Biden Supports ‘Safe And Secure’ Gain-of-Function Research, White House Says

Biden Supports ‘Safe And Secure’ Gain-of-Function Research, White House Says

Authored by Philip Wegmann via RealClear Wire,

While the White House reported Monday that the U.S. intelligence community has not yet reached a “consensus” on the origins of the COVID-19 virus, the Biden administration voiced support for the practice of gain-of-function research, so long as it was done safely, securely, and with transparency.

As complicated as it is complex, such research generally refers to the intentional manipulation of viruses to make them more transmissible, and therefore more dangerous, in order to study them. Critics argue the risks outweigh any potential reward if this kind of research goes wrong.

Congressional Republicans, led by Sens. Marco Rubio, Tom Cotton, and Rand Paul, say that the coronavirus likely leaked from a Chinese research facility in Wuhan that was engaging in that kind of research and have called for a moratorium on federal funding to any university or organizations conducting gain-of-function studies.

When RealClearPolitics asked Monday if President Biden thought gain of function was “prudent,” John Kirby, the president’s National Security Council spokesman replied that he did.

He believes that it’s important to help prevent future pandemics, which means he understands that there has to be legitimate scientific research into the sources or potential sources of pandemics so that we understand it so that we can prevent them and we prevent them from happening obviously,” Kirby said before adding that the president believed any such research “must be done in a safe and secure manner and as transparent as possible to the rest of the world.”

To sum up, Kirby then told RCP, “I think that’s a fancy way of saying ‘yes.’”

The Obama administration reached a different conclusion in 2014 and halted taxpayer funding for such research. Three years later, during the Trump administration, the National Institute of Health lifted that moratorium.

Republicans have accused the NIH of funding gain-of-function research at the Wuhan Institute of Virology through an intermediary, the American biomedical company EcoHealth Alliance. Dr. Anthony Fauci, formerly the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, told Congress in May of 2021 that NIH “has not ever and does not now fund gain-of-function research in the Wuhan Institute of Virology.”

Critics have returned to that controversy in light of new reporting by the Wall Street Journal that the Energy Department has concluded the COVID-19 most likely arose from a laboratory leak. That theory was first posited during the Trump administration and widely dismissed at the time as a conspiracy theory. It increasingly seems plausible after a separate earlier analysis by the FBI concluded that the lab in Wuhan was the “likely” origin of the virus.

If we have learned anything from this pandemic, it’s that risky virus-enhancing research – like the type conducted in Wuhan that was funded by the U.S. government – needs more oversight and regulation,” Rand Paul told RCP.

A physician and a vocal critic of Fauci, Paul added that “worldwide approximately 15 million people died – the memory of their deaths demands that we have more scrutiny of this dangerous research.”

Congressional Republicans already promised more oversight and investigations into the issue, especially after the Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General wrote in a report last month that “NIH did not effectively monitor or take timely action to address” whether EcoHealth Alliance complied with reporting requirements. 

The White House did not confirm the WSJ report but reiterated that Biden had “doubled down” and ordered that considerable resources are put behind “getting to the bottom of the origins of COVID-19.” Republicans, meanwhile, continue to argue that Biden is going soft on Beijing.

The Biden White House won’t have credibility on safe scientific research so long as it continues to dismiss the growing evidence that COVID came from a gain-of-function lab accident in China,” Marco Rubio, the ranking member on the Senate Intelligence Committee, told RCP.

Biden drew the ire of Republicans last summer when his administration declined to say whether the president personally urged Chinese President Xi Jinping to cooperate with international investigations of the pandemic’s origin. So far, Beijing has not done so, blocking the World Health Organization, for instance, from conducting additional on-the-ground probe.

Asked if the president has broached the issue, Kirby noted how the administration has regularly called on Beijing to be more transparent and told RCP that Biden called for additional cooperation “when he met with President Xi in Bali just a couple of months ago.” A White House readout of that meeting, as the New York Post reported at the time, did not include any mention of the origins of COVID.

Controversy continues on the gain-of-function front. The National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity (NASB) recommended sweeping new changes to how the government regulates gain-of-function experiments last month. As the New York Times reported, the decision now rests with the Biden administration as it seeks to balance the apparent need for research to prevent a pandemic with the possibility of that kind of research inadvertently jumpstarting a plague.

“If the government implements the spirit of what they’ve written,” Gregory Koblentz, a biodefense specialist at George Mason University, told the Times, “this would be a major overhaul of dual-use research oversight in the United States.

That kind of research remains “vital for ensuring the United States is prepared to rapidly detect, respond to, and recover from future infectious disease threats,” Acting NIH Director Lawrence Tabak said last year. What is needed is balance, he explained in a February 2021 statement announcing the review by the NASB board. “Such research can be inherently high risk given the possibility of biosafety lapses or deliberate misuse,” Tabak said. “However, not doing this type of research could impair our ability to prepare for and/or respond to future consequential biological threats.”

