The Bankruptcy of Nostalgianomics


Many $100 bills | Illustration: Sarat M/Fiverr

Nostalgianomics is back. The White House and its proxies crow that the economy has never been better—and are greeted by skepticism from Americans who feel like life is less affordable than it was pre-pandemic. (To see why those Americans have a point, read “The Bankruptcy of Bidenomics.”) Meanwhile, GOP politicians and partisans capitalize on this pervasive sense of economic unease to campaign for President Joe Biden’s removal. In many cases, unfortunately, the call from the right is for something more than a return to pre-pandemic conditions. Many Republicans are falling back on a deeper and persistent form of historical revisionism.

What these conservatives—along with an interesting subset of technocratic progressives—are selling is a return to an imagined economic golden age. While the specifics are strategically blurry, it is generally pinned somewhere in the 1950s, or perhaps 1960, in the United States. In its most meme-ified form, it is an image of a well-groomed lady smiling at her blue-collar husband over text that reads something like: “Once upon a time, a family could own a home, a car, and send their kids to college, all on one income.”

The tricky thing about this claim is that it is in many senses true, but it is much more of a statement about culture than economics, and it is utterly misleading about the relative economic conditions of Americans today vs. midcentury. Americans were objectively much poorer in 1960 than they are today. That isn’t because of anything Biden did; it’s because of six decades of progress.

Homeownership rates haven’t changed much since then, ticking up slightly: 62 percent in 1960 compared with about 66 percent today. What has changed dramatically are the homes themselves. New houses built in 1960 were about 25 percent smaller than new houses today and lacked many features we would now consider standard, such as laundry machines, dishwashers, and air conditioning. The square footage per person was nearly a third of what it is today. In the immediate postwar period, it was actually illegal to build a house with more than one bathroom, due to copper shortages.

In 1960, there were four vehicles for every 10 Americans and about a quarter of households had none at all. Today there are about twice as many vehicles per capita. In other words, that 1960s family may have had one car, but they certainly didn’t have two. And that car was more prone to breakdowns and blowouts and was generally less reliable. It certainly didn’t have Bluetooth or Google Maps.

College is objectively more expensive today. College educations are much more likely to be debt-financed as well. But in 1960, only about 45 percent of kids who finished high school went on to college, compared with 60 percent today. Far fewer kids finished high school as well, meaning that for most people the question of whether they could afford to send their kids to college didn’t even come up. College is also a much more gold-plated experience than it once was, in part due to rising expectations about standards of living that also inflate the other costs in this equation.

As for that single income, it was often by necessity. Wages for some segments of the population, including the smiling white man of the memes, were kept artificially high thanks to pervasive discrimination that made many jobs inaccessible to large numbers of would-be workers, including that smiling woman from the memes—not to mention black Americans and immigrants, who were much more likely than their white counterparts to rent, to be carless, and to live in two-earner households even in 1960, never mind college.

***

Perhaps the most devastating rebuttal to nostalgianomics is that the life depicted in the meme is, in fact, available to most families right now. A married couple with kids can absolutely live in a small house with a single, less reliable car and fewer labor-saving conveniences and luxuries, while sending (maybe?) one of their kids to college—and they can do it on a single income. This is not what most people choose.

To be fair, there are many ways public policy is nudging Americans away from those choices. Several forms of housing that were cheap and ubiquitous in the 1950s are now illegal, or very nearly so. Single-room-​occupancy buildings, for example, are banned in many American cities, making it harder to live cheaply when you are young to save for even a small house. And the cheapest new houses available for sale in 1960 lacked more than just air conditioning. In 1960, about 16 percent of Americans still lived in houses without indoor plumbing. Good luck getting an outhouse past a zoning board these days. Even a clothesline is tricky in some places in 2024.

Late-model cars must comply with environmental and safety standards that raise the price of even the most basic models, not to mention the hefty tax hit on both the purchase of a car and the fuel you’ll need to drive it. And there are likely more requirements to come, including privacy-infringing tech. There is almost certainly more demand for bottom-of-the-line vehicles than it is legal for manufacturers to supply.

Higher education debt is increasingly unmanageable thanks to irresponsible federal grant and loan policies that nudge students to take on debt that they can’t reasonably repay (for more on that, see “The Real Student Loan Crisis“) as well as ballooning administrative costs.

Still, the primary barrier to living in the style of the 1960s single-earner middle-class family is our own increasing standards. There are, of course, some rock-ribbed cultural conservatives who would gladly make all of these tradeoffs and more to return to the mores of the postwar period, all in the name of making America great again. But most people who dimly sense that the nostalgianomics memes are onto something wouldn’t tolerate the economic or social conditions that made it possible, nor would they support the policy changes required to bring it about.

Among Americans who tell pollsters they are worried about the state of the Biden economy, one of the most commonly cited concerns is the cost of groceries. For the housewife in 1960, grocery prices would have been a major preoccupation; about 17 percent of her household’s disposable personal income was spent on food. That number fell below 10 percent for much of the 2000s. It recently popped up to nearly 12 percent, thus the skepticism when Biden smiles and says everything is going great. But a return to the 1960s would exacerbate, not relieve, the household economic anxiety that plagues the Biden economy.

