trump was not acting in the scope of his employment when he made comments about Carroll and her accusations because he was not serving any purpose of the federal government,” wrote the judge, who was appointed by former President Barack Obama.

“In the context of an accusation of rape, the comment ‘she’s not my type’ surely is not something one would expect the President of the United States to say in the course of his duties. Carroll’s allegations plausibly paint a picture of a man pursuing a personal vendetta against an accuser, not the United States’ ‘chief constitutional officer’ engaging in ‘supervisory and policy responsibilities of utmost discretion and sensitivity,’” Chin added.

Read more here…

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/29/2022 – 17:40

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Italy’s Return to Fascism?


Image of Giorgia Meloni overlaid on Italian flag

Reason’s Zach Weissmueller and Nick Gillespie spoke with Jonah Goldberg of The Dispatch about the recent election in Italy, which saw the ascendance of the Brothers of Italy party to power as the governing majority and likely paves to way for Italy’s first female prime minister, Giorgia Meloni. 

The reaction has been swift and severe. Some commentators have characterized this as the return of fascism to Italy, pointing to past associations and political imagery as evidence that neo-fascists are now in charge. On the other hand, some American conservatives have said the rhetoric is over the top and that the Left is just throwing around the term fascist to discredit a political movement they don’t like. 

Goldberg published a best-seller on this very topic called Liberal Fascism in 2008 and become known as a persistent critic of the brand of right-wing populism that Trump brought into the Republican Party and which is taking hold in many places in Europe such as Italy, Hungary and Sweden.

Watch the full discussion above.

The post Italy's Return to Fascism? appeared first on Reason.com.

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The AFA, FIRE, and AAUP on Idaho’s Abortion-Related Speech Restrictions

The general counsel of the University of Idaho issued a guidance memo to university employees regarding the implications of the state’s new abortion law for university operations. That memo told professors that they should maintain instructional neutrality in any classroom discussions relating to abortion if they wished to avoid the possibility of criminal prosecution. I wrote about the law and the memo in an earlier post. Eugene Volokh has likewise blogged about it.

The Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression and the Academic Freedom Alliance and the American Association of University Professors have now issued separate letters regarding the assault on academic freedom in Idaho. The FIRE letter can be found hereThe AAUP statement can be found here. The AFA letter can be found here.

From the AFA letter:

It is imperative that the University of Idaho not merely inform the faculty of the potential risks of teaching with such a law on the books but also strongly voice its objections to any such interpretation or application of the state law. The general counsel’s guidance sends a chilling message to every member of the faculty who must discuss difficult and controversial material relating to abortion as part of their teaching duties. The statute itself might not recognize “academic freedom [as] a defense to violation of law,” but the First Amendment is an overriding limitation on the power of the state legislature to impose such a restriction on classroom teaching in state universities.

The post The AFA, FIRE, and AAUP on Idaho's Abortion-Related Speech Restrictions appeared first on Reason.com.

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Zoning Laws Make Child Care Unaffordable in Utah


Pre-school children playing with their teacher on the floor

Utahns fork over half a paycheck (or more) for child care, while child care workers struggle with low pay. And costly zoning laws are to blame.

Utah has a child care shortage, with long waitlists for parents trying to get babies and toddlers into centers. According to Susan Madsen, a Utah State University leadership professor who testified to the state’s Economic Development and Workforce Services Interim Committee last year, over 150,000 children in Utah under 6 possibly need child care, but only 63,000 slots are available in formal child care programs or other state-licensed ones.

In that same hearing, Johnny Anderson, a former state lawmaker and the president and CEO of ABC Great Beginnings child care centers, told the committee that growing areas in the state don’t have an adequate amount of child care facilities. 

But building them can be a nightmare. During a May 2021 hearing at the state Capitol, child care center owners told lawmakers about the many obstacles certain zoning practices create for them. Many of those laws add hundreds of thousands of dollars to a project before a center even opens, keeping would-be center owners from entering the child care market and keeping costs high for families.