As the New York Times noted, the White House will soon decide whether to adopt the new recommendations for how gain of function should be handled. Biden, as Kirby told RCP, believes that kind of research can be done prudently.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/28/2023 – 20:45

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How Politically Divided Are Social Media Networks?

How Politically Divided Are Social Media Networks?

Social media has the reputation of being a battlefield of political ideology, with the political left and right in constant conflict on networks like Twitter or Facebook.

But do people further on the left or on the right really prefer social media more than centrists?

And does political affiliation have an influence on someone’s preferred social media network?

As Statista’s Katharina Buchholz reports, some answers to these questions can be gleaned from the Statista Consumer Insights survey when cross-referencing preference for the use of social media with participants’ self-reported political orientation.

According to the results, there are no major gaps in preference for most social media platforms among Americans, but there are some interesting differences.

Infographic: How Politically Divided Are Social Media Networks? | Statista

You will find more infographics at Statista

Facebook is the platform where centrists feel most at home. The group tends to stay away more from other social media than those who see themselves as more distinctly on the right or on the left politically. While Facebook is somewhat underused by those on the left, if only by a small margin, TikTok and Instagram are the networks with the most equal left-right distribution.

On Twitter, partisanism is the most pronounced, with somewhat more use by those on the right.

Linkedin also shows slightly more use from this group, while the opposite is true on another less used network, Reddit. The results of this survey suggest that political stance has only very limited influence on social media use. There are differences, but they are only by a few percentage points and should therefore not be interpreted too strongly.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/28/2023 – 20:25

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Watchdog To Probe Buttigieg’s Use Of Government Aircraft

Watchdog To Probe Buttigieg’s Use Of Government Aircraft

Authored by Caden Pearson via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

The U.S. Department of Transportation (DOT) is facing an audit by its internal watchdog following reports about Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg’s use of government aircraft.

Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg listens to a question during a press conference following a tour of a Southside transportation hub in Chicago, Ill., on July 16, 2021. (Scott Olson/Getty Images)

The Office of Inspector General (OIG) said in a memo on Monday that Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), citing news reports, requested the audit to determine whether Buttigieg’s use of government aircraft “complied with all applicable federal regulations” and DOT policies and procedures.

According to the memo, the OIG will conduct its audit at DOT headquarters and other sites as needed, focusing on official trips taken since Jan. 31, 2017.

The watchdog said the audit also aims to minimize cost and improve the management and use of government aviation resources and that it will begin “shortly.”

Buttigieg, who has pushed for policies to end using the same fossil fuels used to power government jets, has faced criticism over his use of such aircraft, which, according to a 2021 report from the group Transport and Environment, are “10 times more carbon intensive than airliners on average, and 50 times more polluting than trains.”

The transportation secretary responded on Twitter, welcoming the review and emphasizing that his use of government aircraft was mostly for official purposes and to save taxpayer money.

“Glad this will be reviewed independently so misleading narratives can be put to rest. Bottom line: I mostly fly on commercial flights, in economy class. And when I do use our agency’s aircraft, it’s usually a situation where doing so saves taxpayer money,” Buttigieg wrote.

According to the memo, the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) operates and maintains a fleet of aircraft on behalf of the DOT, which are used for various purposes, including transporting senior executives from both DOT and FAA.

The Office of Management and Budget’s guidance allows executive department heads to travel on government aircraft, but there are restrictions.

The guidance states that government aircraft can only be used for official travel or on a space-available basis, subject to certain policies and authorizations. According to the memo, this applies to all government-owned, leased, chartered, and rental aircraft and related services operated by executive agencies.

Rubio, Grassley Letters

On Dec. 16, 2022, Rubio called for the watchdog review after Fox News reported on Buttigieg’s use of taxpayer-funded private jets in the United States and internationally “at least 18 different times since taking office.”

The total cost of Buttigieg’s flights is unknown, but according to The Washington Post, the FAA charged federal agencies $5,000 per hour to use its aircraft.

“If these reports are confirmed, it would represent yet another troubling example of this administration’s continued willingness to skirt basic ethics rules,” Rubio wrote (pdf)

The Fox News report cited flight tracking data obtained by independent watchdog group Americans for Public Trust.

Read more here…

Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/28/2023 – 20:05

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Pennsylvania Chick-fil-A Bans Diners 16 And Under Without Adult Supervision

Pennsylvania Chick-fil-A Bans Diners 16 And Under Without Adult Supervision

As an increasingly disturbing trend of outright chaos spreads through U.S. cities, with leftist politicians unable to grasp the elementary concept that crime should not be encouraged, one Chick-fil-A in Pennsylvania is starting to enforce their own rules to maintain order.

In a trend we are sure will likely spread, a Montgomery County, PA Chick-fil-A is now banning people under the age of 16 from dining on its premises without adult supervision. The decision came after a sequence of “unacceptable behaviors”, according to CBS News.

The company announced its decision on Facebook last week, stating: “We contemplated long and hard before posting this, but decided it was time. Often on Saturdays and days when schools are off, we have school-age children visiting the restaurant without their parents. Usually, these children and teens are dropped off for several hours at a local bounce park and groups of them then walk over to our restaurant.”

