RFK Jr. Says Biden DHS Won’t Provide Secret Service Protection

RFK Jr. Says Biden DHS Won’t Provide Secret Service Protection

RFK Jr., whose father was assassinated on the presidential campaign trail in 1968, says the Biden Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has denied his request for Secret Service protection.

“Since the assassination of my father in 1968, candidates for president are provided Secret Service protection. But not me,” Kennedy tweeted.

“Our campaign’s request included a 67-page report from the world’s leading protection firm, detailing unique and well established security and safety risks aside from commonplace death threats.”

A misleading community note was added to the tweet, which suggests that candidates will only be protected within 120 days of the general election…

The Secret Service’s website suggests the same:

The actual text of the law, however, makes clear that the 120-day guidance is for spouses.

Major Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates and, within 120 days of the general Presidential election, the spouses of such candidates.

Punctuation matters.

Meanwhile, an argument for why Kennedy should receive SS protection:

(continued, emphasis ours)

The law authorizes Secret Service protection for major presidential and vice presidential candidates and their spouses within 120 days of the general presidential election. However, the evolution of the protective detail is based upon actual threats and acts of aggression against both the highest public office in the land and those who seek the position.

History shows there is precedent for candidates receiving protection >120 days ahead of the general election.

Donald Trump & Ben Carson were provided Secret Service protection 365 days before Election Day in 2015

Barack Obama was provided Secret Service protection 551 days before Election Day in 2007

RFK Jr is within the time range of the precedent set by the candidates above (465 days from Election Day) and is arguably under even greater threat given the Kennedy family’s tragic history of assassinations.

The Secretary of Homeland Security (DHS Sec. Alejandro Mayorkas) has the discretion and the ability to approve or deny Secret Service coverage to presidential candidates at any point in the campaign.

Given that the Biden Administration began to censor RFK Jr within days of getting into the White House and is continuing that censorship even through last week’s censorship hearing, it is not surprising that a Biden appointee has denied a political opponent’s request for Secret Service protection.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 07/29/2023 – 19:00

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Non-Human ‘Biologics’ Recovered From UFOs, Whistleblower Testifies

Non-Human ‘Biologics’ Recovered From UFOs, Whistleblower Testifies

Authored by Savannah Hulsey Pointer via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

A former Air Force intelligence officer said the U.S. government has recovered UFO vehicles as well as the “biologics” of the pilots during a House hearing on unidentified flying objects, now known as unidentified anomalous phenomena (UAP).

David Grusch, former National Reconnaissance Officer Representative of Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena Task Force at the U.S. Department of Defense, takes his seat at a House Oversight Committee hearing titled “Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena: Implications on National Security, Public Safety, and Government Transparency” on Capitol Hill in Washington, on July 26, 2023. (Drew Angerer/Getty Images)

The Subcommittee on National Security, the Border, and Foreign Affairs held a hearing on July 26, where testimony was heard from retired Maj. David Grusch, Former National Reconnaissance Officer Representative, Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena Task Force, Department of Defense, and other expert witnesses.

Mr. Grusch was one of three witnesses at the hearing entitled “Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena: Implications on National Security, Public Safety, and Government Transparency.”

Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) questioned Mr. Grusch about the recovery of “crashed craft[s]” and whether or if their pilots had been found.

“You’ve stated that the government is in possession of potentially non-human spacecraft. But based on your experience and extensive conversations with experts, do you believe our government has made contact with intelligent extraterrestrials?” Ms. Mace asked.

That’s something I can’t discuss in a public setting,” Mr. Grusch replied.

“If you believe we have crashed craft—as stated earlier—do we have the bodies of the pilots who piloted the craft?” Ms. Mace asked, specifically wanting to know whether any possibly recovered remains had “human or nonhuman biologics.”

Biologics came with some of these recoveries, yes,” said Mr. Grusch, citing those with involvement in the program directing the recovery attempts had determined that the organisms in question were “non-human.”

Non-human. And that was the assessment of people with direct knowledge on the program,” he said.

He also told lawmakers that he believes the U.S. government has probably been aware of “non-human” activity for nearly 100 years and affirmed to Ms. Mace that he believed there was an “active disinformation campaign within our government to deny the existence of [unidentified anomalous phenomena].”

Fellow witness Ryan Graves, the Executive Director of Americans for Safe Aerospace, testified that he believes around 95 percent of unidentified anomalous phenomena (UAP) currently go unreported by pilots working for the U.S. government.

A Witnesses’ Encounter

Another witness, retired Commander David Fravor, Former Commanding Officer for the U.S. Navy, testified before the committee about being on a training mission in 2004 when he was dispatched to investigate an ariel phenomenon that was detected on the ship’s radar persistently for weeks.

The pilot reported seeing a “small, white, Tic Tac-shaped object” moving rapidly across the water’s surface despite having no rotors or visible means of propulsion.

“As we pulled [our] nose onto the object at approximately one-half of a mile with the object just left of our nose, it rapidly accelerated and disappeared right in front of our aircraft. Our wingman, roughly 8,000 ft above us, also lost visual,” Mr. Fravor said.

Shortly thereafter, the command ship informed Mr. Fravor that the object had returned to its radar after traveling approximately 60 miles in less than one minute.

Legislators believe that as a result of a large amount of likely unreported evidence that supports the presence of unexplained events, two issues arise. The first is that it destroys the public’s faith in their government and that secrecy on the matter degrades the political process.

“The sightings of UAPs have rarely been explained by the people who have firsthand accounts of these situations,” said Rep. Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) during the hearing.

“This is largely due to the lack of transparency by our own government and the failure of our elected leaders to make good on their promises to release explanations and footage and mountains of over-classified documents that continue to be hidden from the American people.”

