Watch: Tucker Carlson Warns “Elites Are Making Things Worse On Purpose”

Watch: Tucker Carlson Warns “Elites Are Making Things Worse On Purpose”

Authored by Paul Joseph Watson via Summit News,

In a compelling monologue, Tucker Carlson warned that “history changing events” including energy and food shortages are occurring all at once and society is rapidly collapsing while the masses try to ignore it.

Carlson pointed out that “Europe is descending into poverty” because of spiralling energy costs and the inability of countries to provide their own power sources.

“Energy is the key to a functioning society, and the elites don’t care,” Carlson pointed out, adding the caveat “Or maybe they do care — and they’re making things worse on purpose.”

“You can reach a place in your society where the people in charge and their lapdogs in the media become so completely disconnected from the concerns of actual people, become so totally uninterested in the lives of citizens, that society becomes very volatile, and we are fast approaching that point,” the host further warned.

Carlson pointed to government warnings across Europe of severe power outages in winter and crack downs on energy use while they, along with the U.S., funnel billions from their own economies to Ukraine.

“This is not just bad policy, this makes no sense,” Carlson concluded, adding “It only makes sense if the goal is to completely destroy the west.”

Blackouts are coming to America. Energy use crack downs are already here. California’s Independent System Operator (ISO) declared an Energy Emergency level 3 Tuesday evening, warning that “rotating power outages” are “very possible.”

The announcement came after Democrat Governor Gavin Newsom appeared on social media in a winter clothing while asking residents to do “their part,” to conserve energy during a heat wave.

Meanwhile, Biden energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm praised the state’s green energy policies, saying California is leading the way and that every other state should follow.

In a further interview, Granholm stated “I love the fact that California is unabashedly bold about (green) energy policy.”

* * *

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Tyler Durden
Wed, 09/07/2022 – 09:45

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Brent Crude Plunges Below $90, Posing A Major Challenge For OPEC+

Brent Crude Plunges Below $90, Posing A Major Challenge For OPEC+

Oil is tumbling this morning with Brent slumping below $90 to the lowest since February and WTI dumping below $84 for the first time since January…

… as oil prices in the highest odds of any asset class as Goldman first pointed out last week.

The drop has obviously undone all the earlier gains after Russian President Vladimir Putin underlined that his country won’t supply oil and fuel if price caps on the country’s exports are introduced, which briefly pushed oil higher. Putin’s comments follow the G7 most industrialized countries agreeing to back an oil price cap for global purchases of Russian oil. It remains unclear how many countries have signed up to put limits on Russia.

The renewed weakness – which according to Bloomberg’s Jake Lloyd Smith – is driven by a nasty combination of demand concerns plus the dollar’s jump to a record – will test OPEC+’s appetite for further action.

When the cartel wrapped up its Monday meeting that endorsed a token 100,000 barrel a day cut in production, it also highlighted it would be willing to call another gathering “anytime to address market developments, if necessary.” Given the next scheduled talks are not until Oct. 5 – a full four weeks away – the latest selloff raises the possibility of an ad hoc session before then.

After the tiny reduction in supply, OPEC+ kingpin Saudi Arabia showcased that OPEC+ would be “attentive, preemptive and pro-active” in terms of managing the world’s most important commodity market. Those very public comments, plus the subsequent weakness in prices, may herald a test of Riyadh’s resolve.

Meanwhile, even as oil slides, the price of regular gasoline is once again rising in California after steady declines since mid-June reversed course over the Labor Day weekend.

The end of the peak summer travel season typically brings lower fuel prices, but this year, a lack of imports and a refinery hiccup combined to drain stockpiles, sending wholesale and retail prices higher in the past week. Rising pump prices exacerbate the energy crisis Californians are already facing: a punishing heat wave and possible blackouts.

Tyler Durden
Wed, 09/07/2022 – 09:33

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Western Elites’ “Sanctions Fever” Will See Common People “Freeze” & Wreck Lives: Putin

Western Elites’ “Sanctions Fever” Will See Common People “Freeze” & Wreck Lives: Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin blasted the ongoing “sanctions fever” in the West in a wide-ranging speech before the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok, in the country’s far east, where as we described earlier the Chinese delegation was the largest in attendance. Top Chinese legislator Li Zhanshu was in attendance when the Russian leader stressed, “no matter how much someone would like to isolate Russia, it is impossible to do this.”

Instead, he said the blowback from EU and US-led sanctions and attempts at decoupling from Russian fossil fuels is wrecking lives in the West. “Now we are seeing how production and jobs in Europe are closing one after another,” Putin said, stressing that this is happening as “Western elites, who would not, or even cannot acknowledge objective facts.”

His theme, like in a number of prior major speeches, was Western elites’ inability to recognize the inevitable shift from a unipolar to multipolar world (literally the name for this year’s forum is “On the Path to a Multipolar World.”), or away from “the world order that benefits only them, forcing everyone to live under the rules, which they invented and which they regularly break and constantly change depending on the situation,” he said according to a state media translation. 

Russian President Vladimir Putin delivers at the 2022 Eastern Economic Forum (EEF) in Vladivostok, Russia on Wednesday.

That they “would not, or even cannot acknowledge objective facts” about global changes reveals their “growing detachment” from the common people they claim to represent. And yet now, European populations could “freeze” while being denied crucial Russian energy by leaders who shortsightedly want to lash out in emotional response to the Ukraine invasion

“The [coronavirus] epidemic has been replaced by other global challenges that threaten the entire world,” Putin told the Eastern Economic Forum in Russia’s Pacific port city of Vladivostok. 

“I’m referring to the West’s sanctions fever,” he said, criticizing “blatant and aggressive” attempts to “subjugate” countries that have not imposed economic restrictions on Russia

He dismissed as “nonsense” the widespread allegations that Russia using using gas as an energy weapon, saying it’s as simple as releasing the necessary parts for the safe and proper functioning of pipelines operated by Gazprom. 

“Give us turbines and we’ll turn on Nord Stream tomorrow, but they won’t give us anything,” Putin told the audience, further addressing the latest global headlines of an EU-mulled price cap on Russian oil and gas, calling the proposal “another stupidity.” He suggested the dilemma remains simple:

“There are contractual obligations and if there are any political decisions that contradict them, then we simply won’t fulfill them. We won’t supply anything at all if it contradicts our economic interests, in this case. We won’t supply gas, oil, coal or heating oil.”

Part of the aforementioned objective facts Western leaders refuse to acknowledge is that nations importing Russian energy “are in no position to dictate their will.” Putin said he’s still “confident we haven’t lost anything and won’t lose anything [after invading Ukraine]. Our main gain is strengthening sovereignty.”

“Let them come to their senses,” Putin emphasized. And yet in remains that “The EU authorities are denying European businesses accessible raw materials, energy and markets.” And so plummeting standards of living and the rising inflation now being experienced by Europeans – especially headed into the Winter months – will continue to be sacrificed to American interests until these leaders do finally come to their sense, the Russian leader explained.

It will be no surprise when the market shares of European businesses, both in the continent and globally, will be taken by their American patrons. When they pursue their interests, they don’t limit themselves or shy away from anything.”