It continued: “While we love being a community restaurant and serving guests of all ages, some issues need to be addressed.” The restaurant said of the children and teens that they are “loud, and their conversation often contains a lot of explicit language. We are a family friendly restaurant where this is not tolerated.”

They also said that “Food and trash are often thrown around and left on the tables, chairs, and on the floor. Tables and restrooms are vandalized. Decorations are stolen.”

The restaurant also stood up to protect its employees, stating that they are “laughed at, made fun of and treated rudely. Employees are cursed at and ignored when they ask the children and teens to either change their behavior or leave.”

The restaurant concluded:

As you can imagine, this is not a pleasant experience. We want to provide a comfortable and safe environment for our guests and our staff, and also to protect our building. Therefore, we cannot allow this to continue. As a result, to dine in our restaurant, anyone under the age of 16 is required to be accompanied by an adult. If not accompanied by an adult, they may come in to purchase food, but must take it to go.

To those unaccompanied children and teens that have visited us and acted appropriately, we thank you. But we also apologize. Due to the numerous extreme behaviors of many of your peers, we must make a blanket rule covering anyone under the age of 16.

One father said: “It makes sense. When kids get together, it’s the herd mentality and I’ve seen it. I like the way they’ve handled it, saying it’s not parents’ fault, just kids getting together. I think they’re just loud. Common sense is not common, so they don’t know to keep down the tone of their language and the volume. I’m sure my kids are the same way.”

Customer Gary Walens told CBS: “If the kids are getting unruly and going into places like this, the owners have to do something. These are businesses that are trying to make a profit and if the kids are coming in and causing havoc in this restaurant and not allowing normal business, I don’t think that’s a good thing.”

While law abiding patrons and the owners/franchisees of the restaurant likely see this as a common sense solution to a growing problem across the nation, we’re sure it’s only a matter of time before some ACLU lawyer files a discrimination suit on behalf of unaccompanied children under the age of 16 as a class. Heck, maybe the carrot on a string of a possible settlement will actually get the parents involved in their childrens’ lives for a while and bring them closer.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/28/2023 – 19:45

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A Partisan Judge’s Parting Rampage

A Partisan Judge’s Parting Rampage

Authored by Julie Kelly via American Greatness,

Defense lawyers call it “January 6 jurisprudence”—a unique set of rules and laws that only apply to those ensnared in the Justice Department’s unstoppable push to punish individuals who do not believe Joe Biden is the legitimately elected president of the United States. So far, nearly 1,000 Americans have been arrested and charged, mostly on low-level misdemeanors, for their involvement in the Capitol protest as the regime circles its ultimate prize: Donald Trump.

The fundamental “crime” that acts as the basis of January 6 jurisprudence is not necessarily the four-hour disturbance that temporarily delayed the certification process that day. No, the real crime—to hear regime apparatchiks, the media (but I repeat myself), and Democratic Party politicians (including Biden himself) tell it—is promoting the “Big Lie,” the notion that the 2020 presidential election was rigged or stolen.

Efforts to uncover election irregularities or lawfully object to the outcome are under criminal investigation resulting in the unprecedented weaponization of legal and judicial authority conducted by unaccountable prosecutors and judges.

Enabling this farce in the nation’s capital is Beryl Howell, the chief judge of the D.C. District Court. A former Democratic staffer on Capitol Hill, Howell was appointed to the bench by Barack Obama in 2010 and elevated to chief judge in 2016. Since then, Howell has steered the government’s yearslong effort to put Trump in handcuffs. She managed the grand jury proceedings for Special Counsel Robert Mueller and is currently overseeing the Justice Department’s latest iteration of its “Get Trump” campaign—a sweeping investigation into alleged attempts to “overturn” the 2020 election.

Her latest broadside is aimed at Representative Scott Perry (R-Pa.). FBI agents, acting at the direction of the rogue Washington Field Office, stole Perry’s cell phone on August 9, 2022, the day after the same office executed an armed raid at Mar-a-Lago. Perry was traveling with his family in New Jersey at the time when agents seized his phone, copied its contents, and returned the device. 

Perry’s lawyers immediately attempted to keep the contents of the phone out of the hands of a leak-happy Justice Department, citing privacy and privilege factors, including the Constitution’s speech and debate clause, which basically protects the legislative branch from retaliatory actions by the executive branch. When Perry initially refused to waive that protection at the request of the Justice Department, the government successfully sought a second warrant a few days later to review what investigators collected from the phone.

And that’s when Judge Howell stepped in.

“After a determination that there was probable cause to believe that evidence of criminal activity would be found on the targeted cell phone, the government’s search warrant was approved,” Howell wrote in one motion filed in the mostly sealed case.

The second search warrant was reportedly approved by Howell on August 18.

Since then, Howell has wielded her power to prove herself right. A grand jury under her purview is “investigating potential federal criminal law violations stemming from efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election,” Howell wrote. According to the government, Howell noted, Perry used his phone “to communicate with individuals allegedly engaged in those efforts over critical time periods at issue in the investigation.”