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Brickbat: Nobody Home


A policeman talks to a woman in her doorway. | Arne9001 | Dreamstime.com

The owner of a house mistakenly raided by the police, resulting in an injury to a 17-month-old living in the house, said she has told police repeatedly that the man they were looking for did not live there and had never lived there. Shivani Tiwari of Medina, Ohio, said she first heard of the man when police approached her as she prepared the home for a new tenant to move in. She said she let the cops inside to see the place was empty and told them she didn’t recognize any of the names they asked about. She later gave them contact information for previous tenants when they asked for it. She said police later returned when she called about threats from a neighbor and when the tenant filed a protective order. “On multiple occasions, police have visited that property. How could you not know who’s living there?” she said. “They had the opportunity to verify the identity of people living in the property.”

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Thoughts on the Declining Numbers of SCOTUS Clerks Becoming Law Professors

From 1940 to 1990, about one third of Supreme Court law clerks became law professors.  But in recent years, Brian Leiter and Jeff Gordon note, that percentage has dropped considerably.  Sarah Lawsky has some numbers of clerks entering legal academia in the last decade or so that Brian recently posted:

Even if Sarah is missing some former clerks in her numbers, that’s a noticeable drop. What explains the trend?  Over in the comments to Brian’s post, Professor Dan Epps has a suggestion that I think explains a lot: The increasing separateness of the law clerk and law professor track.

I realize this is a niche topic, but here’s a little background to explain that increasing separateness for those who may be interested.  It used to be, decades ago, that getting a top clerkship and getting a top professorship were the same track.  If you were a law student and you wanted to be a law professor, you got the highest grades you could and tried to use your grades to get a clerkship with the most prestigious judge you could.  The clerkship acted as a sort of graduate degree in law.  If you hit the jackpot and clerked on the Supreme Court, that was reasonably likely to lead to a  professorship at a very good law school. The top schools tried to hire former clerks, with some law school Deans visiting the Supreme Court to meet with clerks and pitch becoming a professor at their schools.  This was the era of 1940 to 1990, noted at the top of the post, when about one third of clerks later became professors.

These days, by contrast, the paths are a lot more separate.  First, there’s more of a multi-year process of planning for a Supreme Court clerkship. Most Supreme Court clerks now have multiple prior clerkships before starting at the Supreme Court—according to David Lat, 29 of the current 36 clerks had two or more clerkships before their current positions.  And those are often spaced out, too. Just skimming the list at David’s site, it looks like a typical clerk graduated about 3-4 years before starting at the Supreme Court.  By the time you’re done with the Supreme Court, you’re 4-5 years out of law school and you may still only have a year or so of actual legal practice. Meanwhile, biglaw firms await with what are now apparently $500,000 clerkship bonuses if you join them.

If you want to become a law professor, on the other hand, the pathways today tend to be different.  Law schools are now evaluating potential entry-level professors much more on their scholarship than on their grades or clerkships.  As a practical matter, you need to have spent a few years researching and writing scholarship to get ready to go on the market for a tenure-track job.  Getting a Ph.D. has become a very common way to develop a scholarly methodology and start to write some articles. At most top schools I am aware of, a clear majority of recent entry-level hires have one.  And even if you don’t have a Ph.D., you will probably need to spend two years at a law school as a Fellow or Visiting Assistant Professor (VAP), learning the quirky ways of academia and working on an article or two to get ready for the entry-level market.  As Sarah Lawsky has found, about 90% of new entry-level hires have either a fellowship or a doctorate.  Many have both.

The takeaway of all this, I think, is that the single path of decades ago has largely divided into two separate paths.  Once you’re in law school, the way to maximize your odds of getting a Supreme Court clerkship is different from the way to maximize your odds of getting a professorship, especially at a top school.  I think this largely explains why we see fewer people today succeeding on both tracks, first clerking at the Supreme Court and then later becoming an academic.  It’s not the only explanation. But I think it’s the main one.

As I said earlier, this is a niche topic.  Some readers (if anyone is still reading) may be wondering, “Who cares?” And totally fair if you don’t. This may just be navel-gazing that has no significance outside the faculty lounge.  But I wonder if it may also be a small signal of a broader change of the role and background of law professors, and in turn, of law schools.  As Richard Posner noted in the 2007 essay I blogged about last month, there has been a switch over the decades from the model of the law professor as top lawyer steeped in lawyering to the model of the law professor as academic who writes and teaches in the field of law.  I wonder if the declining number of former Supreme Court clerks entering academia might be one small indicator of that switch continuing.

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How Biden Can Alleviate Pressure on the Border by Making Legal Migration Easier


Migrants wait in line at the U.S.-Mexico border | Carlos A. Moreno/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom
Migrants wait in line at the U.S.-Mexico border
Migrants wait in line at the U.S.-Mexico border. (Carlos A. Moreno/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom)

 

In a recent New York Times article (non-paywall version here), my Cato Institute colleague David Bier—a leading expert on immigration policy—explains how President Biden can alleviate pressure on the southern border by expanding opportunities for legal migration:

A bipartisan immigration deal to restrict border crossings took a hit last week when Donald Trump pushed Congress to reject it. It’s the latest in a series of episodes over the last decade where one party blows up a deal just as the other gives in. President Biden wants to break this cycle, but to get the politics right, he must get the policy right first.