Interestingly, he addressed the status of the Nord Stream 2 Russia to Germany pipeline which was halted before it ever came online in the wake of the Ukraine crisis, saying Moscow remains “ready” to begin pumping gas through NS2 if the other side is willing:

We are not building anything for no reason. We have received and perfected the necessary technology. We will turn on Nord Stream 2 if necessary,” Putin said.

According to him, Nord Stream 1 is currently virtually closed, and the West claims that Moscow is using the gas pipeline as an energy weapon. “Nonsense. We supply as much as our partners need – we fulfill whatever they put in the application,” Putin added.

Acknowledging the large Chinese delegation presence, and the attendance of the number three top Chinese government official for the forum, Putin said “I hope to see Xi Jinping in Uzbekistan soon.”

Russian energy giant Gazprom earlier this week issued a rather provocative video aimed at Europe and what it can expect for the coming winter:

Subsequently, it’s been confirmed by Kremlin officials that “Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping to meet next week at summit in Uzbekistan,” according to ABC News. The two large nuclear-armed nations just wrapped up a week of joint war games, among multiple other nations represented, at Vostok 2022 in the same far eastern region of Russia.

Tyler Durden
Wed, 09/07/2022 – 09:30

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The ‘Real’ State Of The Consumer

The ‘Real’ State Of The Consumer

Authored by Michael Lebowitz via RealInvestmentAdvice.com,

Earnings for consumer staples and discretionary companies rely heavily on individual consumers’ financial health and sentiment. The recent bout of high inflation and negative real wage growth is taking a mental and financial toll on many consumers. In this article, we explore consumer staple and discretionary companies to see how they are navigating the inflation storm.  

The differences we share in this article between consumer staples and discretionary companies differ from what often occurs in a slowing economy. That said, almost everything over the past two years has been different.

The State of the Consumer

Before walking through our analysis, it’s worth reviewing a few factors governing consumer spending.

Real wages (after inflation) have been declining for over a year.

To maintain consumption levels, consumers are drawing down savings rapidly. Personal savings are back to levels last seen five years ago.

In addition to using savings, credit card usage is growing at the fastest clip in over 20 years.

The three graphs tell us the story of many consumers. Their real wages are declining. To compensate they are increasingly relying on savings and credit. Both have limits, and many consumers are likely at or near those limits. As such, it becomes increasingly unlikely that consumers’ buying habits will remain as they are. Consumers will have some tough choices to make.

Corporate Operating Profit Margins

Operating profit margin is the financial statement metric we prefer to judge which companies are negatively and positively affected by inflation. Operating profit margin measures the sales and expenses of a company’s core business. It does not include ancillary revenues and expenses.

The operating profit margin calculation is simply operating profits divided by revenues. Operating profits equal the sales and revenues less production, distribution, and other operating expenses. Investors frequently call it EBIT margin. Net income, in comparison, subtracts operating expenses plus all remaining expenses and taxes from revenues.

To help appreciate operating profit versus net income, we share Ford’s income statement. It shows that car sales and credit revenue minus the direct costs of producing and selling cars and auto loans sum to operating income in yellow. Beneath it, you will find the company’s other expenses and the resulting net income in green.

Picking Inflations Winners and Losers

In this analysis, we gauge recent changes in the operating profit margin for the top companies in the consumer staples and discretionary sectors. We do not care about the operating margin level but the change in the margin. We use the difference between the last reported quarter and the same quarter in 2021.

As a point of reference, the year-over-year inflation rate was 4.8% in the second quarter of 2021. The average for the second quarter of 2022 was almost 4% higher at 8.6%. Assessing how companies handled the sharp increase over the last year is helpful in evaluating stocks going forward.

Consumer Staples

Consumer staples are broadly defined as companies that manufacture and distribute food, beverages, tobacco, and other essential household goods and personal products. Because many of these companies tend to make and or sell important and, in some cases, essential items, their sales are less sensitive to gyrations in the economy. Given the nature of their goods, they often have an easier time passing on higher prices to consumers than most other companies.

The graph below shows the annual change in the operating profit margins of the largest companies within the staples sector. We sort the graph by industry classification.

On average, margins fell by 2.34% over the last year. Target (TGT), Coke (KO), and Kraft Heinz (KHC) reported the most margin compression. Four of the companies were able to expand their margins.

Comparing Comparable Companies

This analysis allows us to compare companies conducting the same types of business. For instance, we found the margin changes of three of the largest big box retailers, Target (TGT), Costco (COST), and Walmart (WMT) is telling.

The bar chart above and the margin history below show that Walmart and Costco have maintained relatively stable margins. Conversely, TGT margins have fallen precipitously with higher inflation. The broad assumption is that Walmart’s and Costco’s management are better adept than Target’s in handling inflation and expense management in this new environment.

Based solely on this data, we prefer to own WMT and COST over TGT if we are in a persistently higher and more volatile inflation regime. That said, Target executives may have learned some valuable lessons and are better prepared for inflation.

The following graph shows that the ability to manage inflation hasn’t been lost on shareholders. From April 1, 2021, to current, TGT shares have lost 17%. Over the same period, WMT shares are flat, and COST has risen by about 50%.

Consumer Discretionary

Unlike consumer staples, consumer discretionary stocks are more sensitive to economic gyrations. This sector includes auto companies, restaurants, homebuilders, travel, home improvement, and retail internet sales. Many of these companies sell goods that consumers can do without or easily substitute if prices rise.

On average, margins rose by 0.73%, better than the average 2.3% decline for staples. Internet sales, restaurants, and apparel generally saw margin declines. Conversely, the homebuilders and travel sectors all saw margins expand. For the homebuilders, this is likely due to rapidly rising prices which outpaced the rising costs of labor and materials. The “return to normal” is allowing travel-related companies flexibility to raise prices.  

Comparison

After reviewing the data, we were surprised to see that discretionary stocks were better able to weather the inflation storm on the margin front. Also, as shown below, sales grew at a much better clip for discretionary stocks versus staples over the last year.

Some of the sales and margin outperformance in discretionary stocks is based on a resumption of everyday activities and “catching up” on spending from 2020. For instance, Marriot and Hilton saw 70% growth in sales as consumers started traveling again. Similar rebounds occurred in homebuilders and autos as savings and stimulus were put to good use.

Many consumers are now likely “caught up” purchasing discretionary goods and services.

Fiscal stimulus, credit card usage, and savings drawdown bolstered spending for discretionary items. While that tailwind benefited both staples and discretionary goods, from now on, the tailwind will slowly become a headwind. Credit cards must be repaid, and savings replenished.

Its likely consumers are going to have to make some tough decisions. Consumers are more likely to forgo purchases of discretionary items to help afford needed staples. If that proves true, margins and sales will likely hold up better for staples than discretionary stocks.

As we show below, the outperformance of staples over discretionary argues investors harbor similar concerns as ourselves.

Summary

Margins and sales for consumer discretionary stocks have held up better than consumer staples stocks despite declines in real wages. However, going forward, those same trends become more difficult to sustain if real wage growth stays negative.

With credit card balances rising sharply and savings drawn down, consumers will likely need to become more savings conscious. Typically, in such an environment, discretionary goods are forgone in favor of essential goods. 