“You gotta spend money not only on the property, you gotta spend money on engineering, architecture to get something that you can finally get in front of a city staff to get approval to move to the next stage, which is often a planning commission,” Anderson said last year. “You’re going to get an up-or-down vote from them or recommendations of things that you gotta change before you can finally get over to a city council.”

Anderson recalled that after finding a property in a master-planned community that had the zoning for a child care center, he still had to go through a frustrating rezoning process.

“It takes four months to get in front of a city council just for the rezone. And as I’m sitting in that city council meeting, the city council members start arguing amongst themselves whether or not the zone that they had identified on a master plan was really the zone that they want in that space.” The city attorney ultimately asked Anderson to go through the rezoning process again.

Anderson believes local officials have no idea what these delays and denials cost. “I said, ‘I am paying $13,000 a month in interest on this piece of ground. And you act as though it’s nothing for me to go back and start this process over.'”

In addition, he had to bury power lines and install a new sidewalk. Then the city changed its water detention standards before he got his building permit. “All of this resulted in about $400,000 above what the construction costs were going to be for this facility,” Anderson said. Not many child care center owners have an extra $400,000 lying around.

Staffing child care facilities is another hurdle. Anderson said that while child care centers in Utah spend about $0.50 on staffing for every dollar in revenue, “We have to figure out a way to get more money to our staff.” Not forcing centers to spend hundreds of thousands of dollars to meet unnecessary zoning requirements could help.

An easy zoning fix would be to give child care centers the same development flexibility as charter schools. “Charter schools are basically treated like public schools, which are basically treated like state facilities,” said Anderson. “Where, as long as you are [sticking to a] uniform building code, cities really can’t get in your way.”

Both Republicans and Democrats in the Utah Legislature tell Reason that they have not decided what child care bills, if any, they will run next session. However, they also pointed to recent bills that reduced regulations and expanded access to child care. Lawmakers consistently get pushback from cities that don’t want the state butting into local zoning decisions, no matter how unreasonable those rules are. And the powerful Utah League of Cities and Towns, a nonpartisan cooperative of localities, is also known to fight state laws targeting local zoning.

But the major problems won’t be solved if petty city tyrants are allowed to jerk around small business owners. And Utahns will continue paying the price for the state’s child care shortage as potential owners face many setbacks in opening new centers. As Anderson said, “The new people…who want to take that risk cannot do this.”

The post Zoning Laws Make Child Care Unaffordable in Utah appeared first on Reason.com.

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The University of Idaho Tries To Force Faculty To Remain ‘Neutral’ on Abortion


University of Idaho

At the University of Idaho, administrators can pass out condoms to prevent the spread of STDs but not to prevent pregnancy. Why? The University has adopted an extreme set of policies as part of an overzealous attempt to comply with an Idaho state bill banning the use of public funds for abortion—violating faculty free speech rights in the process.

Last week, the University of Idaho’s General Counsel released a policy aimed at directing faculty and staff behavior following the enforcement of Idaho’s “No Public Funds for Abortion Act.” However, the policy appears to go beyond the requirements of Idaho law, instead banning faculty and staff from expressing opinions on the subject of abortion. The university’s policy not only is unconstitutional but also shows how free speech is often on the chopping block when vague laws and nervous administrators collide.

In 2021, the Idaho Legislature passed a bill prohibiting the use of public funds to “provide, perform, or induce an abortion; assist in the provision or performance of an abortion; promote abortion; counsel in favor of abortion; refer for abortion; or provide facilities for an abortion or for training to provide or perform an abortion.” The law also bans public university tuition and fees from being used for these purposes. Further, public university–run health clinics and university employees are also prohibited from providing emergency contraception, except in the case of rape, in addition to other limits on their conduct.

The law is vague, and it is unclear whether the bill would pass First Amendment muster. Whether the law is constitutional would primarily depend on an interpretation of the word “promote.” As Eugene Volokh wrote in The Volokh Conspiracy this week, “In this sort of context, it seems to me, ‘promote’ does not refer to abstract advocacy, such as the statement ‘I believe that abortion should be legal’ or even ‘I encourage you to obtain an abortion.’ It refers to the recommendation to a particular person to get an abortion.”