As long as the border is in chaos, Mr. Trump bets voters will continue to prefer him on this issue. He’s almost certainly right. But perhaps it’s chaos, not immigration per se, that upsets voters, and Mr. Biden can curb the chaos by letting more immigrants come to the United States legally….

It seems that some Republicans would just as well let the crisis at the border persist. In response, Mr. Biden must not merely blame Republicans for blowing up the deal and then leave the issue alone. The president will always receive the bulk of the blame whenever there is lawlessness and chaos….

The politics here are frustrating policy reform, but better policy could help the politics. Mr. Biden can double down on expanding parole sponsorship programs that allow people lawful and orderly ways to enter the United States.

Letting people in through private sponsorship programs negates the need to expand resources because they’ll have the opportunity to line up jobs and housing in advance of getting here. If all else fails, they will have U.S. sponsors to help them out if necessary.

Some Republicans may not like immigrants coming in — legally or otherwise — but American voters don’t buy invasion rhetoric to describe people getting vetted to travel here legally. Fearmongering about drug smugglers and terrorists can work when people enter illegally.

Right now, Mr. Biden has only created legal processes for five countries — Ukraine, Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela — and he has set a cap far below demand. These processes are legal and orderly. Expanding these procedures into other major origin countries and letting more people enter legally will reduce the flows to more manageable levels.

 

As discussed in Chapter 6 of my book Free to Move,  it is indeed the case that real or imagined chaos at the border is a major factor in stoking public hostility towards immigration. This creates a vicious dynamic where restrictionism leads to increased illegal entry (as desperate migrants have no other way to escape violence, poverty, and oppression), which in turn bolsters support for more draconian restrictions, and so on.

The best way to break the cycle is by making legal migration easier. Just as the abolition of alcohol Prohibition massively reduced illegal black market sales of booze, so making legal migration easier cuts down the illegal kind, and reduces pressure at the border. It also bolsters the US economy and helps people fleeing oppression and poverty find freedom and opportunity.

In a November USA Today article, David Bier and I made the case for this approach in more detail and outlined a variety of additional measures Biden could take to make legal migration more accessible.

Relying on discretionary executive action is not ideal. Such policies could potentially be reversed by future unilateral executive action. It would be better if Congress and the executive would make these policies permanent. But executive action along these lines is authorized by existing statutes, and is far better than either doing nothing or giving in to restrictionists (thereby feeding the vicious circle rather than breaking it).

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My Supreme Court Amicus Brief in Trump v. Anderson—the Section 3 Disqualification Case


Donald Trump after the Iowa Caucuses | Tannen Maury/UPI/Newscom
Donald Trump after the Iowa Caucuses
(Tannen Maury/UPI/Newscom)

Today, I filed an amicus brief in Trump v. Anderson, the Supreme Court case addressing the issue of whether Donald Trump is disqualified from the presidency under Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment. It explains why a prior criminal conviction on charges of insurrection (or any other criminal charges) is not necessary for for Trump to be disqualified. Text, original meaning, and O.J. Simpson all support that conclusion! I previously wrote about this aspect of the case here. Here’s an excerpt from the brief’s Summary of Argument:

Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment… safeguards our republic against the threat posed by public officials who have previously undermined it by engaging in insurrection or giving “aid and comfort” to the enemies of the United States. U.S. Const. Amend. XIV, § 3. Having shown their true colors once, these insurrectionist present and former officials are not permitted a second chance to undermine the republic….

The key questions before this Court are whether Donald Trump is disqualified under Section 3, and who has the authority to determine that Section 3 is applicable and, therefore, should be applied.

As this Court undertakes the weighty task of reviewing this case, this amicus brief hopes to provide guidance on two specific issues that have been raised repeatedly by Petitioner and Petitioner’s amici. The first is whether Mr. Trump had to be convicted of a crime before he could be disqualified under Section 3. The second is whether disqualification in the absence of such a conviction violates Mr. Trump’s right to due
process under the Fourteenth Amendment…. [T]he answer to both questions is a resounding “No.”

Part I explains why a criminal conviction is unnecessary for disqualification under Section 3. A criminal conviction is not required under the text and original meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment. In addition, the distinction between civil and criminal proceedings is a fundamental aspect of our legal system. The same events can give rise to both criminal charges and civil liability or (as in this case) disqualification. One is not a prerequisite to the other. Indeed, as demonstrated by the famous case of O.J. Simpson, a person acquitted of a crime may nonetheless be subject to civil liability for the very same events.

If there is no general requirement of a criminal conviction, there can be no requirement of a specific conviction under 18 U.S.C. § 2383, the federal criminal insurrection statute. Conviction under Section 2383 is not and was not designed to be the exclusive mode of enforcing Section 3 disqualification.

Part II explains why disqualification in the absence of a criminal conviction does not violate Mr. Trump’s due process rights. The Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment only applies to situations where a person is deprived of “life, liberty, or property.” U.S. Const. Amend. XIV, § 1. Neither life, nor liberty, nor property is lost by virtue of disqualification from various public offices. Even if the Due Process Clause does apply, the civil process and standard of proof used by the Colorado courts are more than sufficient.