Read more here…

Tyler Durden
Sat, 07/29/2023 – 18:30

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Yellow Ceased “Regular Operations” On Friday

Yellow Ceased “Regular Operations” On Friday

By Rachel Premack of FreightWaves

Yellow, the third-largest less-than-truckload company that’s in the midst of financial chaos, said in a memo to laid-off, nonunion employees viewed by FreightWaves that the company was “shutting down regular operations”.

All locations will be closed and/or lay off some number of employees. As the memo stated:

“We regret to inform you that your employment with Yellow Corporation, or one of its subsidiaries, (collectively referred to as the ‘Company’) will permanently terminate on July 28, 2023, or within 14 days after (the ‘Separation Date’). The Company is shutting down its regular operations on July 28, 2023, closing and/or laying off employees at all of its locations, including yours (the ‘Shut Down’).”

 

The company on Friday morning laid off an unknown number of office employees, most of which were nonunion. It said in a memo to the laid-off employees that it was unable to alert them previously of this closing of business “because the Shut Down was not reasonably foreseeable.”

John Murphy, who is the Teamsters National Freight director, advised union employees to collect their belongings from all offices and terminals, in the case that Yellow shutters in the coming days and facilities are not accessible.

Murphy noted Teamsters is continuing to look for financing solutions for Yellow. However, he wrote, “the likelihood that Yellow will survive is increasingly bleak. Yellow continues to clear its system, and it appears to be laying off personnel and closing entire terminals across the country. All Yellow employees should, in our opinion, prepare for the worst, as Yellow appears to be headed to a complete shutdown within the next few days.”

Employees were notified of the layoffs on Friday morning in voice-only calls. At least three executives laid off large portions of their teams:

  • Yellow Chief Information Officer Annlea Rumfola informed her team of some 300 technology employees that Friday was their last day, according to an employee on the call.
  • Steve Selvig, vice president of customer care at Yellow, informed an unknown number of customer service employees that Friday was their last day, according to an employee on the call and a local news publication.
  • Yellow Chief Commercial Officer Jason Bergman invited the following teams to a call that said Friday was their last day: local sales divisions 1, 2 and 4; all inside sales; multiple regions of corporate sales; exhibit operations managers; and Yellow third-party logistics sales. This came from two employees on the call. FreightWaves reviewed screenshots of emails sent before and a recording of the call. A Yellow representative told FreightWaves after publication that not all teams invited were laid off.

These layoffs come ahead of a potential Yellow bankruptcy filing. A senior vice president said Yellow is expected to file for bankruptcy on Monday, according to three employees who attended an internal call in which the executive shared this news.

Terminated employees were instructed to receive information regarding their severance pay, health care, W-2s, and other key documents through an Oracle platform, as their access to company systems will be terminated on Friday. According to a memo distributed to terminated employees viewed by FreightWaves, severance for nonunion workers depends on title and length of tenure at the company:

It’s unclear why the Yellow third-party logistics sales team was invited to the layoff call, as the company is actively seeking to sell its logistics arm. A Yellow representative said in an emailed statement after the story was published that the Yellow Logistics organization has remained intact, including the Yellow Logistics salesforce.

A Yellow representative said in an emailed statement to FreightWaves after the story was published that customers can contact Yellow’s support line at 800-610-6500 or customer.care@myyellow.com.

“Yellow has retained a robust customer service team that is fully capable of handling inquiries and assisting with all support that customers might need,” the representative said.

Yellow, a 99-year-old company headquartered in Nashville, Tennessee, employs some 30,000 workers. About 22,000 of them are represented by the Teamsters union. Teamsters and Yellow have been locked in a monthslong strife over changing key work rules at the trucking fleet. Now, sources say Yellow may file for bankruptcy imminently. 

In a call to Yellow sales teams, Bergman shared a statement on the company’s potential shuttering — and pinned the blame on the Teamsters’ refusal to negotiate with the company:

“Since last January, we have made every attempt to meet with the IBT. The IBT’S refusal to negotiate for nine months, its freezing of our essential business plan, One Yellow and, finally, its strike authorizations caused customers to find alternative freight carriers and it’s had a catastrophic effect on our business. When IBT leaders were finally ready to meet this week, it was too late. By then, the IBT strike threat had already a devastating impact on our business, [unclear] investors and causing customers to quickly depart. Given this impact to our business, we are forced to announce additional headcount reductions of non-union employees.”

In a memo published to members Thursday night, Teamsters blamed Yellow’s management for the company’s financial issues:

“In the meantime, TNFINC and the IBT continue to try to work with the Government to determine whether there is a way to protect the Teamster families at Yellow. TNFINC and the IBT remain willing to work with Yellow and its lenders or potential lenders. Hope, however, is fading. Unfortunately, despite more than a decade of concessions totaling billions of dollars given to the Company by Teamster members as well as a massive government bailout loan in 2020, Yellow may finally be succumbing to its enormous debt burden.”

Tyler Durden
Sat, 07/29/2023 – 18:00

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Congress can Regulate the Supreme Court—But there are Limits to that Power


Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito
Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito
Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito.

Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito recently kicked off a controversy by saying that “No provision in the Constitution gives [Congress] the authority to regulate the Supreme Court — period.” Taken literally, that statement is nonsense. Congress clearly does have power to regulate the Court in a variety of ways. Alito is also probably wrong if we interpret his statement more narrowly, as merely saying that Congress has no power to impose an ethics code on the justices, as various critics of the Court have recently advocated. But congressional power over the Court is not unlimited. And some ethics rules could potentially run afoul of constitutional constraints.

As many critics of Alito’s remark have pointed out, the Constitution gives Congress extensive authority over various aspects of the Supreme Court’s structure and operations. Congress can set the number of justices, their pay and benefits, the amount and type of staff they are entitled to, and the scope of the Court’s appellate jurisdiction. Article III of the Constitution states that the Court’s ” Appellate jurisdiction” is constrained by “such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.”