That’s just a sliver of the crazy talk in Howell’s 51-page motion rejecting most of Perry’s arguments about why roughly 2,200 emails and texts qualify for protection under the speech and debate clause. Perry’s motions remain under seal, but his privilege claims appear to be centered around Congress’ obligations to administer the Electoral Count Act.

Following a private review in October of the records that Perry sought to protect, Howell determined only a handful met the clause’s standards. The remaining 2,055 records, including correspondence and materials exchanged between other House members and Executive Branch officials, were fair game, Howell concluded.

“In the broadest possible terms, Rep. Perry believes the Clause shields all these responsive records from investigative review because they are part of his informal fact-finding efforts to understand election security issues in the 2020 election since the ECA process obligated Rep. Perry to vote on whether to confirm the electors and certify the 2020 election,” Howell wrote in December. “What is plain is that the Clause does not shield Rep. Perry’s random musings with private individuals touting an expertise in cybersecurity or political discussions with attorneys from a presidential campaign, or with state legislators concerning hearings before them about possible local election fraud.”

On that point, Howell unintentionally tipped the government’s hand. Why would the Justice Department need those communications for a criminal investigation? It’s not illegal to have any of those discussions, even for the imaginary crime of attempting to overturn an election. Clearly, prosecutors want Perry’s texts and emails to leak to regime media cut-outs in an effort to embarrass him, its modus operandi since January 6.

In one particularly sneering line, Howell mocked Perry’s “wide-ranging interest in bolstering his belief that the results of the 2020 election were somehow incorrect—even in the face of his own reelection.” (Howell routinely condemns January 6 defendants in her courtroom for believing the “Big Lie.” Last April, Howell asked a man pleading guilty to trespassing whether he still believed that Biden did not legitimately win the presidency. He answered no.)

In a follow-up order filed on January 4, Howell raised “the public’s interest in an expedient investigation” as to why she would not halt her demand for Perry to turn over the records in question to the Justice Department. She gave Perry two days to file an appeal with the D.C. Circuit Court.

And the very next day, the appellate court issued an emergency order to put Howell’s ruling on hold.

A three-judge appellate court panel heard arguments in the case last week. According to Politico, at least two judges were skeptical of Howell’s—and the Justice Department’s —thinking. “‘Why wouldn’t an individual member’s fact-finding be covered?’ Neomi Rao, a Trump appointee, asked a Justice Department lawyer.

It could be a few months before the appellate court issues a ruling. In the meantime, investigators don’t have access to Perry’s cell phone records. (Or at least that is how it’s supposed to be.)

By then, the D.C. District court will have a new chief judge; Howell’s stint ends soon. Which is one reason the Justice Department is accelerating the pace of its investigation, including subpoenaing former Vice President Mike Pence a few weeks ago. 

“The frenzy of subpoenas comes as Judge Beryl Howell’s seven-year term as chief judge of the D.C. district court enters its last month,” the Wall Street Journal recently observed. “In that post, she has presided over all grand-jury matters in Washington and repeatedly ruled for the Justice Department in closed-door disputes with Mr. Trump over executive privilege.”

Prosecutors undoubtedly will miss Howell’s machinations on behalf of the government. As her rulings in Perry’s case once again show, Howell is a shameless partisan willing to twist the law, and the U.S. Constitution, to advance her own political agenda. She is the queen of January 6 jurisprudence.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/28/2023 – 19:25

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/5BsIE8K Tyler Durden

“Strangers on the Internet” Podcast Episode 24: What Are Dating App Operators Thinking?

The 24th episode (Apple Podcasts link here and Spotify link here) of Strangers on the Internet with co-host and psychologist Michelle Lange explores why dating app providers behave the way they do and why they don’t do more to protect users.

I talk about my legal research into this area and what has happened when victims have tried to hold providers accountable via the courts (spoiler: not much). We also examine the cultural implications of bad behavior on apps, such as the high frequency at which users lie on them. We discuss how this relates not only to the anonymity of the Internet but also a sadly common general societal willingness to endanger other people’s health and wellbeing.

Last, you won’t believe Michelle’s story about how the app The League tried pushing her to communicate again with a man after she had unmatched him (and what Michelle had to say to The League in response)!

The post "Strangers on the Internet" Podcast Episode 24: What Are Dating App Operators Thinking? appeared first on Reason.com.

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D.C. Circuit Refuses to Order Archivist to Certify Ratification of Equal Rights Amendment

From today’s D.C. Circuit opinion in Illinois v. Ferriero, written by Judge David Wilkins and joined by Judges Neomi Rao and Michelle Childs:

The States of Illinois and Nevada … filed this mandamus action in the district court, seeking to compel the Archivist of the United States to certify and publish the Equal Rights Amendment (“ERA”) as part of the Constitution of the United States. The States argued that the Archivist had a duty to certify and publish the ERA because it was ratified by the requisite three-fourths of the States of the Union as required by Article V of the Constitution.

Alabama, Louisiana, Nebraska, South Dakota, and Tennessee … joined the litigation as intervenor-defendants. Both Intervenors and the Archivist moved the District Court to dismiss the States’ case as a matter of law….