I am grateful to Gerson Smoger, a highly experienced litigator and Supreme Court amicus brief writer, for his assistance in drafting the brief on short notice. Prof. Gerard Magliocca, one of the leading academic experts on Section 3, provided valuable insights on the historical record.

I have written about other issues related to the Section 3 litigation in a variety of writings, most extensively here and here.

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Antifa-vs.-Patriot-Prayer-Related Tort Lawsuit Partly Thrown Out but Partly Allowed to Go Forward

From today’s Oregon Court of Appeals decision in Cider Riot, LLC v. Patriot Prayer USA, LLC, in an opinion by Chief Judge Erin Lagesen, joined by Judge Jacqueline Kamins and Megan Jacquot:

Plaintiff Cider Riot, LLC, is a brewery and bar in Northeast Portland. Plaintiff Goldman-Armstrong is its owner and operator. This tort case arises, for the most part, out of a 2019 clash between patrons of Cider Riot, who are associated with Antifa, and, among others, defendants Gibson, Kramer, Ponte, Willis, and Lewis, all of whom are associated with a group or movement known as Patriot Prayer.

Defendant Patriot Prayer USA, LLC, is a limited liability company owned entirely by Gibson. It has no members other than him. Those who identify with Patriot Prayer hold starkly divergent views from those who identify with Antifa. Those divergent views have generated immense hostility, which has led to confrontations, which has resulted in violence between those holding opposing views.

The clash at the heart of this case began as a heated exchange of political viewpoints between defendants, who were on public property adjacent to the brewery and bar, and plaintiffs’ patrons, many of whom were sitting in the bar’s outdoor seating area. Ultimately, the verbal dispute escalated into some physical confrontations. This resulted in injuries to some of plaintiffs’ patrons and, plaintiffs allege, a range of economic and noneconomic losses. Several days after the incident, Gibson urged people to report Cider Riot to the OLCC. Other individuals made online comments disclosing the names and addresses of plaintiffs’ business partners.

For their involvement in that clash, encouraging complaints to the OLCC, and identifying plaintiffs’ business partners, plaintiffs seek to hold all defendants liable for four torts: negligence, trespass, intentional infliction of emotional distress, and intentional interferences with economic relations….

The Court of Appeals held that some of the claims against Gibson should be thrown out, at the “anti-SLAPP motion” stage (a means for claims arising out of constitutionally protected activities to be promptly dismissed), but others—based on Gibson’s allegedly personally egging someone on to fight a bar patron—could continue. I focus here on the claims against Gibson because the other individual defendants’ defenses were rejected as untimely, and thus weren’t substantively discussed by the court.

[a.] Negligence

Plaintiffs’ first claim against Gibson is negligence. The gravamen of that claim is that Gibson’s prolific and well-publicized activities opposing Antifa created a foreseeable risk of harm to plaintiffs when “Gibson coordinated with Patriot Prayer members to arrive at Cider Riot” to “[t]ake the fight to Antifa.” Plaintiffs allege that “[g]iven the repeated extreme incitements of violence against perceived political enemies, it was foreseeable that Defendants’ actions would lead to harm to Cider Riot.” This claim rests largely on evidence of speeches and other statements that Gibson made about Antifa and its association with Cider Riot, as well as evidence of prior violent acts and vandalism against Cider Riot, acts that indicated Antifa was the target.

We have no doubt that, on this record, a reasonable jury could find that it was foreseeable that Gibson’s anti-Antifa advocacy, together with his comments associating Cider Riot with Antifa, would lead to violent or unlawful acts against plaintiffs. But, as explained in Counterman v. Colorado (2023) and Judge Willett’s dissenting opinion in Doe v. Mckesson (5th Cir. 2023), the First Amendment does not allow for imposition of liability for speech or for protest organization based on a negligence standard. For that reason, plaintiffs have not established a prima facie case of actionable negligence against Gibson, and the trial court erred in denying the special motion to strike the negligence claim against Gibson.

[b.] Trespass

Plaintiffs’ second claim against Gibson is trespass. “Trespass to real property is an intentional entry upon the land of another by one not privileged to enter.” Here, plaintiffs have identified no evidence that Gibson entered the Cider Riot property. Indeed, in their discussion of the evidence supporting a prima facie case of trespass, plaintiffs have not pointed to any particular evidence in support of their trespass claim. Rather, their theory on appeal is that Gibson caused others to throw objects or spray pepper spray onto plaintiffs’ property. Having reviewed the record on our own, we have been able to locate no evidence that would allow the reasonable inference that Gibson himself directed or authorized third parties to throw objects or spray mace onto plaintiffs’ property, that he otherwise directed or authorized third parties to enter plaintiffs’ property, or that he ratified any intrusion onto plaintiffs’ property. The trial court erred in denying the special motion to strike the trespass claim as to Gibson.