Like the market, we will continue to favor consumer staples until the nation’s economic health and financial means of the average consumer improve.

Tyler Durden
Wed, 09/07/2022 – 09:10

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‘The Government Needed a Scapegoat’: 75-Year-Old Man Charged With Opioid Conspiracy Cleared


dummy holding prescription pill bottles

A small blow against Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) overreach. James Barclay was an accounts receivable manager for the wholesale pharmaceutical distributor Miami-Luken. The feds said doing his job made him a drug dealer worthy of criminal prosecution.

“I was indicted because the DEA failed to do their job, and the government needed a scapegoat after the publicity of the opioid problems in West Virginia,” he wrote in an August 25 letter to Judge Matthew W. McFarland of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Ohio.

Barclay, now 75, retired from Miami-Luken in 2015. Four years later, he was charged with conspiracy to distribute a controlled substance.

The DEA and federal prosecutors said Barclay was guilty of conspiring with his employer to illegally distribute opioid pills in Indiana, Ohio, Tennessee, and West Virginia. Miami-Luken was accused of distributing oxycodone and hydrocodone pills to doctors and pharmacies “not for a legitimate medical purpose.” And Barclay—whose job involved assisting with filling out compliance paperwork and responding to DEA inquiries—was charged with failing to “maintain effective controls against diversion of controlled substances” and to “report suspicious orders to the DEA.” Essentially, the government said Barclay should have known some doctors were writing illegitimate prescriptions or that patients were abusing them and then acted to stop it.

But Barclay says he never had the authority to stop an order from shipping, label an order as suspicious, or report anything to the DEA. “Plus, for some half dozen times I requested guidance from the DEA on controlled drug issues, the DEA’s only response was ‘We can’t tell you how to run your business, it’s a business decision,’ if they responded at all,” he stated.

For years, Barclay has been fighting to clear his name—and it finally paid off. In August, the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Ohio granted a motion to dismiss the charges against Barclay and vacate his previously entered guilty plea (made under the threat of 20 years in prison if he went to court and no prison time if he pleaded out).

The decision came after federal prosecutors moved on August 2 to “dismiss the Indictment against all remaining defendants in this case, without prejudice,” under the stipulation that they agree not to bring lawsuits against the prosecutors, the DEA, or other law enforcement agencies involved in the investigation and prosecution. It’s unclear what made the government give up on the charges, but turnover at the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Ohio’s office seemed to play a role, with new U.S. Attorney Kenneth Parker rejecting charges brought by his predecessor. Judge McFarland has now dismissed the charges against all defendants (one of whom died during the case).

While this story has a happy ending, Barclay still had several years of his life stolen over a desperately overzealous attempt at drug law enforcement. “I had a mugshot taken, I was fingerprinted, I was put into a holding cell, and then I was shackled like the criminals seen on TV and escorted to the courtroom,” wrote Barclay in his letter.  “This case has affected our entire family” and “taken over our lives for the last three years.”

“Never in my 75 years, as an Army veteran and a law-abiding citizen, did I ever think that this could happen in our country,” he added.

Barclay’s story is part of a larger ploy by the DEA, federal prosecutors, and state attorneys general to hold all sorts of intermediaries responsible for people’s opioid addictions. The individuals and businesses caught in this drug war deluxe scheme have wildly varying degrees of culpability. They include pharmaceutical companies, distributors, medical practices, and pharmacies. Some have been obviously guilty of malfeasance, but others are being held responsible for not anointing themselves de facto drug cops.

For instance, Walgreens was recently found liable for San Francisco’s drug problems in a civil suit. It accused the pharmacy not of filling illegitimate prescriptions or otherwise illegally distributing opioid pills but of failing to divine which doctors had prescribed too liberally or which patients might abuse their prescriptions.

As Barclay’s case shows, even random employees of companies involved in opioid pill distribution can fall into the DEA’s crosshairs. (It’s about “holding accountable anyone and everyone with criminal responsibility for the diversion of drugs,” Benjamin Glassman, U.S. attorney for the Southern District of Ohio, said in 2019.)

The whole thing smacks of authorities frantically looking for folks to blame, scapegoating any entity who came near legal opioid pills in a bid to wring money, accolades, and good press out of their prosecution as the opioid crisis raged on unabated. All the while, drug war policies—like making prescription painkillers harder to get and intensifying the crackdown on people who used them—only fueled a massive market in illegal opioids, like heroin and fentanyl, that have proven more destructive and deadly.

William J. “Bill” Hughes, Barclay’s lawyer, told the Cincinnati Enquirer this was a test case for prosecuting pharmaceutical drug distributors.

However, he explained that the companies like Miami-Luken have no access to patients, prescriptions or the doctors who wrote them. They only ship drugs to entities registered with the DEA and the DEA can monitor all shipments between distributors and pharmacies in real-time. …

Hughes said the DEA had issued a letter to Miami-Luken and other companies like it saying the companies were responsible not only for knowing what their customers were doing, but what their customers’ customers were doing. And it had no basis in law, Hughes said.

The idea that an accounts receivable manager at a wholesale drug distributor should interfere with the relationship between doctors, patients, and pharmacies and make his own determinations about the legitimacy of prescriptions is just weird. Alas, it’s the world that federal authorities seemingly want us to live in.


FREE MINDS

“You can’t censor your way to free speech.” The Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) is suing Florida:


FREE MARKETS

The U.S. immigration system is broken, part 8 billion.


FOLLOWUP

A document pertaining to foreign nuclear capabilities was reportedly among those that former President Donald Trump had stored at Mar-a-Lago, which were seized by the FBI. And “some of the seized documents detail top-secret U.S. operations so closely guarded that many senior national security officials are kept in the dark about them,” reports The Washington Post. “Only the president, some members of his Cabinet or a near-Cabinet-level official could authorize other government officials to know details of these special-access programs, according to people familiar with the search, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe sensitive details of an ongoing investigation.”


QUICK HITS

• In Head Start—the program of subsidized preschools and child care programs for low-income families—”mandatory masking rules are still on the books for teachers and children as young as 2-years-old,” reports The New York Times.

• While acknowledging no wrongdoing, Juul has agreed to settle for $438.5 million with the dozens of states who sued the company and accused it of deliberately marketing to kids.

• The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), the ACLU of Ohio, and Planned Parenthood Federation of America are suing to stop an Ohio law banning abortion around six weeks of pregnancy.

• The DEA is freaking out about “rainbow fentanyl.”

• How YouTube shifted from human curators to algorithmic curation.

The post 'The Government Needed a Scapegoat': 75-Year-Old Man Charged With Opioid Conspiracy Cleared appeared first on Reason.com.

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“Virginia Can’t Force Bookstores To Card Kids for Books on Gender and Sexuality”

Fiona Harrigan at the main Reason site beat me to this story from last week; I criticized the initial orders (which the court has now vacated) when they were initially handed down in May (see also this post about the “taken as a whole” element of the obscenity test). You can also read one of the orders, In re: A Court of Mist a Fury, for yourself; in relevant part, it holds that,

1. The Code of Virginia does not provide a Circuit Court with the statutory authority to grant the relief sought in the Petition, specifically, a determination that the book A Court of Mist and Fury … is “obscene as to minors,” and that consequently this Court lacks subject matter jurisdiction to adjudicate this matter.