The District Court … ruled the States did not show that the Archivist’s failure to certify and publish the ERA caused “a concrete injury that could be remedied by ordering him to act,” and that his decision to certify and publish amendments “has no legal effect.” The District Court also ruled that Plaintiffs had not established that the Archivist had a clear duty to certify and publish the ERA or that their right to relief was clear and indisputable. The District Court did not reach Intervenors’ arguments that the ERA had expired under Article V of the Constitution and that five states had validly rescinded their ratifications. …

The grounds on which a district court may grant mandamus relief are narrow, and the demands are austere. Because we agree that the States fail to show their right to relief is “clear and indisputable,” we affirm….

The States’ first argument is that neither Article V of the Constitution nor 1 U.S.C. § 106b (the relevant statute) permits the Archivist to consider anything other than whether the requisite number of states have ratified the proposed constitutional amendment. Under this view, once the Archivist was provided notice that thirty-eight states (three-fourths of the states of the Union) had ratified the ERA, then pursuant to Article V and § 106b, the Archivist had a clear duty to certify and publish the ERA in the Statutes at Large as a part of the Constitution. In essence, the States argue that the seven-year ratification deadline in the resolution passed by Congress has no legal relevance to the Archivist’s certification and publication duties.

The problem for the States is that their interpretation is not the only permissible construction of the relevant statute. The Archivist’s certification and publication duties are set forth in § 106b as follows:

Whenever official notice is received at the National Archives and Records Administration that any amendment proposed to the Constitution of the United States has been adopted, according to the provisions of the Constitution, the Archivist of the United States shall forthwith cause the amendment to be published, with his certificate, specifying the States by which the same may have been adopted, and that the same has become valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the Constitution of the United States.

The statute expressly provides that the Archivist’s certification shall “specify[ ]” that the ERA “has become valid,” which can be reasonably interpreted to give the Archivist authority to decide whether the fact that some of the ratifications occurred after Congress’s seven-year deadline affects their validity. This is the interpretation proposed by the Archivist, and based solely on the statutory text, we cannot say that this interpretation is “clearly wrong,” and “there is [no] room for an honest difference of opinion.” …

The States’ contention that Article V prohibits the Archivist from considering the ratification dates on the official notices essentially merges with its second argument, which is that the seven-year ratification deadline is ultra vires. Recall that Article V gives Congress the power to “propose” amendments, which

shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress …

The States submit that because the text of Article V only specifies that Congress can select the “mode of ratification,” Congress has no power to place any other limitations on the states when it comes to ratification. According to the States, “mode of ratification” refers solely to the process of ratification either via a constitutional convention or a legislative vote, because those two modalities are expressly mentioned preceding the phrase “mode of ratification.” Thus, the argument goes, affixing the timing of ratification falls outside of the plain meaning of “mode of ratification” and is not authorized by Article V. The States also argue that at the time of the founding, several state constitutions included deadlines for the ratification of proposed amendments, and thus the absence of deadlines in Article V was deliberate, rendering any attempt to “rewrite” Article V to include Congressional power to set such deadlines improper.

As a matter of the plain meaning, the States’ textual interpretation is not without force. It is certainly plausible to read the word “mode” as only referring to how the amendment may be ratified and not when. The problem for the States is that the Supreme Court has also observed that Article V confers upon Congress an “incident[al] … power” to establish “matters of detail” that flows from its power to designate the “mode of ratification,” including the establishment of a reasonable time limit for ratification….

Finally, the States argue that even if Congress has the power to impose a ratification deadline, the ERA’s seven-year deadline is invalid. The States contend that Congress lacks authority to set deadlines outside of the text of the amendment, i.e., in the proposing clause of the amendment, as was done in the ERA. The States point out that Congress placed the seven-year ratification deadline in the Eighteenth Amendment as part of its text. Thus, according to the States, to the extent [an earlier Supreme Court case involving the Eighteenth Amendment] upheld Congress’s power to impose the seven-year ratification deadline, the Court’s reasoning is confined to deadlines placed in the text of the amendment, rather than in language “separate” from the text. We also find this argument to fall short of the clear and indisputable standard.

Significantly, the States cite no persuasive authority suggesting that Congress is prohibited from placing the mode of ratification—ratification either by convention or the state legislature—in the proposing clause of an amendment. At oral argument, the States conceded that Congress has placed the mode of ratification (ratification by legislature or ratification by convention) in the proposing clause of every constitutional amendment in the nation’s history, and the States further concede that Congress’s specification of this aspect of the “mode” in the proposing clause does not invalidate any of those amendments. If one aspect of the mode of ratification can be placed in the proposing clause, then why not also the ratification deadline? The States’ argument that the proposing clause is akin to the inoperative prefatory clause in a bill is unpersuasive, not just because proposed constitutional amendments are not “ordinary cases of legislation,” but also because if that were the case, then the specification of the mode of ratification in every amendment in our nation’s history would also be inoperative.