These powers are subject to some textual limitations. For example, Congress cannot abolish or even restrict the “original jurisdiction” of the Court (cases which begin in the Supreme Court, as opposed to the lower courts), which extends to “all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party.” Similarly, Article III, Section 1 says that federal judges’ pay “shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.” Thus, Congress cannot lower the pay of current judges. But it can let inflation eat away at the real value of their salaries, and can mandate lower pay for judges appointed in the future.

Despite some textual constraints, it’s pretty obvious Congress has extensive authority to regulate the Court in various ways. I suspect Alito is well aware of this, and didn’t mean to make the radical claim that Congress literally has no power over the Court at all. Either that, or he may have spoken off the cuff, without carefully considering the implications. We all make mistakes like that sometimes. But people understandably pay more attention when the one who makes such a gaffe is a Supreme Court justice.

Alito may have meant something like that Congress lacks the power to regulate the Court’s internal operations, because doing so would undermine the judiciary’s ability to function as an independent branch of government. And imposing an ethics code would, in his view, breach that constraint.

Even this more moderate and reasonable version of Alito’s position is questionable. Article III empowers Congress to make “regulations” for the Court’s appellate jurisdiction. That power surely includes at least some authority to ensure that cases are heard in a fair and unbiased fashion. For example, few deny Congress can bar Supreme Court justices (and other federal judges) from taking bribes. And the federal anti-bribery statute does in fact cover the justices along with other federal judges. The same logic can also empower Congress to restrict at least some potential conflicts of interest less extreme than outright bribery.

On the other hand, Congress’ regulatory authority over the Court is not unlimited. For example, it cannot dictate case outcomes or mandate the use of particular interpretive methodologies, such as originalism or living constitutionalism. Doing so would usurp the core of “The judicial Power of the United States,” which Article III says is vested in the Supreme Court and lower federal courts, not in the legislative branch. If “judicial power” has any meaning at all, it includes the power to decide cases independently, without coercion by other branches of government.

Similarly, Congress cannot use an ethics code or other regulations to incentivize judges to rule in particular ways. For example, it cannot give higher pay to judges who make right-wing rulings as opposed to left-wing ones, or vice versa. And it cannot make ethics rules under which justices are more free to take gifts and awards from conservative groups than liberal ones (or the reverse). And so on.

Difficult questions may arise in situations where evidence indicates that a seemingly neutral ethics code or other regulation was in fact enacted for the purpose of skewing judicial incentives in favor of some litigants or causes relative to others. Such a situation would raise questions similar to other cases where a facially neutral law or regulation was actuated by constitutionally impermissible motives (e.g.—a facially neutral law intended to target people based on race, gender, or religion).

In sum, the literal version of Alito’s statement makes little sense. Congress can pretty obviously regulate the Supreme Court in  a variety of ways. It can also probably impose at least some types of ethical restrictions on justices, at least if we concede that it has the power to ban bribery, which few dispute. But congressional power over the Court is far from unlimited. And some ethics rules could potentially go beyond the scope of congressional authority.

While Congress can enact at least some ethics rules constraining the justices, that doesn’t by itself tell us what constraints it should impose. My own view is that many of the ethical complaints against the justices are overblown (e.g.—there’s nothing wrong with former Supreme Court clerks making small Venmo payments to defray the cost of a holiday party they and the justice they worked for decided to organize). There is also no evidence that any justice decided any case differently because of any gifts from a private party.

At the same time, I do think there should be constraints on justices taking large gifts from private individuals and organizations, other than perhaps close relatives. Some of the largesse Justice Thomas got from conservative billionaire Harlan Crow, goes beyond what can reasonably be justified. The same might also be said for some of the free travel and other perks received by other justices, including some of the liberals. Congress should, I think, impose some restrictions, though it may not be easy to find the exact right place to draw the line. I may have more to say about that in a future post.

For now, it’s enough to say that Congress does have considerable authority over the Court. But that power is itself subject to important constraints.

 

 

The post Congress can Regulate the Supreme Court—But there are Limits to that Power appeared first on Reason.com.

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Federal Court Blocks Arkansas Law That Limits “Harmful to Minors” Books in Libraries and Bookstores, and Also

An Arkansas statute (Act 372) makes it a crime (in its section 1) for librarians and booksellers to “[f]urnish a harmful item to a minor.” The U.S. Supreme Court has held that the First Amendment does not protect the distribution of “obscenity,” a narrow category that basically covers hard-core pornography. To be obscenity, a work must satisfy all three of the following elements, largely drawn from Miller v. California (1973), though with extra detail added by Smith v. U.S. (1977), Pope v. Illinois (1987), and Brockett v. Spokane Arcades, Inc. (1985):

  1. “the [a] average person, [b] applying contemporary community standards, would find that the work, [c] taken as a whole, [d] appeals to the prurient interest” (which means a “shameful or morbid” interest in sex as opposed to a “normal, healthy” interest);
  2. “the work depicts or describes, [a] in a patently offensive way [under [b] contemporary community standards], [c] sexual conduct specifically defined by the applicable state law”; and
  3. “the work, [a] taken as a whole, [b] lacks serious [c] literary, artistic, political, or scientific value[, [d] applying national standards and not just community standards].”

And the Court has also held that the law may bar distribution to minors of sexually themed material, if it fits within what is basically the Miller test with “of minors” or “for minors” added to each prong (e.g., “the work taken as a whole, lacks serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value for minors“). Ginsberg v. New York (1968), a pre-Miller case, upheld a law that implemented the then-current obscenity test with “to minors” added at the end of each prong; most lower courts and commentators have assumed that Ginsberg plus Miller justify laws that implement the Miller-based test with “to minors” added to each prong as well. This category is often labeled material that is “obscene for minors” or “harmful to minors.” (This is a completely different First Amendment exception from the one for child pornography, which focuses not on the recipient of the material but on the person depicted in the material.)