2. The Petition does not allege facts sufficient to support a finding, under the terms of Virginia Code § 18.2-384, that the Book is obscene [i.e., obscene as to adults].

3. The Constitutions of the United States and the Commonwealth of Virginia operate as a constraint on the pleading of a claim of obscenity as to adults and as to material that is inappropriate for distribution to minors, and the Petitions fail to meet the requirements of the governing constitutional rules.

4. Virginia Code § 18.2-384 [the obscenity injunction statute] is unconstitutional on its face in that it authorizes a prior restraint that violates the First Amendment and the Constitution of Virginia [by authorizing preliminary injunctions against distributions of works; the criminal law of obscenity is unaffected by this -EV].

5. Virginia Code § 18.2-384 is unconstitutional on its face under the First Amendment and the Constitution of Virginia in that it imposes a presumption of scienter on persons who have no knowledge that a book may be considered obscene.

6. Virginia Code § 18.2-384 is unconstitutional on its face under the First Amendment and the Constitution of Virginia in that it violates due process by authorizing judgment without notice to affected parties….

The Court further finds that its Order to Show Cause entered May 18, 2022, was issued
ex parte without the benefit of briefing or argument by affected parties, and that the finding of probable cause was made on an incomplete record.

I wish the judge had recognized these constitutional constraints at the outset, and refused to issue the preliminary restraints. Still, it’s good the court ultimately got it right.

The post "Virginia Can't Force Bookstores To Card Kids for Books on Gender and Sexuality" appeared first on Reason.com.

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“Virginia Can’t Force Bookstores To Card Kids for Books on Gender and Sexuality”

Fiona Harrigan at the main Reason site beat me to this story from last week; I criticized the initial orders (which the court has now vacated) when they were initially handed down in May (see also this post about the “taken as a whole” element of the obscenity test). You can also read one of the orders, In re: A Court of Mist a Fury, for yourself; in relevant part, it holds that,

1. The Code of Virginia does not provide a Circuit Court with the statutory authority to grant the relief sought in the Petition, specifically, a determination that the book A Court of Mist and Fury … is “obscene as to minors,” and that consequently this Court lacks subject matter jurisdiction to adjudicate this matter.

2. The Petition does not allege facts sufficient to support a finding, under the terms of Virginia Code § 18.2-384, that the Book is obscene [i.e., obscene as to adults].

3. The Constitutions of the United States and the Commonwealth of Virginia operate as a constraint on the pleading of a claim of obscenity as to adults and as to material that is inappropriate for distribution to minors, and the Petitions fail to meet the requirements of the governing constitutional rules.

4. Virginia Code § 18.2-384 [the obscenity injunction statute] is unconstitutional on its face in that it authorizes a prior restraint that violates the First Amendment and the Constitution of Virginia [by authorizing preliminary injunctions against distributions of works; the criminal law of obscenity is unaffected by this -EV].

5. Virginia Code § 18.2-384 is unconstitutional on its face under the First Amendment and the Constitution of Virginia in that it imposes a presumption of scienter on persons who have no knowledge that a book may be considered obscene.

6. Virginia Code § 18.2-384 is unconstitutional on its face under the First Amendment and the Constitution of Virginia in that it violates due process by authorizing judgment without notice to affected parties….

The Court further finds that its Order to Show Cause entered May 18, 2022, was issued
ex parte without the benefit of briefing or argument by affected parties, and that the finding of probable cause was made on an incomplete record.

I wish the judge had recognized these constitutional constraints at the outset, and refused to issue the preliminary restraints. Still, it’s good the court ultimately got it right.

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The Dormant Commerce Clause and Geolocation: Some Background About Federalism

[Jack Goldsmith and I will have this article out in the Texas Law Review early next year, and I’m serializing it here. There is still plenty of time for editing, so we’d love to hear any recommendations you folks might have; in the meantime, you can read the entire PDF of the latest draft (though with some formatting glitches stemming from the editing process) here.]

Let’s begin with a few words about the Dormant Commerce Clause and how it interacts with federalism principles.

The U.S. Constitution presumptively preserves state authority to control what happens within state borders, especially state power to protect citizens and residents from what legislators or voters perceive as harms. This state “police power” to regulate “health, safety, and morals” is implicitly acknowledged by the Constitution’s struc­­­ture of enumerated powers, and by the Tenth Amendment.[1]

The Constitution’s preservation of the police power in the states ensures that “the facets of governing that touch on citizens’ daily lives are normally administered by smaller governments closer to the governed.”[2] Regulatory preferences differ across states because states differ in their citizens’ tastes, moral views, wealth, willingness to pay, and the like. State lawmakers are generally better positioned than federal lawmakers to ascertain such in-state preferences and implement the best policies based on them. Because policy preferences differ across states, regulating at the state level can in the aggregate satisfy more individual preferences than a uniform national law.[3] And federalism also lets states serve as “laboratories” that can experiment with various options, and show the way for other states (and perhaps for an eventual national rule).[4]

A uniform national law is sometimes appropriate to implement important national values or correct various state-level pathologies. But such uniform rules are typically imposed by a provision in the U.S. Constitution, such as the Takings Clause or the First Amendment, or by federal legislation within Congress’ enumerated powers.[5]

Alongside these principles of vertical federalism, the Constitution imposes horizontal limitations that prohibit states from unduly impinging on the prerogatives of sister states or the proper operation of the interstate system. The Full Faith and Credit and Due Process Clauses prohibit states from regulating out-of-state conduct unless the conduct involves a “significant contact” or “significant aggregation of contacts” with the state.[6] The Privileges and Immunities Clause prevents states from enacting certain types of laws that give a benefit to in-staters but not out-of-staters.[7] And of central relevance to this article, the Dormant Commerce Clause prevents states from enacting certain regulations that affect interstate commerce.[8]

Two principal tests govern Dormant Commerce Clause analysis. First, state regulations cannot discriminate against interstate commerce. In practice this usually means that state regulation cannot favor in-state over out-of-state firms.[9]

Second, neutral state regulations cannot unduly burden interstate commerce. “Where the statute regulates even-handedly to effectuate a legitimate local public interest, and its effects on interstate commerce are only incidental, it will be upheld unless the burden imposed on such commerce is clearly excessive in relation to the putative local benefits.”[10] The Supreme Court has not been clear about how to apply this undue burden test.[11] But the economic efficiency criterion that animates Dormant Commerce Clause jurisprudence suggests that the out-of-state costs of a state regulation are often justified, and that courts should balance the costs and benefits of a state regulation and strike down only those that impose costs on out-of-staters that clearly exceed the benefits they bring in-staters.[12]

A handful of Supreme Court cases have invoked the Dormant Commerce Clause to invalidate state laws on a third, ostensibly different, ground: that the laws regulate extraterritorially or impose inconsistent regulatory burdens. The extraterritoriality argument is particularly often raised in lower-court Dormant Commerce Clause challenges to state regulations of the internet. Yet the Supreme Court has not applied the extraterritoriality test or the inconsistent regulation test in recent decades,[13] and commentators and lower courts have doubted whether these tests have much practical contemporary relevance beyond what the two standard Dor­mant Commerce Clause principles—discrimination and undue burden—prohibit.