We do not find it clear and indisputable that Congress’s consistent placement of the mode of ratification in the proposing clause of every amendment since the founding had no impact on the validity of any of those amendments, while Congress’s placement of a ratification deadline in the proposing clause of the ERA (side-by-side with the mode of ratification) renders the deadline invalid (but not the mode)….

Congratulations to Deputy Assistant AG Sarah Harrington, who argued for the appellees.

The post D.C. Circuit Refuses to Order Archivist to Certify Ratification of Equal Rights Amendment appeared first on Reason.com.

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ACLU of N.C., Freedom of the Press Foundation, and I Are Challenging Sealing of Documents Related to Gag Order

In Doe v. U.N.C. Sys. (W.D.N.C.), a case challenging the expulsion of plaintiff Jacob Doe for alleged sexual assault, the court issued a quite remarkable TRO last week: It, among other things,

  1. required defendants “to direct all individuals”—including UNC students—”over whom they exercise control to refrain from publishing or disclosing any information concerning the Plaintiff, the disciplinary proceedings, or the outcomes of such proceedings,” and
  2. required defendants “to inform any media outlet, or any other third party, that receives information concerning the Plaintiff’s disciplinary outcome about the filing of this motion for a temporary restraining order and preliminary injunction, and notifying such media outlets or other third party, that they are prohibited from publishing any information concerning the Plaintiff, the disciplinary proceedings, or the outcomes of such proceedings.”

This strikes me as likely unconstitutional, because of its substantive scope, because it was entered as an ex parte TRO with no opportunity for the defendants to be heard, and because it purports to restrict the free speech rights of third parties who also had no opportunity to be heard. But when I tried to figure out why the court entered such a broad restriction, I couldn’t, because the motion for the TRO and the supporting memorandum were sealed. And when I tried to figure out the basis for the sealing, I couldn’t, because there was no official sealing order authorizing and explaining the sealing (even though the W.D.N.C. local rules seem to require such sealing orders).

I’m therefore delighted that the ACLU of N.C., representing itself and the Freedom of the Press Foundation, joined by my pro bono local counsel Mark Sigmon, representing me, (many thanks!) have just filed a motion to intervene and unseal the sealed documents. (I should note that Kristi Graunke and Samuel Davis of the ACLU of N.C. have taken the laboring oar on the drafting, and I’m delighted to be free-riding on their efforts.) Here’s the heart of the argument:

In the American judicial system, civil proceedings are “traditionally open.” Virginia Dep’t of State Police v. Washington Post, 386 F.3d 567, 580 (4th Cir. 2004). “[I]n some civil cases the public interest in access, and the salutary effects of publicity, may be as strong as, or stronger than, in most criminal cases.” Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U.S. 368, 386 n.15 (1979). Transparency is the general rule: the public’s right of access “may be abrogated only in unusual circumstances.” Stone v. Univ. of Maryland Med. Sys. Corp., 855 F.2d 178, 182 (4th Cir. 1988).

In this case, records that this Court relied upon to fix the substantive rights of the parties—and of non-parties whose constitutional rights are burdened by the temporary restraining order (TRO)—remain secret. If “unusual circumstances” exist to justify this deviation from the norm of transparency, these circumstances have not been disclosed to the public. There is no publicly available order explaining why certain judicial records are currently under seal. Accordingly, Intervenors respectfully move to unseal [the motion for the TRO and supporting memorandum, and any papers related to sealing] …. Unsealing is necessary to protect Intervenors’, and the public’s, right to “judge the product of the courts in [this] case.” Columbus–America Discovery Group v. Atlantic Mut. Ins. Co., 203 F.3d 291, 303 (4th Cir. 2000)….

[I.] Intervenors have common law and First Amendment rights to access the orders and filings in this case.

“The right of public access to documents or materials filed in a district court derives from two independent sources: the common law and the First Amendment.” Virginia Dep’t of State Police, 386 F.3d at 575. Each source provides a different level of “substantive protection.” Rushford v. New Yorker Magazine, Inc., 846 F.2d 249, 253 (4th Cir.1988). Under existing Fourth Circuit precedent, Intervenors have common law and First Amendment rights to access the requested records.

[A.] Intervenors’ common law right of access.

“The common law presumes a right of the public to inspect and copy all judicial records and documents.” Virginia Dep’t of State Police, 386 F.3d at 575 (cleaned up). “[I]t is commonsensical that judicially authored or created documents are judicial records.” In re U.S. for an Ord. Pursuant to 18 U.S.C. Section 2703(D), 707 F.3d 283, 290 (4th Cir. 2013).

So too are “documents filed with the court … if they play a role in the adjudicative process, or adjudicate substantive rights.” Plaintiff’s motion for sealing, motion for a TRO and preliminary injunction, and any supporting materials “play[ed] a role in the adjudicative process” because they “were filed with the objective of obtaining judicial action or relief.” Accordingly, “the common law presumption of access attaches” to all judicial records sought by Intervenors.