Now of course this raises the question: Minors vary sharply in age; is a work “obscene as to minors” when it has value for a 17-year-old (or isn’t patently offensive when displayed to a 17-year-old) but lacks value for a 5-year-old? Back in 1986, the Arkansas Supreme Court held (to quote a summary from a contemporaneous federal district court decision) that It is now clear that “material which is only harmful to the youngest of the minors” is treated as “harmful to minors” “even though such material would not be harmful to adults or older minors.” And because of this, District Court Judge Timothy Brooks (W.D. Ark.) held today in Fayetteville Public Library v. Crawford County, Section 1 of Act 372 is likely unconstitutional:

The Arkansas Supreme Court has already determined that “harmful to minors” includes a broad category of protected speech. Take for example, a paperback romance novel, which contains descriptions of sex. It is unlikely young minors would be interested in reading such a book, but if for some reason it were “made available” to them in bookstores or libraries, booksellers and librarians could possibly face penalties—depending on how that term was construed.

{The State’s attorney’s colloquy with the Court during the hearing makes clear that all parties agree about the breadth of material that would fall under the ambit of “harmful to minors” if Section 1 went into effect:

THE COURT: And librarians and booksellers and every person to whom Section 1 will become applicable to, in curating their content and offerings, will have to apply the test for what is harmful to minors to what is harmful to a 5-year-old without regard to the fact that that may not be harmful to a 17- year-old. Do you disagree with anything I have said so far?

STATE: No, Your Honor.}

If libraries and bookstores continue to allow individuals under the age of 18 to enter, the only way librarians and booksellers could comply with the law would be to keep minors away from any material considered obscene as to the youngest minors—in other words, any material with any amount of sexual content. This would likely impose an unnecessary and unjustified burden on any older minor’s ability to access free library books appropriate to his or her age and reading level. It is also likely that adults browsing the shelves of bookstores and libraries with their minor children would be prohibited from accessing most reading material appropriate for an adult—because the children cannot be near the same material for fear of accessing it. The breadth of this legislation and its restrictions on constitutionally protected speech are therefore unjustified.

The court also held that Section 1’s prohibition on people “present[ing],” “mak[ing] available,” and “show[ing]” such material to minors is also unconstitutionally vague because it leaves “librarians and booksellers unsure about whether placing books known to contain sexual content on the bookshelves may subject them to liability once a minor walks through the front door”:

During the evidentiary hearing, the Court asked the State whether “makes available” meant “merely having [a book] on a bookshelf with nothing harmful on the cover or the spine, merely having it on a shelf with other books,” and the response was, “I’m not sure we go that far.” The State’s attorney suggested, however, that it was possible that liability could attach to booksellers or librarians “if there was an open book that was just on the shelf” and the bookseller or librarian “kn[ew] for a fact the minor was actually viewing the material and then willfully turn[ing] a blind eye to it.”  This explanation demonstrates the challenge facing booksellers and librarians. There is no clarity on what affirmative steps a bookseller or librarian must take to avoid a violation.

The court also held that another provision of the Act, Section 5, was likely unconstitutional as well, partly because it’s too vague:

Plaintiffs separately challenge Section 5 of the Act, which purports to protect minors from the dangers of inappropriate books at the public library by requiring libraries to adopt a process for challenging books in their collections. The term “appropriateness,” as used in Section 5, is not defined there or anywhere in the Arkansas Code.

Section 5 articulates a procedure by which anyone “affected” by a book may challenge its placement in the library or its inclusion in the library’s collection on the ground that it is “[in]appropriate.” … Section 5 … is very poorly drafted. The State offered various explanations for the terms at issue in Section 5, and it did its his best to harmonize inconsistent provisions and fill in the gaps where the law fails to provide crucial guidance to libraries, library committees, and local governmental bodies. Nevertheless, the State conceded—more than once—that such explanations appear nowhere in the text of the law and simply represent the State’s “best construction” of the statute’s plainly ambiguous terms.

Perhaps any vagueness may be chalked up to the General Assembly’s haste to enact Act 372, but the lack of clarity seems to have been by design. After all, by keeping the pivotal terms vague, local governing bodies have greater flexibility to assess a given challenge however they please rather than how the Constitution dictates.

In Section 5, the term “appropriateness” is fatally vague, all but guaranteeing that the challenge procedure will result in books removed or relocated based on the content or viewpoint expressed therein. “Appropriateness” does not mean “harmful to minors,” but instead means something else. When the Court asked the State how library committees and local governmental bodies should interpret the term “appropriateness” in the context of a challenge to a library book, its counsel responded that these entities should simply consider the library’s “criteria of selection.” This is problematic, since Section 5 does not require the local governmental body to rely on the library’s “criteria of selection.” In fact, the library’s selection criteria policy did not even make the list of items that must be submitted to the governing body on appeal. See § 5(c)(12)(B)(i).

In the absence of a statutory definition, the Court turns to the dictionary, which defines “appropriateness” as “the state of being suitable for a particular person, condition, occasion or place.” Given this definition, it is difficult, if not impossible, to assess a challenged book’s “appropriateness” without considering its content, message, and/or viewpoint.

In fact, Section 5 specifically contemplates that a library review committee or local governmental body may consider the material’s “viewpoint.” The law cautions only that a book should not be withdrawn from the library’s shelves “solely for the viewpoints expressed within the material.” Asked whether Section 5 permitted a book to be withdrawn if “90 percent of the reason” was the book’s viewpoint, the State simply asserted that the analysis turns on “the text” of Section 5, which “only says ‘solely.'”