The Court articulated the modern extraterritoriality test in two alcohol price-affirmation cases in the 1980s.[14] Brown-Forman Distillers Corp. v. New York State Liquor Authority[15] involved a New York law under which liquor distillers could not sell to wholesalers in New York except in accordance with a monthly price schedule that affirmed that prices in New York were no higher than the lowest prices charged in other states.[16] Healy v. Beer Institute, Inc.[17] involved a Connecticut statute that required out-of-state beer shippers to affirm that prices posted for products sold to Connecticut wholesalers were, in the relevant period, no higher than prices in bordering states.[18] The Court invalidated these price affirmation schemes on the narrow grounds that they had the “practical effect of controlling . . . prices” in another state, and thus “deprive[d] businesses and consumers in other States of ‘whatever competitive advantages they may possess’ based on the conditions of the local market.”[19]

Beyond this narrow holding, Healy, relying on Brown-Forman and earlier decisions, stated more generally that the “Commerce Clause . . . precludes the application of a state statute to commerce that takes place wholly outside of the State’s borders, whether or not the commerce has effects within the State,” as well as laws for which the “practical effect of the regulation is to control conduct beyond the boundaries of the State.”[20] This dicta, if taken seriously, would require a dramatic rethinking of state authority.

But it is clear that this dicta has not and cannot be taken seriously. It is widely accepted that, consistent with the Dormant Commerce Clause, a firm doing multistate business must bear the cost of discovering and complying with state laws—tort laws, tax laws, franchise laws, health laws, privacy laws, and much more—everywhere it does business.[21]

People and firms operating in “real space” must take steps to learn and comply with state law in places they visit or do business, or must avoid visiting or doing business in those states—and that often means that the “practical effect of the regulation is to control conduct beyond the boundaries of the State.” McDonald’s can (and must) craft different franchise contracts to comply with different state franchise laws, even if most of the conduct involved in creating and implementing such contracts would likely take place in the state in which McDonald’s is headquartered. Walmart’s data collection at checkout in its thousands of stores must conform to the potentially different privacy laws in all fifty states. Conagra can label its cooking oil “100% Natural,” but may need to include different disclaimers in different states, to the extent that the label is seen as potentially misleading.

One “practical effect” of all these state schemes is the cost—legal cost, compliance cost, and more—that the firms incur to conform their business practices to the different state laws where they do business. Another “practical effect” may be to encourage such firms to devise uniform contracts, privacy practices, and labeling schemes that can work in all states, often by adhering to the most demanding state law. In these senses, state laws regularly and pervasively apply to and impose costs on, and thus “control,” or at least affect, the conduct of firms operating in other states.

Because state laws regularly and lawfully impose extraterritorial costs, and because a literal application of the dicta from Healy and Brown-Forman might invalidate wide swaths of standard conflict-of-laws decisionmaking, judges and commentators have searched for a narrower principle to explain the extraterritoriality cases. The Supreme Court has in practice been unwilling to extend the principle beyond the facts of Healy and Brown-Forman, which involved laws that by “express terms” or “inevitable effect” regulate out-of-state commerce.[22] Some contend that the extraterritoriality cases are best read to invalidate only state laws that “discriminat[e] against out-of-state rivals or consumers”—that is, extraterritoriality must be understood as an application of the first settled principle under the Dormant Commerce Clause.[23]

Others maintain that “extraterritoriality analysis . . . [is] appropriately regarded as [a] facet[] of the . . . balancing test”—that is, the second settled principle under the Dor­mant Commerce Clause.[24] The conclusion that the extraterritoriality principle is just a special case of one or both of the standard Dormant Commerce Clause tests makes sense of the decided cases, and of the Court’s recent insistence that “two primary principles”—antidiscrimination and prohibition on undue burdens—”mark the boundaries of a State’s authority to regulate interstate commerce.”[25] It is also suggested by the Supreme Court’s non-application of an independent exterritoriality test in almost two decades;[26] by its not invalidating a state law on that ground in over three decades;[27] and by its growing skepticism about its broader Dormant Commerce Clause jurisprudence in recent decades.[28]

The same basic analysis applies to the Dormant Commerce Clause’s ostensible prohibition on state regulations that “adversely affect interstate commerce by subjecting activities to inconsistent regulations.”[29] This test, too, cannot be applied literally. As discussed above, it is a foundational principle of our federal system that states differ in their values and policy preferences, and thus can and do regulate differently. Firms operating in different states typically must comply with scores of inconsistent regulations, even if doing so is more costly than complying with be a uniform national rule would be.

This reality, and a close reading of the cases, has led many commentators to conclude that the Supreme Court’s inconsistent-regulation cases require no more than an application of the broader undue burden test.[30] The Court has not applied the inconsistent regulations test in three decades, since Healy. And applying the undue burden test, without mentioning extraterritoriality, the Court in 2018 rejected a Dormant Commerce Clause argument that was premised on the burdens of “subjecting retailers to [differing] tax-collection obligations in thousands of different taxing jurisdictions.”[31]

[1]. See U.‌S. Const. amend. X (“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the People.‌”).

[2]. Nat’l Fed. of Indep. Business v. Sebelius, 567 U.‌S. 519, 536 (2012).‌

[3]. Michael McConnell, Federalism: Evaluating the Founders’ Design, 54 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1484, 1493–94 (1987).‌

[4]. See Ariz. State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm’n, 135 S. Ct. 2652, 2673 (2015) (“This Court has long recognized the role of the States as laboratories for devising solutions to difficult legal problems.”) (cleaned up);‌ New State Ice Co. v. Liebmann, 285 U.S. 262, 311 (1932) (Brandeis, J., dissenting) (“It is one of the happy incidents of the federal system that a single courageous State may, if its citizens choose, serve as a laboratory; and try novel social and economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country.”).

[5]. The post-Erie federal common law powers of federal courts are ultimately justified as authorized or grounded in a federal constitutional or statutory enactment. See Larry Kramer, The Lawmaking Power of the Federal Courts, 12 Pace L. Rev. 263, 268–88 (1992); Henry J. Friendly, In Praise of Erie–And of the New Federal Common Law, 39 N.‌Y.‌U. L. Rev. 383, 407 (1964).‌

[6]. Phillips Petroleum Co. v. Shutts, 472 U.‌S. 797, 818 (1985).‌

[7]. Austin v. New Hampshire, 420 U.‌S. 656 (1975).‌

[8]. Although the Constitution affirmatively grants Congress the power “[t]o regu­late Commerce . . . among the several States,” Art. I, § 8, cl. 3, the Supreme Court’s Dormant Commerce Clause jurisprudence has recognized that the Commerce Clause limits some state regulation that affects interstate commerce, even absent congressional regulation.

[9]. See, e.‌g. South Dakota v. Wayfair, 138 S. Ct. 2080, 2091 (2018); Granholm v. Heald, 544 U.‌S. 460, 472 (2005); Hughes v. Oklahoma, 441 U.‌S. 322, 337 (1979). The Dormant Commerce Clause and the Privileges and Immunities Clause both govern state legislation that discriminates against out-of-staters. But the Dormant Commerce Clause, unlike the Privileges and Immunities Clause, protects corporations. See Blake v. McClung, 172 U.‌S. 239 (1898) (corporations are not “citizens” under the Privileges and Immunities Clause and thus cannot benefit from it).