[c.] Intentional infliction of emotional distress

Plaintiff Goldman-Armstrong asserts a claim of intentional infliction of emotional distress (IIED) against defendant Gibson. A prima facie showing of IIED requires a plaintiff to submit sufficient evidence from which a reasonable trier of fact could find that he met his burden of production for the following elements: “‘(1) the defendant intended to inflict severe emotional distress on the plaintiff, (2) the defendant’s acts were the cause of the plaintiff’s severe emotional distress, and (3) the defendant’s acts constituted an extraordinary transgression of the bounds of socially tolerable conduct.'”

Having reviewed the record, taking into account the protections of the First Amendment, much of the evidence would not allow for the conclusion that Gibson’s “acts constituted an extraordinary transgression of the bounds of socially tolerable conduct” in a way that would permit the imposition of liability consistent with the First Amendment. The conduct of Gibson and other individuals involved with Patriot Prayer no doubt caused emotional distress to plaintiff Goldman-Armstrong. The same thing, however, is undoubtedly true with respect to much protest activity targeting a business because such activity interferes with business. In other words, as with the Black Hats in NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware (1982) [who enforced a boycott by taking down the names of people who weren’t complying with the boycott, names that were later publicized in the community-EV], protest activity that is protected by the First Amendment may often result in the intended infliction of emotional distress but, because of the First Amendment protections, will not give rise to tort liability.

Nevertheless, as the trial court recognized, plaintiff Goldman-Armstrong produced evidence of some conduct by Gibson that would allow for the imposition of liability for IIED consistent with Claiborne Hardware. In support of plaintiffs’ prima facie case, Justin Allen averred that he observed Gibson “encourage and direct defendant Cooper to engage a bar patron in a street fight, saying, ‘Go on, go on.'” Directing a person to engage in physically assaultive conduct is not protected activity under Claiborne Hardware. For that reason, Allen’s declaration could support the imposition of tort liability on defendant Gibson.

Although the video evidence tends to paint a different picture of events, it does not compel the conclusion that Allen’s testimony is inaccurate or that the identified conduct by Gibson is protected by the First Amendment. Furthermore, that conduct of directing someone to engage in a street fight with one of Goldman-Armstrong’s patrons could, in context, permit a rational inference that it was intended to [and did] cause Goldman-Armstrong severe emotional distress…. Finally, a factfinder could permissibly conclude not only that the conduct of directing someone to engage plaintiff’s patron in a street fight falls outside of the range of conduct protected under Claiborne Hardware, but also that it “constitute[s] an extraordinary transgression of the bounds of socially tolerable conduct.” The trial court therefore correctly concluded that Goldman-Armstrong established a prima facie case of intentional infliction of emotional distress. Of course, as in Claiborne Hardware, any eventual judgment for damages would have to be tailored to the damages caused by the particular act of violence that Gibson directed. But such a tailored judgment is permitted by the First Amendment.

[d.] Intentional interference with economic relations

Plaintiffs’ final claim is for IIER. The prima facie elements of a claim for IIER are: “(1) the existence of a professional or business relationship * * *, (2) intentional interference with that relationship, (3) by a third party, (4) accomplished through improper means or for an improper purpose, (5) a causal effect between the interference and damage to the economic relationship, and (6) damages.”

Plaintiffs predicate this claim both on Gibson’s conduct during the May 1 incident, and on his subsequent conduct of encouraging reports about Cider Riot to the OLCC [Oregon Liquor Control Commission]. At least with respect to the May 1 incident, we conclude that plaintiff has established a prima facie case of IIER. Specifically, the same conduct that would support the imposition of liability for IIED would support the imposition of liability for IIER. To the extent that Gibson’s conduct of directing a person to engage in a fight with a bar patron interfered with plaintiffs’ business relationships by deterring customers from patronizing Cider Riot, and there is some evidence that all the violent acts of May 1 deterred customers, that would support the imposition of liability for IIER on Gibson in way that does not run afoul of Claiborne Hardware.

In particular, that conduct, along with other evidence in the record, could support a finding that Gibson, a third party to plaintiffs’ relationships with their customers, interfered with plaintiffs’ relationships with their customers by encouraging assaultive conduct against one of their patrons, something that deterred patrons from patronizing plaintiffs’ business, resulting in damages. For that reason, the trial court did not err in denying Gibson’s special motion to strike the IIER claim. Of course, as noted above, under Claiborne Hardware, any ultimate damages award would have to be tailored to the harm caused by the specific conduct that is not entitled to First Amendment protection, should a factfinder find in plaintiffs’ favor on the other elements of the claim.

{As to Gibson’s conduct encouraging reports to the OLCC, plaintiffs did not introduce evidence of the content of those reports but, instead, summarily characterized them as untrue. Absent evidence of the content of the reports demonstrating that the reports were, in fact, false, plaintiffs have not established that they suffered any cognizable damages from Gibson’s conduct.}

The court offered this brief background on Patriot Prayer and Antifa:

Although the record in this case does not permit us to describe with confidence the respective ideologies or structures of Patriot Prayer and Antifa, it does permit us to describe with confidence those groups’ respective understandings of each other. According to the allegations in the pleadings and the declarations in the record, those associated with Antifa, short for “anti-fascist,” view those associated with Patriot Prayer as right-wing extremists, supporting fascism, white nationalism, and xenophobia. Those associated with Patriot Prayer view those associated with Antifa as left-wing extremists, supporting communism and socialism. Each group perceives the other, and what the other stands for, to be a dire threat to their own view of democracy and American values. Each group, in addition, views the other as supporting violence as a means to achieving its goals. The latter perspective has a basis in fact; the record also contains evidence demonstrating that some individuals associated with each group have engaged in acts of violence, and have threatened acts of violence, toward individuals associated with the other group.

