Is the End of the Obesity Epidemic Near? People Lost Up to 85 Pounds Using New Weight Loss Drug


An illustration of a person standing on a scale | Midjourney/Dragan Andrii/Dreamstime

Rumors about the astonishing weight loss potential of Eli Lilly’s triple hormone drug retatrutide have been circulating for months. The results of its Phase 3 clinical trial, just released by the drugmaker, amply justify the buzz. The company reports that “participants on 12 mg retatrutide lost an average of 70.3 lbs (28.3%) over 80 weeks with 45.3% of participants achieving ≥30% weight loss, a level long associated with bariatric surgery.”

Retatrutide is the latest compound to emerge from the revolution in hormonal treatment begun with the introduction of semaglutides like Ozempic in 2018 to treat Type 2 diabetes. Rebranded as Wegovy, the compound was approved for weight loss in June 2021.

Perhaps it’s just a coincidence, but adult obesity peaked at around the same time.

Gallup

Besides helping people to control their diabetes and to lose substantial amounts of fat, these compounds appear to offer many additional health benefits. These include improved outcomes in people with cardiovascular, kidney, liver, arthritis, sleep apnea, and substance abuse disorders, along with reducing inflammation generally. More recent data suggest that these compounds also significantly reduce the risk of cancer overall and lower the risk of cancer spread. Recent research somewhat allays concerns that taking the compounds not only reduces fat but also muscle mass.

Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. initially disparaged the compounds for treating diabetes and obesity, instead insisting that Americans eat better. He declared that the drug companies are “counting on selling it to Americans because we’re so stupid and so addicted to drugs.” However, when President Donald Trump endorsed the drugs, the secretary adroitly reversed course.

The uptake of these compounds by Americans already seems to be reshaping aspects of the economy. Specifically, demand for higher protein foods is up, and demand for alcoholic beverages is down. As it happens, the drugs encourage people to improve their diets just as RFK Jr. has been demanding.

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In New Hampshire, a Setback for Second Amendment Rights on Campus


gun-rights-on-campuses-v1 | Illustration: Todd Taulman/Elliot Burlingham/Dreamstime

On Thursday, an effort to eliminate gun-free zones on New Hampshire college campuses fizzled out in the state Legislature, when the Senate voted against a committee of conference to renegotiate the bill with House leaders. Despite the setback, proponents of the legislation say they’re not done.

“We’ll be pursuing this with a legal challenge,” says state Rep. Sam Farrington (R–Rochester), who sponsored the bill, which would have also allowed students to carry nonlethal weapons such as pepper spray and mace. Farrington, who graduated from the University of New Hampshire (UNH) last Saturday, says the challenge will be under New Hampshire’s “pre-emption statute,” which prohibits any “political subdivision” other than the state Legislature from regulating firearms. He thinks that policies that ban guns from campus, imposed by “unelected administrators at public universities,” fall into that category.

UNH says that its restrictions were “adopted under authority granted by the Legislature to the Board of Trustees and campus presidents to govern university property.”

For now, New Hampshire is one of 37 states where college campuses are gun-free zones. This includes Rhode Island and Virginia, where Brown University and Old Dominion University, respectively, were each sites of deadly shootings this school year. Indeed, according to the Crime Prevention Research Center, more than 80 percent of mass public shootings since 1998 “have occurred in places where guns are banned.” (Other estimates, using different criteria for “gun-free zone” and “mass shooting,” have arrived at lower figures: 48 percent, even 10 percent.)

So as much as Farrington wrote his bill to protect students’ Second Amendment rights, “it’s also a safety issue,” he says. “At UNH, for example…doors are left wide open, buildings are wide open. Anybody can walk in at any point in time.”

“Gun-free zones,” Farrington tells Reason, “leave victims defenseless and vulnerable.”

High-quality research on the question is sparse, but the only study on gun-free zones that met the RAND Corporation’s inclusion criteria for its “Gun Policy Research Review” found “that campus carry laws are not significantly related to violent or property crime on campus” between 2005 and 2014, meaning they neither made students safer nor endangered them. However, it did show that “campuses located in states that allow unpermitted concealed carry”—like New Hampshire—had “lower property crime rates,” suggesting that some positive relationship exists between firearm access and campus safety.

Though universities might point to their campus security teams or cooperations with local law enforcement as evidence of their commitment to student safety, Farrington is skeptical. “You can’t trust the government police officers to defend you,” he says, referencing the 2005 Castle Rock v. Gonzales decision, in which the Supreme Court ruled that law enforcement cannot be held liable for failing or refusing to protect citizens from threats they did not create. “You need to take it upon yourself, and that’s why this right is so important,” says Farrington.

In the wake of this year’s campus shootings, more students around the country are beginning to share Farrington’s skepticism. Notable is a spate of op-eds that appeared shortly after the Brown shooting in the Yale Daily News, decrying flaws in Yale’s security approach.

One student pointed out that campus security officers—who outnumber Yale Police Department officers 140 to 93—are unarmed. In the case of an emergency, they’re tasked with simply telling students to hide and then calling the police, who are actually equipped to deal with a threat. He recommended that Yale, which is a gun-free campus, provide its security officers with some kind of incapacitating weaponry, or at the very least, expand its armed police department.

Of course, mass shootings are a much rarer threat than everyday robberies and assaults. But even then, many campus security solutions are ill-equipped to protect students. In another op-ed, Yale student and active-duty U.S. Marine Timothy Riemann noted that Yale’s campus-wide safety alerts—which report all muggings, robberies, or shots fired on campus—always omit the perpetrator’s race, providing “deliberately incomplete information” to students who might be in danger.