[10]. Pike v. Bruce Church, Inc.‌, 397 U.‌S. 137, 142 (1970).‌

[11]. Indeed, the Justices have expressed skepticism about their ability to do so. General Motors Corp. v. Tracy, 519 U.‌S. 278, 308–09 (1997) (every opinion questions Court’s competence at implementing undue burden test).‌

[12]. See Goldsmith & Sykes, supra note 11, at 798–802. On economic efficiency as the touchstone for Dormant Commerce Clause analysis, see Saul Levmore, Interstate Exploitation and Judicial Intervention, 69 Va. L. Rev. 563, 567–68 (1983); Mark Tushnet, Rethinking the Dormant Commerce Clause, 1979 Wis. L. Rev. 125, 130–40.‌

[13]. The Supreme Court may soon revisit the extraterritoriality test, see National Pork Producers Council v. Ross, No. 21-468, cert. granted, Mar. 28, 2022 (raising question whether California’s import restriction on pork raises without space and related allowances, and which allegedly “has dramatic economic effects largely outside of the state and requires pervasive changes to an integrated nationwide industry state a violation of the dormant Commerce Clause, or whether the extraterritoriality principle described in this Court’s decisions is now a dead letter”), reviewing 6 F.4th 1021 (9th Cir. 2021). As noted above, we will publish a follow-up article in 102 Tex. L. Rev. Online when Pork Producers is decided, discussing how it affects our analysis.

[14]. Earlier in the decade, a plurality of the Court in Edgar v. MITE Corp.‌, 457 U.‌S. 624 (1982), struck down an Illinois antitakeover law that the plurality concluded had “sweeping extraterritorial effect” because it “purports to regulate directly and to interdict interstate commerce, including commerce wholly outside the State.‌” A majority of the Court concluded that the statute did not survive the undue burden balancing test. For hints of the extraterritoriality doctrine decades earlier, see Baldwin v. G.‌A.‌F. Seelig, Inc.‌, 294 U.‌S. 511 (1935).‌

[15]

[16]. 476 U.‌S. 573 (1986).‌

[17]

[18]. 491 U.‌S. 324 (1989).

[19]. Healy, 491 U.‌S. at 338–39 (quoting in part Brown-Forman, 476 U.‌S. at 580); see also Brown-Forman, 476 U.‌S. at 582–84. Both decisions also concluded that the price affirmation statutes were invalid because they “[f]orced a merchant to seek regulatory approval in one State before undertaking a transaction in another.‌” Healy, 491 U.‌S. at 334 (quoting Brown-Forman, 476 U.‌S. at 582).‌

[20]. Healy, 491 U.‌S. at 336.‌

[21]. See, e.‌g.‌, Am. Trucking Ass’ns, Inc. v. Michigan Pub. Serv. Comm’n, 545 U.‌S. 429, 437–38 (2005) (acceptable under Dormant Commerce Clause for an interstate trucking firm to pay local fees everywhere that it does business); Exxon Corp. v. Governor of Maryland, 437 U.‌S. 117, 127–28 (1978) (Dormant Commerce Clause “protects the interstate market, not particular interstate firms, from prohibitive or burdensome regulations” in states where it does business); Online Merchants Guild v. Cameron, 995 F.‌3d 540 (6th Cir. 2021) (“Entities doing business in multiple states must comply with those states’ valid consumer protection laws—this is nothing new.”); Kearney v. Salomon Smith Barney, Inc., 137 P.‌3d 914 (Cal. 2006) (“[A]s a general matter, a company that conducts business in numerous states ordinarily is required to make itself aware of and comply with the law of a state in which it chooses to do business.”).

[22]. In Pharmaceutical Research & Mfrs. of America v. Walsh, 538 U.‌S. 644 (2003), the Court with little analysis rejected petitioners’ argument that a Maine prescription drug rebate program violated the extraterritoriality prong of the Dormant Commerce Clause. The Court suggested that the extraterritoriality cases were limited to laws, like the “price control or price affirmation statutes,” that “regulate the price of any out-of-state transaction, either by its express terms or by its inevitable effect.‌” Id. at 669. Many lower court cases take a similar position. See, e.g., Energy & Env’t Legal Inst. v. Epel, 793 F.‌3d 1169, 1173 (10th Cir. 2015) (Gorsuch, J.‌) (rejecting application of extraterritoriality doctrine to statute that “isn’t a price control statute” and “doesn’t link prices paid in Colorado with those paid out of state” in part because “the Supreme Court has emphasized as we do that the [extraterritoriality] line of cases concerns only ‘price control or price affirmation statutes’ that involve ‘tying the price of . . . in-state products to out-of-state prices'”); Ass’n des Eleveurs de Canards et d’Oies du Quebec v. Harris, 729 F.‌3d 937, 951 (9th Cir. 2013) (concluding on the basis of Walsh that the extraterritoriality principle is “not applicable to a statute that does not dictate the price of a product and does not tie the price of its in-state products to out-of-state prices”); IMS Health Inc. v. Mills, 616 F.3d 7, 30 (1st Cir. 2010), vacated and remanded on other grounds, IMS Health, Inc. v. Schneider, 131 S. Ct. 3091 (2011) (characterizing the Brown-Forman line of cases as bearing on (1) “price-affirmation statutes that force regulated entities to certify that the in-state price they charge for a good is no higher than the price they charge out of state” and (2) “statutes that ‘force an out-of-state merchant to seek regulatory approval in one State before undertaking a transaction in another'”); Vizio, Inc v. Klee, 886 F.3d 249, 255–56 (2d Cir. 2018) (rejecting extraterritoriality challenge when statute did not make “specific reference” to out-of-state pricing and “attach[] in-state consequences where the pricing terms violate[d] the statute[]”); see also Brannon P. Denning, Extraterritoriality and the Dormant Commerce Clause: A Doctrinal Post-Mortem, 73 La. L. Rev. 979, 979–80 (2013) (Walsh indicates that the extraterritoriality doctrine in “the strong form articulated by the Court in the 1980s is dead, an unlikely to be revived by the Current Court”). But see Ass’n for Accessible Meds. v. Frosh, 887 F.3d 664, 669–70 (4th Cir. 2018) (rejecting this reading of Walsh).

[23]. Epel, 793 F.‌3d at 1173; cf. Nat’l Solid Wastes Mgmt. Ass’n v. Meyer, 63 F.3d 652, 661 n.10 (7th Cir. 1995) (“We have no need to determine whether the issue of extraterritorial reach ought to be analyzed distinctly from the issue of discrimination against interstate commerce.”); Cotto Waxo Co. v. Williams, 46 F.3d 790, 793 & n.3 (8th Cir. 1995) (“it may . . . be correct to say that ‘extraterritorial reach’ is a special example of ‘directly’ regulating interstate commerce” and thus discriminating against it).