Other provisions of Section 5 reinforce the role of viewpoint in assessing a challenge. Section 5 specifically contemplates that members of a library review committee or local governmental body will bring their “diverse viewpoints,” to evaluate the appropriateness of a book. Why include such a requirement if viewpoint may play no part in judging appropriateness?

The State also concedes that Section 5 is not limited to challenges about children’s books: Any book could be challenged by any member of the public who believed it was “[in]appropriate” for minors or for adults. The Court agrees. After all, the statute contains no limiting language that would restrict the challenge procedure’s scope.

Does the challenge procedure contemplate that materials will be withdrawn from a library’s collection or relocated to a restricted section in the library? The Court cannot say. The statute uses both “withdraw” and “relocate.” Nor does Section 5 specify whether materials subject to a challenge may be “withdrawn” only temporarily or for good. A permanent ban would pose a greater burden on access to protected speech than relocating the book to another section of the library, and Section 5 presents both options as though they were equivalent.

Furthermore, if a library committee or local governmental body elected to relocate a book instead of withdrawing it, Section 5 only contemplates relocating it “within the library’s collection to an area that is not accessible to minors under the age of eighteen (18) years.” But the law also contemplates challenges to appropriateness writ large, not just with respect to minors. The law, then, must allow for withdrawal. Otherwise, where would such a book—deemed broadly inappropriate for all readers, regardless of age—be placed?

Finally, Section 5 does not define what makes a space “accessible to minors,” leaving libraries to guess what level of security meets the law’s requirements. For example, it might mean the use of physical barriers, such as walls, doors, and locks. Or, it might mean a sign saying, “No minors allowed beyond this point.”

For all these reasons, the Court finds that Plaintiffs have a high likelihood of success in proving that several critical terms in Section 5 are too vague to be understood and implemented effectively without also allowing those tasked with enforcing the law to adopt unconstitutional, impermissible interpretations.

And the court concluded that section 5 was also likely unconstitutional because it was impermissibly content-based:

During the hearing, the State made little effort to defend the vague terms in Section 5 and instead focused its attention on a broader point made in its brief, that “[s]tates may add and remove materials from public libraries at will.” The State seemed to argue that content-based censorship of otherwise constitutionally protected speech, as contemplated by the Section 5 challenge process, was perfectly acceptable. The State further implied that a professional librarian’s decision to stock the shelves with books representing diverse topics and viewpoints—which does not offend the Constitution—is equivalent to a local governing body’s decision to strip the shelves of books espousing unpopular or minority viewpoints.

The Court followed up on this point in the hearing:

COURT: Does the government have the same right to take out of the public domain something that it finds at a current point in history to be undesirable?

STATE: I think that under the full extent of the government speech doctrine, yes, Your Honor ….

COURT: But you believe that the government speech argument that you’re making applies equally to removing a book from the shelf as it does to the decision to place it on the shelf in the first place?

STATE: Yes, Your Honor.

The Court then asked the State what recourse a citizen would have if one, two, or dozens of books on a particular topic or expressing a particular viewpoint were deemed “inappropriate” and removed from the library’s general collection by the local governmental body in a “final” decision without any written explanation. Incredibly, the State responded:

We live in a democracy. If the citizens are unhappy with how the quorum court or whatever the governing body is exercising their power, they are allowed to vote them out.

The State then doubled down on its argument, that under the First Amendment “there was no right to receive information”—something “the state believes … is the correct position.” …

In Board of Education, Island Trees Union Free School District Number 26 v. Pico (1982), [t]he majority of justices … agreed that the state’s censorship power could not be exercised “in a narrowly partisan or political manner”—even in a school library setting. See Pico, 457 U.S. at 870 (Brennan, J., plurality opinion); id. at 879 (agreeing that the Supreme Court’s “precedents command the conclusion that the State may not act to deny access to an idea simply because state officials disapprove of that idea for partisan or political reasons”) (Blackmun, J., concurring); id. at 907 (“cheerfully conced[ing]” this point”) (Rehnquist, J., dissenting); id. at 883 (noting that the trial court should determine “the reason or reasons underlying the school board’s removal of the books”) (White, J., concurring in judgment).

Setting aside Pico, Defendants are unable to cite any legal precedent to suggest that the state may censor non-obscene materials in a public library because such censorship is a form of government speech….

With respect to the First Amendment rights of adults, “[t]he right of freedom of speech … includes not only the right to utter or to print, but the right to distribute, the right to receive, the right to read and freedom of thought ….” … This does not mean that librarians lack discretion to select library materials in the first instance; it simply means that their selection criteria must serve the First Amendment’s vital “role in fostering individual self-expression [and] … in affording the public access to discussion, debate, and the dissemination of information and ideas.” In the instant case, no party has expressed concern that professional librarians violate the First Amendment in selecting works for the library. Instead, it is the threat of state censorship that is at issue here.

When it comes to children, it is well established that “minors are entitled to a significant measure of First Amendment protection” and the government may restrict these rights “only in relatively narrow and well-defined circumstances.” It is also well established that “[s]peech that is neither obscene as to youths nor subject to some other legitimate proscription cannot be suppressed solely to protect the young from ideas or images that a legislative body thinks unsuitable for them.” Finally, when it comes to public spaces, like public libraries, “the governmental interest in protecting children from harmful materials … does not justify an unnecessarily broad suppression of speech addressed to adults.”

For these reasons, the court concluded that plaintiffs were likely to succeed in their claims that Section 1 and Section 5 are both unconstitutional, and preliminarily enjoined the enforcement of both provisions.

The post Federal Court Blocks Arkansas Law That Limits "Harmful to Minors" Books in Libraries and Bookstores, and Also appeared first on Reason.com.

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Navy Gets The Nod: President Biden Acknowledges The Existence Of His Fifth Granddaughter

Navy Gets The Nod: President Biden Acknowledges The Existence Of His Fifth Granddaughter

Authored by Jonathan Turley,

For her entire life, Navy Joan Roberts has been “she who must not be named.”