In that case, banning the “promotion” of abortion is likely compliant with the First Amendment. As Volokh argues, the act of “promoting” abortion, applied to mean specifically urging someone to obtain an abortion “would probably also be constitutionally unprotected [speech], at least if it’s urging an abortion in Idaho, since that would be solicitation of a crime.”

However, the University of Idaho appears to interpret “promotion” to include any action that appears to show a favorable opinion of abortion. In doing so, the school has banned expression clearly protected by the First Amendment—which, as a public institution, it is directly prohibited from doing.

The University of Idaho’s policy goes beyond what is explicitly banned in law. In addition to banning employees from promoting abortion, counseling in favor of it, providing referrals for abortion, or contracting with abortion providers, the university’s policy curtails faculty speech in typical classroom discussions.

“Classroom discussion of [abortion] should be approached carefully. While academic freedom supports classroom discussions of topics related to abortion, these should be limited to discussions and topics relevant to the class subject,” wrote the university’s General Counsel. “Academic freedom is not a defense to violation of law, and faculty or others in charge of classroom topics and discussion must themselves remain neutral on the topic and cannot conduct or engage in discussions in violation of these prohibitions without risking prosecution.”

The university’s “neutrality” mandate also applies to classroom discussions of contraception. The university justifies this by invoking an existing Idaho law that prohibits anyone who isn’t a doctor or medical professional acting under a doctor’s orders from distributing or advertising contraceptives. The university defends its interpretation of the law—an interpretation that also led the school to allow university employees to provide condoms to students to prevent the spread of STDs but not for pregnancy prevention—by arguing that relevant state law is “unclear and untested in the courts. Since violation is considered a felony, we are advising a conservative approach here, that the university not provide standard birth control itself.”

Such a restriction on academic freedom clearly violates the First Amendment. “No statute can authorize a public university to censor pedagogically relevant classroom discussion,” said Adam Steinbaugh, an attorney with the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, in a press release about the policy. “Speech about abortion—legal or not—cannot be limited based on its viewpoint.”

The University of Idaho is clearly afraid of scrutiny from overzealous prosecutors. However, fear does not justify silencing academic freedom. “U of I’s sweeping policy directly contravenes the university’s legal obligations and impermissibly chills in-class speech by placing faculty in perpetual fear of punishment for their protected expression,” wrote Graham Piro, a program officer at FIRE, in a letter addressing the university. “It does not take a significant stretch of the imagination to see how the university’s guidance will adversely impact classroom instruction. For example, a political science professor publishing a public policy argument that abortion should be lawful will have to self-censor to ensure the discussion is not perceived as being ‘in favor of abortion.'”

The University of Idaho’s actions show what can happen when nervous university lawyers are put in charge of interpreting vague state laws. Ultimately, when a university places its desire to avoid controversy over protecting academic freedom, First Amendment rights are often the first to go.

The post The University of Idaho Tries To Force Faculty To Remain 'Neutral' on Abortion appeared first on Reason.com.

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Surprise! Democrats Stall Bill Banning Congressional Stock-Trading

Surprise! Democrats Stall Bill Banning Congressional Stock-Trading

With the House in session just two more days before lawmakers leave for the usual midterm panderings, a (repeated) promise by Democrat leaders to vote on a congressional stock-trading ban this month appears not to be in the cards – despite a scorching analysis from the NYT which revealed thousands of stock trades by 97 current lawmakers which posed potential conflicts of interest.

As Punchbowl News reports, House Democrats aren’t likely to vote on the Cognressional stock-trading ban “anytime soon.”

When the outlet asked House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer about its passage, he replied: “Well, it was just introduced. … I gotta look at it and see what it is.” Hoyer had previously stated in closed-door leadership meetings that he didn’t like what was being proposed.

According to House Majority Whip Jim Clyburn, there are concerns inside the Democratic Caucus following a Wednesday night leadership meeting.

“Oh yeah,” he told Punchbowl when asked if he was aware of such complaints.

Meanwhile, other sources inside the House Democratic leadership said there was “very little chance” the bill would see any action before the House adjourns for the election.

At Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s request which we first reported back in February – House Administration Committee Chair Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.) took the lead in drafting a stock-trading bill. The 26-page proposal unveiled by Lofgren on Tuesday night would ban stock trading by lawmakers, their spouses, and dependent children, the president and vice president, Cabinet officers, federal judges including Supreme Court justices, and other senior government officials.

Covered public officials would be required to divest their financial investments or place them in a qualified blind trust upon entering government service.

Pelosi has gotten criticism over stock trading by her husband, investor Paul Pelosi, although there’s been no allegation of improper or unethical behavior. Business Insider also reported that dozens of lawmakers may have violated a federal law barring insider trading or conflicts of interest. -Punchbowl News

Lofgren says she’s received “pretty positive” feedback from other members regarding her plan – though she admitted that fellow Democrats have concerns.

“Well, we’re Democrats, we always have a point of view,” she told reporters, but added that she doesn’t think the bill is dead even if the House fails to pass it this week.

“I don’t think so because the Senate is not going to get theirs done this week either,” she said.

“Pelosi never really wanted a vote on this anyway,” said one senior Democratic aide.

Duh…

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/29/2022 – 17:20

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Memory Holed: “The Election Was Hacked”

Memory Holed: “The Election Was Hacked”

Authored by Matt Taibbi and Matt Orfalea via TK News,

Mercifully, the January 6th committee hearings in congress were canceled yesterday, presumably because Hurricane Ian’s landfall would have botched ratings. With midterms approaching, Democrats have a lot riding on January 6th and are growing impatient. New York congressman Sean Patrick Maloney, who runs the party’s campaign arm, even grumbled about a lack of indictments.

“I think it’s going to be very hard for people to understand if there aren’t actions by the Justice Department to hold people accountable,” he said.

As with Ukrainegate and impeachment, and Russiagate before that, polls show January 6th remains low on the list of voter concerns (the cratering economy is first). However, the reason it “may be hard for people to understand,” as Maloney says, is that congress has spent too much time blurring lines between election denial and conspiracy to overturn the result. If they just focused on the latter — and they have produced evidence, like Trump asking Acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen to seize voting machines — the hearings might be more effective, even with Republicans.

But they haven’t been, for a reason made obvious by Matt Orfalea’s damning video — which YouTube incredibly has already demonetized — above. Amid sweeping efforts to punish election denial in the Trump context, both criminally and with censorship, an almost exactly similar denial campaign that inspired four-plus years of blue politics has been dropped down a memory hole.

Led by the losing candidate in 2016, Democratic Party politicians along with law enforcement and intelligence officials and media spent years denying the legitimacy of Trump’s presidency, based on an equally specious/dishonest formulation: “The election was hacked.” Moreover, they instigated removal efforts based on the same declare-guilt-now, prove-it-later mentality that gripped figures like Trump and Rudy Giuliani in 2020. How different really is “Just say it was corrupt and leave the rest to me” from “We just have to dig deeper, do the investigation and find it”?

The January 6th hearings ironically are an outgrowth of the Democrats’ own six-year-long election denial endeavor, involving the same people who pushed attempts to remove Trump based on manufactured theories of foreign collusion. There’s an automatic Boy Who Cried Wolf factor built in to hearings that include the likes of California’s Adam Schiff (“I can’t go into the particulars, but there is more than circumstantial evidence now”) or Maryland’s Jamie Raskin (“Donald Trump is the hoax perpetrated on the Americans by the Russians”).

Moreover, congressional Democrats’ successful push for censorship on platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube — a campaign that began even before January 6th — reveal that the party considers the act of denial itself illegitimate and ban-worthy, if not criminal. But how can that be if, as the video shows, the party’s own leaders engage in the same behavior? How can declaring the 2020 election illegitimate be prohibited, if saying the same thing about 2016 was and is encouraged?

The two stories obviously aren’t the same. But they’re a lot closer than we’ve been led to believe:

TK News subscribers can read more here…

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/29/2022 – 17:00

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/x3qMQeU Tyler Durden