[24]. State v. Heckel, 143 Wash. 2d 824, 837 (2001); see also Am. Beverage Ass’n v. Snyder, 735 F.‌3d 362, 379–81 (6th Cir. 2013) (Sutton, J.‌, concurring) (arguing that extraterritoriality principle is unnecessary to the decided cases and should play no role in Dormant Commerce Clause analysis beyond the already-problematic undue burden balancing test); Nat’l Elec. Mfrs. Ass’n v. Sorrell, 272 F.‌3d 104, 110 (2d Cir. 2001) (extraterritoriality principle in Healy and Brown-Forman invalidates state regulations that “disproportionately burden interstate commerce” because they have “the practical effect of requiring out-of-state commerce to be conducted at the regulating state’s direction”); Goldsmith & Sykes, supra note 11, at 804; Lee Biddle, State Regulation of the Internet: Where Does the Balance of Federalist Power Lie?, 37 Cal. W. L. Rev. 161, 167 (2000); cf. Gillian E. Metzger, Congress, Article IV, and Interstate Relations, 120 Harv. L. Rev. 1468, 1521 (2007) (“In practice, states exert regulatory control over each other all the time. . . . The prohibition on extraterritorial legislation is thus understood only to constrain a state from formally asserting legal authority outside its borders. . . .”).‌

[25]. South Dakota v. Wayfair, Inc.‌, 138 S. Ct. 2080, 2090 (2018).

[26]. The last case that clearly applied the extraterritoriality principle was Walsh in 2003. As then-Judge Gorsuch put it, extraterritoriality is “the most dormant” strand of Dormant Commerce Clause doctrine. Energy & Env’t Legal Inst. v. Epel, 793 F.‌3d 1169, 1172 (10th Cir. 2015).‌ As noted supra note 25, the Court recently granted certiorari in a case that raises the continuing validity of the extraterritoriality prong of the dormant commerce clause.

[27]. The last case to invalidate a state law based on the extraterritoriality principle was Healy, which was decided in 1989. One could argue that BMW of N. Am. v. Gore, 517 U.‌S. 559 (1996), invalidated an Alabama punitive damages award based on the extraterritoriality principle since it cited Healy and Beer Institute. But the case was about the Due Process Clause, not the Dormant Commerce Clause, the Court did not discuss extraterritoriality per se, and the Court later made clear that the Dormant Commerce Clause was not relevant to excessive cross-border punitive damages. See State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Co. v. Campbell, 538 U.‌S. 408, 416 (2003).‌

[28]. Wayfair, Inc.‌, 138 S. Ct. at 2100 (Thomas, J, concurring) (noting that the Court’s “entire negative Commerce Clause jurisprudence” can “no longer be rationally justified”); id. at 2100–01 (Gorsuch, J.‌, concurring) (questioning whether and how much of the Court’s Dormant Commerce Clause jurisprudence “can be squared with the text of the Commerce Clause, justified by stare decisis, or defended as misbranded products of federalism or antidiscrimination imperatives flowing from Article IV’s Privileges and Immunities Clause”); Denning, supra note 34, at 990–92 (explaining the ways that the Court had by 2013 grown hostile or indifferent to its traditional Dormant Commerce Clause tests).‌

[29]. CTS Corp. v. Dynamics Corp. of Am.‌, 481 U.‌S. 69, 88 (1987); Edgar v. MITE Corp., 457 U.‌S. 624 (1982). An earlier generation of cases involving state rules regulating cross-border transportation invoked the inconsistent-regulation idea. See, e.‌g.‌, Kassel v. Consol. Freightways Corp.‌, 450 U.‌S. 662 (1981) (invalidating an Iowa restriction on truck length); S. Pac. Co. v. Arizona, 325 U.‌S. 761 (1945) (invalidating an Arizona regulation limiting train lengths).‌

[30]. Denning, supra note 34, at 1006–07; Goldsmith & Sykes, supra note 11, at 806–07; Donald H. Regan, The Supreme Court and State Protectionism: Making Sense of the Dormant Commerce Clause, 84 Mich. L. Rev. 1091, 1110–25 (1986) (arguing that the transportation cases invalidated on inconsistent regulation grounds are an instance of balancing); Daniel R. Fischel, From MITE to CTS: State Anti-Takeover Statutes, the Williams Act, the Commerce Clause, and Insider Trading, 1987 Sup. Ct. Rev. 47, 90 (interpreting CTS Corp. as a balancing case).‌ Many lower courts have taken this position as well, see, e.g., Ward v. United Airlines, Inc., 986 F.3d 1234 (9th Cir. 2021); Nat’l Ass’n of Optometrists & Opticians v. Harris, 682 F.3d 1144 (9th Cir. 2012), and some of the Court’s inconsistent-regulation cases are fairly explicit about balancing, see, e.g., Bibb v. Navajo Freight Lines, Inc., 359 U.S. 520, 529–30 (1959) (balancing “deleterious effect which [regulation] will have” against regulation’s putatively “inconclusive” safety benefits).

[31]. South Dakota v. Wayfair Inc.‌, 138 S. Ct. 2080, 2093 (2018).‌

 

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Judges: Need Pro Bono Court-Appointed Amicus to Represent Public Interest as to Sealing/Pseudonymity Requests?

In February, my UCLA First Amendment Amicus Brief Clinic student Pauline Alarcon and I were appointed by District Judge Stephen Clark (E.D. Mo.) as amicus to file a brief supporting the right of public access and opposing sealing of certain documents. The parties had both agreed to sealing, but “courts are duty-bound to protect public access to judicial proceedings and records,” even as to “stipulated sealings … where the parties agree.” And appointing an amicus curiae to represent the no-sealing position helps give the court an adversary presentation on the matter.

We briefed the case, and Pauline flew out to argue it under my supervision; I think she did a superb job. I hope the court found our work helpful in its ultimate decision on the matter, which was published several days ago (see here, plus here on why that decision was in some measure redacted). Thanks to Scott & Cyan Banister, the main benefactors of our Clinic, we had funding for travel costs, so none of this required spending court funds.

It seems to me that this sort of appointment is win-win-win:

  1. The court gets arguments from both sides, which it can then impartially consider. (The court may of course end up disagreeing with our position.) I’ve litigated over 30 motions related to sealing in courts throughout the country, so I can make sure that the arguments are well researched and presented. And I’ve written the just-published The Law of Pseudonymous Litigation, and in the process learned a great deal about pseudonymity (plus I’ve also litigated several pseudonymity cases).
  2. The public’s presumptive right of access to court records is protected.
  3. My student gets an opportunity to brief a real motion under my supervision, and argue it in court, if the court concludes oral argument is appropriate. This is a tremendously valuable educational opportunity for any law student, I think.

Of course, the parties who want the documents sealed may end up not winning; but, again, they aren’t legally entitled to sealing just as a matter of mutual agreement.

In any event, I just wanted to flag this in case some other courts will find it helpful—we’re always happy to help with such appointments. More broadly, we would be able to help:

  • with briefs opposing sealing,
  • with briefs opposing pseudonymity, and
  • with briefs (usually in appellate courts) defending the decision below on any First Amendment or First-Amendment-related question, when the appellee isn’t appearing (see Doe v. Arizona Board of Regents (9th Cir. 2022), which we did in basically that situation) or when the appellant and appellee both disagree with the decision below,
  • in state or federal courts,
  • trial or appellate,
  • throughout the country (we’ll get local counsel if needed).