“To substantively overcome the common law presumption of access … a court must find that there is a ‘significant countervailing interest’ in support of sealing that outweighs the public’s interest in openness.” In re U.S. for an Ord. Pursuant to 18 U.S.C. Section 2703(D), 707 F.3d at 293. In performing this “common law balancing test,” courts consider “whether the records are sought for improper purposes … whether release would enhance the public’s understanding of an important historical event; and whether the public has already had access to the information contained in the records.” In re Knight Publ. Co., 743 F.2d 231, 235 (4th Cir.1984). “The party seeking to overcome the presumption bears the burden of showing some significant interest that outweighs the presumption.” Rushford, 846 F.2d at 253.

Here, Intervenors seek access to the requested motions and orders to assess this Court’s rationale for issuing the TRO and the arguments presented in support of a preliminary injunction. This information would be used for legitimate purposes relating to each intervenor’s respective professional missions, as a First Amendment scholar who publicly reports on issues relating to judicial transparency, a non-profit organization that regularly writes about and participates in legal proceedings involving press freedoms, and a non-profit organization that advocates for the constitutional rights of all North Carolinians. Release of these records would help the public understand why this Court issued a gag order which, under the First Amendment, “warrant[s] a most rigorous form of review because [it] rest[s] at the intersection of two disfavored forms of expressive limitations: prior restraints and content-based restrictions.” In re Murphy-Brown, LLC, 907 F.3d 788, 796–97 (4th Cir. 2018). Absent action to unseal these records, the public will lack access to this information.

Given that plaintiff is already proceeding under pseudonym, his interest in maintaining privacy cannot be a “significant countervailing interest” justifying sealing. Plaintiff has asserted that providing the public with access to “the underlying facts and legal claims” of this case will further the “public[‘s] interest in state activity, including activity that violates constitutional principles.” Plaintiff’s privacy interest may justify redacting portion of any records that may reveal personally identifying information about the parties. It cannot justify actions that “would conceal the basis for the court’s decision, which … is not permissible in light of the public’s … right of access to documents relied upon in support of” a decision, especially one implicating fundamental constitutional rights.

[B.] Intervenors’ First Amendment right of access.

This Court need not address Intervenors’ First Amendment rights to access the requested judicial records because plaintiff cannot meet his burden under the common law balancing test, and, as set forth infra, the local rules governing sealing have not been complied with in this case. However, should this Court disagree, Intervenors also have a First Amendment right to access the records.

While the common law right of access presumptively applies to all judicial records, “the First Amendment guarantee of access has been extended only to particular judicial records and documents.” Stone, 855 F.2d at 180. The question of what records are covered not been conclusively resolved in the Fourth Circuit. But a document becomes a judicial record when it is used to “adjudicate substantive rights.” In re U.S. for an Ord. Pursuant to 18 U.S.C. Section 2703(D), 707 F.3d at 290. Moreover, there is a long history of allowing members of the press and the public to access substantive motions in civil proceedings, see, e.g., Stone, 855 F.2d at 182, and transparency at this stage “plays a significant positive role in the functioning of” the judicial system. Press-Enter. Co. v. Superior Ct. of California for Riverside Cnty., 478 U.S. 1, 8 (1986).

“[S]everal circuits, as well as district courts within the Fourth Circuit, have held” that the First Amendment right applies to “documents filed in conjunction with a motion for preliminary injunction.” Courts have held the same with respect to documents filed in conjunction with a motion for a TRO. Because the Court relied upon plaintiff’s TRO and preliminary injunction in issuing an order fixing the parties’ substantive rights, the First Amendment right of access is implicated.

At a minimum, the First Amendment right of access applies when a litigant’s invocation of judicial authority may result in a substantial burden on another person’s constitutional rights. “[P]reliminary injunctions are extraordinary remedies involving the exercise of very far-reaching power to be granted only sparingly and in limited circumstances.” MicroStrategy Inc. v. Motorola, Inc., 245 F.3d 335, 339 (4th Cir. 2001). And “[t]he loss of First Amendment freedoms, for even minimal periods of time, unquestionably constitutes irreparable injury.” Legend Night Club v. Miller, 637 F.3d 291, 302 (4th Cir. 2011). When a litigant invites a court to exercise an extraordinary judicial power in a manner that may work an irreparable injury, those who would be burdened—and all members of the public—have a right to know why such sweeping restrictions are justified.

Records implicating the First Amendment right of access must be made publicly accessible “unless there is a compelling … interest” in abrogating the right and “the denial of the right of access is narrowly tailored to serve that interest.” There is no compelling interest in denying access to the requested records here and, even if there were, wholesale sealing is not “narrowly tailored” in light of other mechanisms available to protect plaintiff’s privacy, including allowing him to proceed under pseudonym and redacting personally identifiable information.

[II.] Intervenors did not receive the notice and opportunity to object to sealing required under Fourth Circuit precedent and this Court’s local rules.

Before shutting their doors to the public, courts must adhere to a set of procedural safeguards designed to give members of the public a chance to vindicate their access rights. Such safeguards were not applied in this case.