There is no evidence that her father has ever visited her, let alone held her. 

Her grandparents repeatedly denied her existence and said that they had only “four granddaughters.”

They even gave their dogs stockings at Christmas rather than Navy, who never even bit one let alone a score of Secret Service agents.

As even Democrats began to voice their own shock at the cruelty of the First Couple shunning this child, the Bidens finally relented and recognized her existence, but only barely so.

Pressed by Fox News, the White House issued this statement:

“Our son Hunter and Navy’s mother, Lunden, are working together to foster a relationship that is in the best interests of their daughter, preserving her privacy as much as possible going forward. This is not a political issue, it’s a family matter. Jill and I only want what is best for all of our grandchildren, including Navy.”

Even for those of us who merely followed this saga from the beginning, the statement was maddening and frankly insulting. It suggested that there was some reason, until now, that prevented the Bidens from acknowledging the existence of their fifth granddaughter. That is false. There was no legal, or even tactical, reason for the refusal of the First Couple to acknowledge Navy for four years.

Navy and her mother sought that recognition and the Bidens refused. How was that in the “best interests” of this child? Were they fostering a relationship when they gave the German Shepherds stockings at Christmas but not their grandchild?

Moreover, Hunter has not been “working together” with Lunden for the best interests of his daughter. He has been a callous cad throughout this process, consistently putting his own interests ahead of his child.

Hunter refused to admit that he was Navy’s father for years until forced to accept the results of a court-ordered DNA test.

He then fought child support and even her use of the name Biden. He was threatened repeatedly with contempt of court over his obstruction in the litigation in Arkansas. The statement that he has been working together with Lunden is insulting to anyone who has followed these court proceedings, let alone their granddaughter.

In June, Hunter settled the Arkansas child support case on the condition that Lunden agreed to withdraw her request to change their child’s last name to “Biden.”

Washington is a hard town. I have lived and worked here for decades and I am still amazed by the cold calculations of many in this city. Long-standing values and associations are routinely jettisoned for personal advantage. Here the moral strictures of the rest of the nation are flipped; vice is a virtue and integrity is a weakness.

Yet, even in this place of utter personal corruption, the Bidens shocked the local population. It was not their millions in influence peddling. The Bidens are standouts but hardly unique in that form of corruption. It is not the President’s obvious lies about his knowledge and ties to his son’s foreign dealings. Truth is as relative in Washington as loyalty in this city. However, few have the stomach for how the Bidens treated this little girl. The Bidens spent more time fretting over the “pressure” of the White House on Major and Commander than they did the emotional impact on a four-year-old child who was prevented from even calling herself a Biden.

So what changed after four years to compel this passing recognition in a press statement? It was not the litigation. There was never any legal reason not to recognize their granddaughter since it was confirmed by DNA and court order. It was not any sudden request of the child or her mother. They have been asking for years for such recognition.

It was more likely the disgust expressed even by Democrats that this is simply wrong. The President is about to head out on the campaign trail and had no answer to that objection. In other words, for the First Couple, it is a political not a family matter. If it were the latter, they would have done the decent thing years ago.

Of course, the President cannot go into his loving account of how his granddaughter is “a talker” and playful (like his German Shepherd) because he has never bothered to meet her.

That is now a matter for this little girl to contemplate as she gets older.

However, whatever the impetus of the sudden recognition of Navy’s existence, it was not any legal cause.

The First Couple was free to do the decent thing at any time over the last four years. They simply did not find it in their “best interest” to do so.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 07/29/2023 – 17:30

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“Jackasses! You Little Sh*ts!” – House Rep Curses Teenage Senate Pages

“Jackasses! You Little Sh*ts!” – House Rep Curses Teenage Senate Pages

Wisconsin Republican Congressman Derrick Van Orden is facing bipartisan condemnation after giving a group of teenage Senate pages a profane tongue-lashing late Wednesday night. The rookie congressman doesn’t dispute their account, and defended his words — which some reports suggest may have been influenced by alcohol. 

Rep. Derrick Van Orden flipped a long-Democratic seat red in the 2022 midterms (Scott Olson via Fox News)

Pages are 16- and 17-year-olds — 30 per term — who facilitate Senate functions by delivering messages, carrying legislative papers and preparing the chamber for activity. While not on Capitol duty, the pages live in the Daniel Webster Senate Page residence, which also houses the Senate Page School.  

When the Senate is burning the midnight oil, pages often take breaks in the Capitol rotunda. That was the case on Wednesday, as the Senate processed amendments to the National Defense Authorization Act. A Reuters correspondent says pages were lying on the floor taking photos of the rotunda

That apparently set Van Orden off, according to a transcript the pages say they wrote in the immediate aftermath of the confrontation:

“Wake the fuck up you little shits. … What the fuck are you all doing? Get the fuck out of here. You are defiling the space you [pieces of s‑‑‑]. Who the f‑‑‑ are you?” 

After a page explained their role, Van Orden is said to have replied: 

“I don’t give a fuck who you are, get out. You jackasses, get out.” 

Democrats and Republicans united in condemning Van Orden. “I was shocked when I heard about it, and I am further shocked at his refusal to apologize to these young people,” said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer.  “I want to associate myself with the remarks of the Majority Leader,” chimed in Minority Leader Mitch McConnell. “Everybody on this side of the aisle feels exactly the same way.” 

“Chuck Schumer should think twice before throwing stones from glass houses,” Van Orden spokeswoman Anna Kelly said in a statement.