We’d also in principle be open to being appointed to support sealing or pseudonymity as well, for instance if a party is pro se and hasn’t been able to effectively present the legal arguments but the court would like to see a knowledgeable presentation on that side. Whatever my academic or personal views might be about the propriety of sealing or pseudonymity in any particular case, as a lawyer I’d be glad to provide the court with the best arguments for whatever position needs to be covered, and I’m sure my students would as well.

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Traditionalism Rising, Part II: Comparing (Liquidated) Originalism and Traditionalism

How is traditionalism similar to and different from originalism? And how does it relate to what some originalists call “liquidation”?

These questions are complicated by the capaciousness of originalism, which now encompasses many theories with diverse commitments. To narrow things down, we might compare originalism and traditionalism on the specific issue of the role (if any) of enduring practices.

Among originalists, there are disagreements about what evidence counts to ascertain the meaning of unclear text. Originalists who reject practices altogether are far from traditionalism. Those who accept practices as some evidence of original meaning are closer, though no originalist theory (so far as I know) takes enduring practices to be the primary determinants of meaning and law. None is the same as traditionalism.

As for endurance, one key difference concerns pre- and post-enactment practices. For traditionalists, such practices, their age, longevity, and density, will be centrally important, while for some originalists they will be irrelevant. Even for originalists who assign practices some role, the relative weighting will be different: practice-friendly originalists will assign more weight to practices at enactment than to pre- or post-enactment practices, while this is not so for traditionalists. Alternatively, when a self-identified originalist interpreter does weigh pre- and post-ratification practices heavily, that approach may drift toward traditionalism.

Some originalists consider a particular sort of practice-based evidence in what they call the “liquidation” of the original meaning of the text. Caleb Nelson describes a process by which judicial interpreters give unclear textual provisions one of several permissible constructions post-ratification, thereby “settling” meaning for subsequent interpreters. William Baude has elaborated the Madisonian concept of liquidation, in which three things are necessary to settle meaning: “indeterminacy, a course of deliberate practice, and settlement.” For Madison, a “deliberate practice” had to be adequately deliberated—rationalized—and had also self-consciously to concern constitutional interpretation rather than mere “sheer political will.” And as for liquidated “settlement,” there is a sub-element of public sanction or ratification of the liquidated meaning.

In her Bruen concurrence, Justice Barrett observed that the Court should achieve greater clarity about what method it is using: “Scholars have proposed competing and potentially conflicting frameworks for this analysis, including liquidation, tradition, and precedent…. The limits on the permissible use of history may vary between these frameworks (and between different articulations of each one).” Justice Barrett is right. Traditionalism is not liquidated originalism (in the paper, I use “liquidated originalism” to describe an originalism that integrates liquidation).

First, traditionalism includes pre-ratification practices. Liquidated originalism, insofar as it is liquidated, has nothing to say about those. (It may have something to say about them insofar as it is originalist, but it will do so for reasons that differ from traditionalism.) If the age, longevity, and density of pre-ratification practices that extend through the post-ratification period (the period where traditionalism and liquidation overlap) are relevant, as the Court has said they are, it is traditionalism that offers a complete account of why and how.

Second, liquidated originalism aims at the settlement of textual meaning, which generally occurs (when it occurs) in a constrained time frame. That is because to settle original meaning, the liquidation must be evidence of original meaning, which weakens as it is removed from the ratifying moment. In the case of the Necessary and Proper Clause, within 40 years of enactment. In the case of the Spending Power, within less than 10-15 years. Traditionalism’s emphasis on historical longevity as probative of meaning is no real part of liquidated originalism. A related difference concerns liquidated originalism’s subject, which is the text’s semantic meaning, rather than the constitutional law relating to the text. Liquidated originalism concerns the former, not the latter, while traditionalism concerns both.

Some examples. The enduring post-ratification practices of regulating off-premises signs, the possession of handguns in contexts threatening an “affray,” abortion, and so on, could be called part of the semantic meaning of the First Amendment, the Second Amendment, and the Due Process Clause, respectively. But it would be more accurate to call them determinants of the constitutional law of these clauses. That is, liquidated originalism’s short time horizon and its aspiration to settle meaning befits its narrow subject—the linguistic meaning of the text. Traditionalism’s long time horizon and its focus on the age, longevity, and density of practices befits its broad subject—the law of the Constitution (which includes, but is not exhausted by, the text’s meaning).

Furthermore, certain parts of constitutional law may have little to do with the liquidation of the semantic meaning of the text, and more to do with enduring practices. Consider the “anti-commandeering” doctrine, which prohibits the federal government from compelling states to enact or enforce federal law. The law of anti-commandeering does not much depend upon the liquidation of the semantic meaning of constitutional text (the Tenth Amendment, for example). It is instead formed by legal decisions allowing or disallowing states to engage in a host of concrete practices based on a historical understanding of the relevant powers and immunities of the state and federal players. Or consider the doctrine of state sovereign immunity, which the Court said in Alden v. Maine is not fully determined by the semantic meaning of the Eleventh Amendment, but instead by the “history” of “custom and practice.”

A third difference concerns the sources of the relevant settling practices. Liquidated originalists tend to look to the federal judiciary (or state high courts) and the federal legislature, with illustrious figures like James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, or John Marshall often taking the settling role. Theirs are centralized practices of elite actors operating at the apex of American political power. State and local governments, and the people in their communities, have a subordinate role in “sanctioning” these practices. But their own practices, distributed across geographic time and space, spread widely across social class and rank, are not relevant. Traditionalism includes the enduring practices of national actors, though even here, the focus might be on comparatively minor figures and events in our national history. But by contrast with liquidated originalism, it also values the traditions of non-national persons and entities.

Furthermore, traditionalism, unlike liquidated originalism, depends upon the concurrence of diffuse sources of practice. When the Court in Bruen details the concurrence of 19th century state and territorial firearms regulations, observing outliers and achieving a collective sense of the regulatory landscape, it is aggregating the diffuse practices of individuals and localities across the nation to understand the Second Amendment’s scope. It is not focusing on who prevailed in a disagreement between Madison and Hamilton at one discrete moment in history so as to settle constitutional meaning thereafter.

Fourth, and finally, liquidation’s emphasis on “deliberated,” rationalized, and self-consciously constitutional interpretive practices is different from traditionalism. This rationalistic feature of liquidation in some ways follows from liquidation’s preferred sources—elite legal actors on the national stage—whose liquidations must be re-ratified and re-rationalized by subsequent elite actors. Yet why, one might ask against the traditionalist, should a practice that cannot be justified on thoughtful, rational grounds continue to endure?

The traditionalist response is that “thoughtful” interpretation in constitutional law has sometimes meant interpretation that favors and entrenches the preferences of the educational and cultural elites in American society. When the Court speaks of traditions being “deeply rooted in the Nation’s history,” it is adopting a constitutional approach more suited to the non-elites of American society. The sagacity of a people’s diffuse practices and ways of life across time and geographic space has its own merits and claims. These are not less rational than the claims of elites (here, Burke was a force more for ill than good). Indeed, one might adopt a liquidationist locution in arguing that they are a convincing public “sanction” or reasoned avowal of constitutional meaning and law.

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