And here’s more from the court on its view of “First Amendment limitations on negligence liability”:

For purposes of this case, one final area of First Amendment law warrants discussion. In one claim, plaintiffs seek to hold defendants Gibson and Patriot Prayer, LLC, liable under a negligence theory: that Gibson’s speech and related conduct created a foreseeable risk of harm to plaintiffs’ business by other individuals. In Counterman, though, the Supreme Court clarified what type of mental state is required to hold a person civilly or criminally liable when the First Amendment is implicated, even if the individual’s speech or conduct ultimately falls outside the protection of the First Amendment. In so doing, the Court held that liability may not be imposed under a negligence standard.

At issue in Counterman was the minimum mental state required for the imposition of liability for threats. The Court explained that although threats are not entitled to First Amendment protection, the Court’s case law affords “‘strategic protection'” to unprotected speech so as to steer wide of the chilling effect created by the potential for civil or criminal liability. One component of that strategic protection “is to condition liability on the State’s showing of a culpable mental state.” Further, to provide adequate protection, the culpable mental state must be a subjective one: “[T]he First Amendment precludes punishment, whether civil or criminal, unless the speaker’s words were intended (not just likely) to produce imminent disorder.” An objective mental state standard is not permissible because it creates the risk of self-censorship. For that reason, the First Amendment forbids the use of a negligence standard for the imposition of liability based on speech that, itself, is not entitled to First Amendment protection. Ultimately, the Court concluded that recklessness was a constitutionally sufficient mental state for the imposition of liability for threats under the circumstances at issue in Counterman.

On this point, we acknowledge that the Fifth Circuit, in a divided decision issued 11 days before Counterman, reached a different conclusion as to whether the First Amendment permits the imposition of tort liability for negligence in organizing or leading protest activity. In Doe v. Mckesson (5th Cir. 2023), that court considered whether Mckesson, the leader of a Black Lives Matter protest in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, could be liable under a negligence theory for serious injuries sustained by a police officer when an unidentified protester—not Mckesson—threw a rock or similar projectile which hit the officer in the face. The majority opinion held that the leader could be liable in negligence to the officer for “organiz[ing] and direct[ing] the protest in an unreasonably dangerous manner [that] caused the violent encounter that led to [the officer’s] injuries,” rejecting Mckesson’s arguments that the First Amendment, as construed in Claiborne Hardware, precluded the imposition of liability on a protest leader for the violent conduct of another, unless the Claiborne Hardware standards were met.

[Judge Willett’s] dissenting opinion agreed with Mckesson that, under Claiborne Hardware, Mckesson could not be liable for the unidentified protester’s violent act because Mckesson did not “stray from lawfully exercising his own rights.” Apart from concluding that Mckesson’s own activities did not fall within the categories for which Claiborne Hardware permits imposition of liability, the dissenting opinion also concluded that the First Amendment does not permit the imposition of liability for a third party’s violence under a negligence standard: “[A] protest leader’s simple negligence is far too low a threshold for imposing liability for a third party’s violence.” The dissenting opinion, instead, read Claiborne Hardware to require a higher-level mental state because of how a negligence theory of liability “would have enfeebled America’s street-blocking civil rights movement, imposing ruinous financial liability against citizens for exercising core First Amendment freedoms.” The dissenting opinion explained:

“Holding Mckesson responsible for the violent acts of others because he ‘negligently’ led a protest that carried the risk of potential violence is impossible to square with Supreme Court precedent holding only tortious activity meant to incite imminent violence, and likely to do so, forfeits constitutional protection against violent acts committed by others.”

Thus, the dissenting opinion concluded, the First Amendment does not allow for the imposition of liability on a protest leader based on the violent conduct of a protest participant absent some showing that the protest leader committed an intentional tort: “Summing up: McKesson is not liable for intentional violence, foremost because he did not commit any violence, but at a minimum because he did not commit any intentional tort.”

As noted, the Supreme Court decided Counterman shortly after the Fifth Circuit’s decision in Mckesson. In its decision, the Court unequivocally rejected a negligence standard for the imposition of liability arising out of speech because such a standard would not adequately insulate the core freedoms protected by the First Amendment from the chilling effect of potential liability. In view of Counterman, we are persuaded that the dissenting opinion in Mckesson was correct to conclude that the First Amendment does not allow for the imposition of liability on a protest leader or an organizer under a negligence theory. {As of this writing, a petition for a writ of certiorari [as to Mckesson] is pending in the United States Supreme Court.}

James L. Buchal and Murphy & Buchal LLP represent Patriot Prayer USA and Gibson.

The post Antifa-vs.-Patriot-Prayer-Related Tort Lawsuit Partly Thrown Out but Partly Allowed to Go Forward appeared first on Reason.com.