In the Fourth Circuit, courts must “(1) provide public notice of the request to seal and allow interested parties a reasonable opportunity to object, (2) consider less drastic alternatives to sealing the documents, and (3) provide specific reasons and factual findings supporting its decision to seal the documents and for rejecting the alternatives.” Ashcraft v. Conoco, Inc., 218 F.3d 288, 302 (4th Cir. 2000). Similarly, LCvR 6.1 requires parties to support a motion to seal with “[a] non-confidential description of the material sought to be sealed” and “[a] statement indicating why sealing is necessary and why there are no alternatives to filing under seal,” LCvR 6.1(c)(1)-(2), and a court must “state its reasons with findings supporting its decision [to seal]” and “specify whether the sealing is temporary or permanent,” LCvR 6.1(f).

In this case, these procedures were not followed. On 22 February 2023, this Court issued a TRO, which it granted “on the Plaintiff’s Ex Parte Motion for a Temporary Restraining Order and Motion for a Preliminary Injunction. [Doc 4].” Plaintiff’s motion and “Memorandum in Support [of] Plaintiff’s Motion for a Temporary Restraining Order and Preliminary Injunction,” which are referenced in plaintiff’s certification of notice, are not available on the public docket as of the filing of this motion. Nor is there a publicly available motion to seal or an order from this Court allowing sealing.

The public docket does contain plaintiff’s complaint and “Motion for Leave to Proceed Under Pseudonym,” along with a proposed order, a supporting memorandum, and a declaration of counsel. These materials solely address plaintiff’s desire to proceed pseudonymously, and to allow his accusers to proceed in the same fashion. Nevertheless, plaintiff appears to have proceeded in secret to obtain an order substantially burdening the constitutional rights of Intervenors and other members of the public.

In his request to proceed as Jacob Doe, plaintiff argued it would be “sufficient that the underlying facts and legal claims are public.” Indeed, plaintiff’s complaint provides his version of the “underlying facts and legal claims” at great and often explicit length. By plaintiff’s own terms, there is no apparent justification for allowing the “facts and legal claims” supporting his request for a TRO and preliminary injunction to remain secret. At a minimum, this Court should provide Intervenors and other members of the public notice and an opportunity to be heard, as required under Fourth Circuit precedent and this Court’s own rules.

[Conclusion]

“Any step that withdraws an element of the judicial process from public view makes the ensuing decision look more like a fiat and requires rigorous justification.” Doe v. Pub. Citizen, 749 F.3d 246, 266 (4th Cir. 2014). Intervenors, and the public, are entitled to a justification for this Court’s TRO or, at a minimum, an explanation for why it is permissible to deny them one. Accordingly, Intervenors respectfully request that this Court unseal the requested judicial records.

The post ACLU of N.C., Freedom of the Press Foundation, and I Are Challenging Sealing of Documents Related to Gag Order appeared first on Reason.com.

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US Sends Spy Plane Over Taiwan Strait As Denunciations Become Daily

US Sends Spy Plane Over Taiwan Strait As Denunciations Become Daily

China has angrily condemned the latest US military move in the Taiwan Strait region. On Monday, a US Navy surveillance plane flew over the contested strait, drawing quick rebuke from Bejing

A statement from China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) said that it firmly “opposes the US’s action, which has deliberately disrupted the regional situation and jeopardized the peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.”

The Navy’s Seventh Fleet sent a P-8A Poseidon plane over the area while stressing it’s ready and willing to “operate anywhere international law allows including within the Taiwan Strait.”

Boeing P-8 Poseidon MPA, file image

Last summer, soon after in June China declared it sees the Taiwan Strait as “not international waters” – but instead its own territory, the Pentagon made a similarly provocative flight with a P-8A spy plane. 

Tensions are particularly high at this moment of greatly frayed US-China relations. On Tuesday Secretary of State Antony Blinken vowed the US will sanction any Chinese firm caught doing military deals with Russia

It was the most specific admonition on the issue yet, since Washington began ramping up accusations that Beijing is mulling lethal aid for Moscow to help execute its war in Ukraine:

“China can’t have it both ways when it comes to … the Russian aggression in Ukraine. It can’t be putting forward peace proposals on the one hand, while actually feeding the flames of the fire that Russia has started with the other hand,” Blinken said in Kazakhstan.

“We did very clearly warn China about the implications and consequences of going through with providing such support,” he continued.

“We will not hesitate, for example, to target Chinese companies or individuals that violate our sanctions, or otherwise engaged in supporting the Russian war effort,” he said.

Lately the US-China superpower rivalry has morphed into a perpetuating standoff, taking the form of daily tit-for-tat denunciations and an increasing number of military encounters in both the Taiwan Strait and other areas in the South China Sea.

For example, it was only on Friday that an American P-8 spy plane was intercepted by a Chinese J-11 jet fighter, reportedly armed with four air-to-air missiles. According to The Wall Street Journal the Chinese aircraft had “passed above and settled a few hundred feet from the wing of the U.S. Navy plane.” CNN captured the moment, as seen in the above clip.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 02/28/2023 – 18:25

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