House Speaker Kevin McCarthy said he hadn’t yet had a chance to speak to Van Orden. “That’s not their normal Van Orden,” he told Politico

Maybe it was an alcohol-infused Van Orden: PunchBowl News, which was first to report the incident, said Van Orden and his staff were heard loudly partying in his offices before his outraged rant. The outlet’s Max Cohen tweeted at photo said to show a long row of alcohol bottles in the office that night: 

Responding to an inquiry from The Hill, Van Orden defended his rough treatment of the high-schoolers with a questionable comparison:

“The history of the United States Capitol Rotunda, that during the Civil War it was used as a field hospital and countless Union soldiers died on that floor, and they died because they were fighting the Civil War to end slavery. And I think that place should be treated with a tremendous amount of respect for the dead. If anyone had been laying on a series of graves in Arlington National Cemetery, what do you think people would say?”

Van Orden is a first-termer and the first Republican to represent Wisconsin’s 3rd Congressional District in 26 years, after he beat Democrat Brad Pfaff in an open-seat contest by a margin of 51.8% to 48.1%. We’ll see what this incident does for his reelection bid. 

Tyler Durden
Sat, 07/29/2023 – 17:00

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Gasoline: The Price Rally That Nobody Saw Coming

Gasoline: The Price Rally That Nobody Saw Coming

Authored by Charles Kennedy via OilPrice.com,

  • Gasoline prices have gained around 20% year-to-date.

  • This week, gasoline topped $2.90 per gallon and may yet reach $3.

  • In the United States, gasoline inventories are lower than the five-year average both because of the gap between demand and production rates but also because of unplanned refinery outages.

The direction of oil prices is top news material. Everyone follows oil prices. Many also follow the prices of the most traded oil derivatives, and some may have noticed something rather alarming in the trend of one of these derivatives.

Gasoline, one of the six most traded petroleum contracts on the global futures market, has gained over 20% in the year to date, according to a recent Bloomberg report. This is more than what crude oil has gained—a lot more.

At the start of this year, Brent crude was trading around $78 per barrel. This week, the international benchmark, which now also includes a U.S. crude grade, touched $83 per barrel.

Gasoline, meanwhile, started the year at less than $2.50 per gallon. This week, gasoline topped $2.90 per gallon and may yet reach $3.

This is a cause for worry for governments around the world because gasoline, along with diesel, plays a lead role when it comes to inflation. When the price of fuels rises, the prices of everything else rises, too, because everything else is being moved from one place to another—from producer to consumer—on vehicles using either diesel or gasoline.

Yet while diesel is a lot more common for goods transportation, gasoline is a lot more popular among regular drivers. Gasoline demand is a closely watched economic indicator that analysts use to gain insight into the state of the economy, among many others.

Right now, the data suggests that gasoline demand is quite healthy, which could be cause for optimism about the global economy were it not for the fact that supply is falling short of expectations. This is fueling concern about more inflation pain despite the efforts of central banks in Europe and North America to tame it with a series of rate hikes.

In the United States, the Federal Reserve announced yet another hike of 25 percentage points for the benchmark interest rate this week. In the same week, gasoline prices moved higher, with the national average adding 4% in a single day. According to the EIA, gasoline stocks are some 7% below the five-year average for this time of the year. And oil drillers are not drilling more. They are drilling less.

In Europe, governments had to step in last year and subsidize fuels amid the energy crunch and the following embargo on Russian crude and fuels. The move drew a lot of criticism from transition advocates who argued the EU is essentially selling out to the oil and gas industry by encouraging the use of its products.

Yet those governments that implemented the subsidies knew very well what they were doing: they were avoiding riots by millions of drivers whose living standard depends quite a lot on affordable fuels.

Meanwhile, the European Central Bank just hiked interest rates to the highest in more than two decades. And gasoline is not going down anytime soon. Because there is simply not enough supply, at least not everywhere.

In the United States, gasoline inventories are lower than the five-year average both because of the gap between demand and production rates but also because of unplanned refinery outages, Bloomberg noted in its report, such as the one at Exxon’s Baton Rouge facility from earlier this week. In fact, for this time of year, gasoline inventories are the lowest since 2015…

Media reported that a gasoline production unit was down at the Baton Rouge refinery earlier this week. The reports noted that the unit, a catalytic converter, could be down for several weeks. Needless to say, gasoline prices jumped lively at the news.

In Europe, refining and gasoline production has been disrupted by protests in France and then, last month, Shell’s Pernis refinery in the Netherlands shut down a unit due to a leak.

That and the shutdown of refineries in the past few years on both sides of the Atlantic have combined to create a tight supply picture even as governments consider bans for gasoline-powered cars.

While they consider these bans and even vote on them, consumption is on the increase. Bloomberg reports that gasoline consumption in France, Germany, Spain, and Italy is on the rise. At the same time, because of the embargo on Russian fuels, feedstocks needed to produce gasoline are in short supply on the continent.

Meanwhile, Chinese refiners are producing millions of barrels of gasoline and diesel. They are, in fact, producing so much that there were recently pressuring refining margins for the whole region. But most of the gasoline and diesel that Chinese refiners produce gets consumed locally. Because although it’s the world’s biggest EV market, China is also a giant non-EV market. And fuel demand is on the rise.

The picture that gasoline supply and demand trends paint is one of prolonged tight supply and high prices.

This, in turn, will likely keep inflation untamed despite the best efforts of central banks—efforts, which also unfortunately make life more expensive.

The silver lining: inflation leads to lower consumption of everything. The risk is slipping into a recession.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 07/29/2023 – 16:30

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/O4hfJzb Tyler Durden

These Are The States That Strike The Most

These Are The States That Strike The Most

Having averted what could have been the biggest work stoppage the US has known since the 1950s, the Teamsters Union agreed a deal with UPS this week that mean the approximately 330,000 UPS drivers, loaders and handlers would not strike, as Statista’s Katharina Buchholz details below, it is clear that strikes and work stoppages have returned as a mainstay of U.S. news.