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Disney Can’t Prove DeSantis Retaliated Against It, Federal Judge Rules


Ron DeSantis | Brian Cahn/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom

A federal judge dismissed Disney’s lawsuit against Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis on the grounds that the entertainment giant did not have sufficient standing to bring the First Amendment challenge.

In the lawsuit, Disney argued that DeSantis had unconstitutionally retaliated against the company by organizing a state takeover of the special taxing district that had been created in 1967 and covered the 25,000-plus acres now occupied by the Walt Disney World resort’s theme parks, hotels, and various other facilities. Disney claimed that DeSantis had engaged in a “relentless campaign to weaponize government power against Disney” in response to Disney’s then-CEO Bob Chapek publicly criticizing DeSantis’ approval of a law that restricted discussion of sexual orientation and gender identity in schools.

In Wednesday’s ruling, federal Judge Allen Winsor wrote that Disney fell short of proving the retaliation claim. Disney, he wrote, “has not alleged any specific actions the new board took (or will take) because of the governor’s alleged control.”

In a statement, DeSantis’ spokesman Jeff Redfern said Wednesday’s ruling vindicated the governor’s view that “Disney is still just one of many corporations in the state, and they do not have a right to their own special government.”

Meanwhile, Disney has vowed to appeal the ruling. “This is an important case with serious implications for the rule of law, and it will not end here,” the company said in a statement. “If left unchallenged, this would set a dangerous precedent and give license to states to weaponize their official powers to punish the expression of political viewpoints they disagree with.”

Indeed, DeSantis may have prevailed within the letter of the law, but there is little doubt that his actions toward Disney were a direct response to Chapek’s criticism. We know this because DeSantis has said and written as much.

“When Disney first came out against the bill…people in the legislature started floating this idea of going after Reedy Creek,” DeSantis told The American Conservative in an interview published in May. Meanwhile, DeSantis wrote extensively about his fight with Disney in his recent book, The Courage To Be Free, and leaves little doubt about how he approached the issue. In one passage, DeSantis writes that “things got worse for Disney” after the company criticized his policies. Finally, in a Wall Street Journal op-ed last February, DeSantis explained that his administration’s actions toward Disney were an attempt to “fight back” against the corporation’s so-called “woke ideology” as expressed in Disney’s criticism.

Winsor says those actions don’t meet the legal standard for being unconstitutional. Fine. It’s still deeply distasteful for a governor to target a private company because its leaders dared to criticize his policy choices—and DeSantis’ handling of this situation should not become a model for other chief executives, no matter what the courts have to say about it.

The post Disney Can't Prove DeSantis Retaliated Against It, Federal Judge Rules appeared first on Reason.com.

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ACLU Sues Ronald McDonald House for Refusing To House People Convicted of Assault


Ronald McDonald statue | Tea/Dreamstime.com

The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), the New York Civil Liberties Union (NYCLU), and the Legal Action Center (LAC) are suing Ronald McDonald House Charities and its Hudson Valley chapter, for not providing discounted housing to people with felony assault convictions, a policy they say is a violation of the Fair Housing Act and New York human rights law.

“Government agencies have long warned housing providers that unjustified and unnecessary blanket bans from housing based on criminal history disproportionately harm Black and Latine people and are unlawful,” said Amanda Meyer, an ACLU attorney in a press release.

Ronald McDonald House Charities, a non-profit partially funded by but distinct from the McDonald’s fast food company, runs Ronald McDonald Houses on or near hospital campuses across the country, where families with children undergoing longer-term hospitalizations can stay for a nominal sum.

The ACLU, NYCLU, and LAC are suing on behalf of New York resident Juan Mieles, whose application to stay at a Ronald McDonald House was rejected because of his criminal history.

Mieles had applied to stay at the Ronald McDonald House at the Westchester Medical Center—where his 17-year-old son was receiving cancer treatments—back in 2022. The charity rejected his application after a criminal background check turned up a 12-year-old felony assault conviction, for which he’d been incarcerated.

Mieles tried to appeal the decision, stressing the time since his conviction and the role he played in his son’s care, but the charity didn’t budge. Unable to stay at the Ronald McDonald House, Mieles instead had to drive an hour one-way from his home in Queens during his son’s six-week cancer treatment course.

The Ronald McDonald House Charities didn’t respond to Reason‘s request for comment.

His lawsuit describes this as a hardship for Mieles and his family. The complaint argues that blanket bans on people with criminal convictions are illegal under the federal Fair Housing Act.

The federal Fair Housing Act bans racial discrimination in housing provision. Subsequent fair housing case law and federal regulations have widened the definition of racial discrimination to include neutral policies that have a “disparate impact” or “discriminatory effect” on particular racial groups.

The ACLU and co. argue in their lawsuit that the Ronald McDonald House Charities’ policy on criminal convictions violates this disparate impact standard, given the higher rates at which black and “Latine” individuals are convicted of crimes.

Their lawsuit cites 2022 regulatory guidance issued by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) saying that blanket bans on people with criminal convictions can violate the Fair Housing Act. HUD says that housing providers’ criminal conviction policies should, at a minimum, give room for individual assessment of the circumstances of the crime and the time elapsed since the crime.

Critics have long argued that the disparate impact standard often leaves housing providers guessing at what policies of theirs might end up being illegal.