Among recent high profile walkouts, for example, are the Writers Guild of America, among newly unionized Starbucks employees and Amazon drivers, also represented by the Teamsters.

But not every part of the U.S. sees an equal amount of these strikesdata from Cornell University suggest. 

Infographic: The States That Strike the Most | Statista

You will find more infographics at Statista

While California registered the most strikes since the beginning of 2021 by far at more than 300 individual actions, Texas only registered 33 despite having around three quarters of California’s population.

The same is true for the states of Florida and New York. Despite about equal populations, New York state saw more than 100 strikes in 2.5 years, while Florida only experienced 24 listed by Cornell – showcasing a divide between blue and red states when it comes to strikes. West Coast states Oregon and Washington as well as East Coast state Massachusetts also saw more strikes than suggested by their populations. An outlier in this logic was Missouri, which registered 33 strikes—three more than Texas—with many of them centering on St. Louis. Other cities outside the major centers experiencing a lot of strikes in the specified time frame were Minneapolis, Pittsburgh and Buffalo, where the Starbucks unionization drive started.

The Guardian newspaper identifies the recent developments in the U.S. as a “new wave of organizing” while also concluding that the affected corporations have been engaged in counterattacks, including the firing of workers and the closing down of unionized or unionizing stores. The article also rates U.S. laws as weak in regard to protecting workers who want to unionize. In addition, many Republican-dominated U.S. states have passed so-called Right to Work laws, which prohibit mandatory union membership – contributing to regional differences in the number of union members and strikes.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 07/29/2023 – 16:00

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/m1EhGrC Tyler Durden

All Bubbles Pop

All Bubbles Pop

Authored by Charles Hugh Smith via OfTwoMinds blog,

The problem with bubbles of received wisdom and herd-euphoria is conditions change but the risk of something untoward happening is still perceived as inconsequentially low.

All bubbles pop–and not just stock market bubbles. A speculative bubble is a psychological-social phenomenon in which confidence in the stability of future gains reaches levels where doubts are banished and risks have dissipated into thin air. This confidence can be euphoric or it can be the baseline: this (guaranteed gains) is the way the world works.

This baseline confidence in the system is a form of received wisdom based on recency bias: since gains keep notching higher, the evidence supports expectations of future gains. Thus embracing what is clearly over-confidence (i.e. a bubble) is perceived as rational, and doubting future gains as irrational.

For example, the Higher Education Bubble is popping. The PR machinery that generated the confidence that borrowing immense fortunes to pay for university diplomas was a means to securing guaranteed lifetime gains is breaking down.

This confidence was not euphoric, it was received wisdom based on recency bias: study after study showed those with any flavor of four-year college degree earned far more over their lifetimes than those with only high school diplomas.

But beneath this apparently rock-solid evidence, the realities of debt, supply, demand and the changing nature of work and the economy were eroding the cost-benefit of borrowing fortunes to pay for college. As the percentage of the workforce with college diplomas rose, the scarcity value of degrees declined. The gap between the low level of actual productive skills gained in most college programs and the demands of employers for high levels of real skills widened.

With the money spigots of student debt gushing hundreds of billions of dollars into the higher education sector, universities had zero incentives to limit costs and every incentive to hire more administrators at ample salaries and construct fancy new buildings.

The risks generated by student debts also rose. The received wisdom held that borrowing $120,000 would automatically generate a financial return of many multiple of the total debt payments. But given that the accrued interest, penalties and late fees can double the initial sum borrowed, this drag on lifetime income becomes consequential when combined with the decay of marginal returns on having a college degree.

Now enrollments are plummeting, even in more affordable community colleges. The confidence in guaranteed gains from investing the time and money to get a diploma has been broken, and now bloated, ineffective (in terms of measurable productive skills learned by graduates) universities and colleges are facing declines in revenues that they are unprepared to manage.

5 Charts That Explain the Student Debt Crisis

The higher education bubble is not just a distortion of perceived risk and return; it’s a financial bubble of massive debt, profiteering and mal-investment. Please glance at the chart below of student loan debt, which soared from near zero 20 years ago to $1.77 trillion in highly profitable, high-interest loans owned by the wealthy at the expense of credulous students.

Confidence in guaranteed future gains in the stock market is both received wisdom and a run-with-the-herd euphoria. Humans are social animals acutely attuned to the zeitgeist of the herd. There are strong incentives to join the herd and run with it, and the feeling of euphoria as the herd starts running is intense and gratifying.

Combine the recency bias generated by continual “saves” by the Federal Reserve since 2008 (and arguably from 1998) with the euphoria of the stampeding herd, and the result is a heady super-confidence that risk has dropped to “permanently low levels” while stocks have reached “what looks like a permanently high plateau.”

The problem with bubbles of received wisdom and herd-euphoria is conditions change but the risk of something untoward happening is still perceived as inconsequentially low. Consider the South Seas Bubble. In the early days of globalization and colonial expansion, the opportunity created by the granting of a monopoly for all future profiteering in a vast undeveloped region of the world was obviously compelling. It was clearly a no-brainer to bet on gains.

Early investors were rewarded, and so were those who bought the dip. Even late-comers notched gains, and naysayers and skeptics were silenced by the monumental gains accrued by the herd.

Then the bubble popped, as all bubbles do, and the wealth vanished into the ether. Confidence has many sources, and recency bias and the herd are the most reliable and persuasive. The Internet will grow for decades, and so earnings can grow for decades. This received wisdom, goosed by Fed liquidity, generated a herd-euphoria in 1999 and 2000 that generated spectacular gains for everyone in the herd.

Then the herd went off the cliff, as herds tend to do when risk is perceived as inconsequentially low.

*  *  *

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Tyler Durden
Sat, 07/29/2023 – 15:30

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