“There’s no way to really know that you’re going to be facing potential liability down the road,” Ethan Blevins, an attorney with the Pacific Legal Foundation, told Reason last year. “It does put landlords in a really tough position, and it’s tough to know what a court will find legitimate.”

The ACLU and other fair housing groups have filed several lawsuits against housing providers for maintaining policies they say have illegal disparate impacts. Last year, the ACLU, alongside several Illinois fair housing groups, sued a Chicago-area landlord for not renting to people with past evictions.

Their lawsuit against Ronald McDonald House Charities asks that Mieles be awarded compensatory and punitive damages and that the charity stop enforcing its criminal convictions policy.

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More on Why Immigration is not “Invasion”


Greg Abbott speaks into a microphone |  Bob Daemmrich/Zuma Press/Newscom
Greg Abbott speaks into a microphone
Texas Gov. Greg Abbott ( Bob Daemmrich/Zuma Press/Newscom)

 

I have previously criticized Texas’s badly flawed argument that illegal immigration and cross-border drug smuggling qualify as an “invasion,” thereby triggering the state’s constitutional authority to “engage in war” in response (see also here). Prominent legal scholars Frank Bowman (Univ. of Missouri) and Steve Vladeck (Univ. of Texas) have recently posted articles on the same topic, at Just Security and Lawfare, respectively.

Bowman offers a detailed originalist critique of the invasion argument, surveying a number of relevant founding-era sources:

Throughout the Constitutional Convention and the state ratification debates that followed, delegates and commentators used the term “invasion” over and over. With a handful of exceptions where “invasion” is used metaphorically, as when referring to an “invasion of rights,” the word invariably refers to a hostile armed incursion into or against the territory of the states or the nation, an incursion that must be met with a military response….

Section 10 of Article I reserves to the national government exclusively the conduct of foreign policy. It also prohibits states from maintaining regular armies and navies in time of peace, and absolutely bars them from “engag[ing] in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.”

In other words, the constitutional response to “invasion” is “war.” Section 10, when read together with the provision of Article I, Section 8, that grants Congress the power “to declare war,” confers the responsibility for national defense – for making war – on the national government. The Constitution leaves only one narrow exception for emergencies in which states can “engage in War” if they are “actually invaded” or under imminent threat of invasion or a “Danger” so great that it would merit war in response….

At no point in the Constitutional Convention or any of the state ratification debates does anyone, except when speaking metaphorically, employ “invasion” to describe a non-violent, non-military event…..

More to the present point, absolutely no one at the Constitutional Convention or the state ratification debates used the word to connote the peaceful movement of immigrants (lawful or otherwise) from one country to another.

I discussed the original meaning of “invasion” here, highlighting (among other things) James Madison’s unequivocal statement that “Invasion is an operation of war.”

Vladeck recognizes (correctly, I think), that an attack by nonstate actors could qualify as an invasion, but notes that does not mean illegal migration does:

In a recent case involving a dispute with the federal government over Texas’s placement of movable buoys in the Rio Grande, Texas has claimed that “invasions” can come from non-state actors—and that what’s happening in Texas right now is an invasion.

The argument that non-state actors can “invade” states is certainly a reasonable one—especially in light of the historical and contemporary examples of the United States engaging in armed conflict with entities other than the militaries of foreign states. But that’s about as far as Texas’s argument makes sense. Indeed, three different courts of appeals have already rejected arguments that an uptick in unauthorized border crossings by migrants could qualify as an “invasion” for constitutional purposes.

InPadavan v. United States, for instance, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit rejected a claim by New York state elected officials that federal immigration policies vis-à-vis undocumented immigrants were facilitating an “invasion”: “In order for a state to be afforded the protections of the Invasion Clause, it must be exposed to armed hostility from another political entity, such as another state or foreign country that is intending to overthrow the state’s government.” The Third Circuit followed suit three months later in New Jersey v. United States, dismissing New Jersey’s argument because “[i]t offers no support whatsoever for application of the Invasion Clause to this case or for its reading of the term ‘invasion’ to mean anything other than a military invasion.” (And the Ninth Circuit echoed both in a subsequent ruling.) As these cases make clear, however far the term “invasion” might be stretched, extending them to unauthorized border crossings by unarmed migrants just doesn’t come close. Nor should it. Recall that the purpose of the Invasion Clause is to permit a state to engage in war against those invading it. The idea that Texas could “engage” in a “war” against such (mostly unarmed) foreign nationals is little more than a rhetorical flourish….

Both Bowman and Vladeck make many good points. Both articles reading for anyone interested in this issue!

I don’t fully agree with all of their arguments. Most notably, I am not sure I am convinced by Vladeck’s claim that a federal statute could override a state’s right to engage in war even in a situation where the state really is facing an invasion. But that issue does not arise in a situation where supposed invasion is really just some combination of illegal migration and smuggling.

Whatever the right policy response to these challenges (I think it’s to make legal migration easier and to end the War on Drugs), their existence doesn’t authorize a state to wage war, or the federal government to suspend the writ of habeas corpus.  Under the Constitution, both of these extreme measures would be permissible if there really was an invasion.

The post More on Why Immigration is not "Invasion" appeared first on Reason.com.

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