“To me,” Riemann wrote, “it signals that the University prioritizes the potential or theoretical harm caused by including race as an identifying characteristic over the very real safety of its own students, faculty and staff.”

But in the months since these criticisms were levied, Yale has indicated no plans to change course, leaving its security approach stuck in the same rut as other universities nationwide. Pending the outcome of Farrington’s legal action, things could change for students enrolled at public New Hampshire colleges. But for now, they—along with other students around the country—have no choice but to put their trust in a flawed campus security paradigm.

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“Tennessee Man Jailed 37 Days for Trump Meme Wins $835,000 Settlement”

From the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education Wednesday:

After spending 37 days in jail for nothing more than posting a meme, retired Tennessee law enforcement officer Larry Bushart has won a substantial settlement from the county and sheriff behind his arrest.

Represented by the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression and Phillips & Phillips, PLLC, Larry Bushart filed a federal civil rights lawsuit last December against Sheriff Nick Weems, Investigator Jason Morrow, and Perry County, Tennessee, for violating his constitutional rights in retaliation for his protected speech.

Today, the parties announced in a joint statement that Larry will receive $835,000 in exchange for dismissing his complaint.

“I am pleased my First Amendment rights have been vindicated,” said Larry. “The people’s freedom to participate in civil discourse is crucial to a healthy democracy. I am looking forward to moving on and spending time with my family.”

After the September 2025 assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, Larry commented on a Facebook post promoting a vigil in nearby Perry County by sharing a meme that accurately quoted Donald Trump’s statement after a school shooting:  “We have to get over it.”

That meme — which Larry didn’t create or alter — included a reference to the 2024 school shooting at Perry High School in Perry, Iowa. But that did not stop Weems from seeking and obtaining a warrant for Larry’s arrest, based on the absurd notion that the meme could be interpreted as a threat against Perry County High School in TennesseeVideo of the arrest shows Larry informed the arresting officer (not a defendant in the case) that he had never made a threat….

Weems admitted in a later interview that he knew at the time of the arrest that Larry’s Facebook post was a pre-existing meme that referred to an actual shooting that took place in a different state, over 500 miles away. But Weems and Morrow left out that extremely important context from their warrant application. Not that it should have mattered; the Supreme Court has long held that heated political rhetoric is fully protected by the First Amendment.

Larry spent over a month behind bars on a $2 million bond. Perry County released him from jail only after his plight went viral nationwide and prompted outrage. During his stay in jail, Larry lost his post-retirement job and missed his anniversary — as well as the birth of his grandchild. After his release, he teamed up with FIRE to hold those who violated his constitutional rights accountable…. (FIRE) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to defending and sustaining the individual rights of all Americans to free speech and free thought — the most essential qualities of liberty. FIRE educates Americans about the importance of these inalienable rights, promotes a culture of respect for these rights, and provides the means to preserve them.

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War Powers Vote Is the Latest Embarrassment for House Speaker Mike Johnson


House Speaker Mike Johnson leaving podium | Michael Brochstein/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom

Faced with the prospect of having to uphold one of Congress’ core responsibilities, Speaker of the House Mike Johnson (R–La.) took the coward’s way out.

He cut and ran.

House Republican leaders canceled a vote Thursday night on a bill that called for halting President Donald Trump’s war with Iran. With some Republicans poised to break ranks and others absent, Politico reports, the war powers resolution likely would have passed—and even without Rep. Thomas Massie (R–Ky.), an outspoken critic of the war who had not yet returned to Washington after suffering a defeat in Tuesday’s primary.

With the vote canceled, the House recessed until June, thus “avoiding a political embarrassment to President Donald Trump,” notes Politico.

Instead, it is Johnson who ought to be embarrassed.

Deciding when America goes to war is a power exclusively reserved to Congress. Even though Congress hasn’t formally declared war since World War II, America’s other, recent misadventures in the Middle East were at least subject to public debate, and lawmakers granted authorization for the use of military force.

That did not happen with the war in Iran, which the Trump administration launched in February without getting permission from Congress. The Pentagon and White House made a half-hearted attempt to justify the conflict as a response to an imminent threat against American troops—but that case is far from believable, as Reason‘s Matthew Petti has explained.

Congress has been slow to respond. But, with the conflict nearing the end of its third month (and having accomplished little besides choking off vital supply chains and raising prices), America’s elected representatives are finally getting their act together.

The Senate voted earlier this week to advance a war powers resolution. “Until the administration provides clarity, no congressional authorization or extension can be justified,” wrote Sen. Bill Cassidy (R–La.) in a post on X after voting for the resolution.

Previous efforts in the House had fallen short, but the tide seems to have turned. Polls show the war is deeply unpopular, and even Republican voters are turning against it.

Under the terms of the War Powers Act of 1973, presidents have 60 days to obtain congressional authorization for an ongoing conflict. That deadline has come and gone. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has argued that the 60-day clock does not apply because the two countries agreed to a temporary cease-fire in early April.

The resolutions being debated in Congress are an attempt to enforce that limitation and order the president to withdraw American forces from the conflict. It is ultimately a symbolic gesture because Trump could veto the resolution if it passed.

All the more reason why Johnson’s cowardice is so remarkable. Why should he have to protect Trump from having to issue a veto? The president started a war without congressional authorization; he should have to own it.

This sort of cowardice is nothing new for Johnson. It calls to mind the ridiculous maneuver that Johnson and his fellow House GOP leaders used to block votes disapproving of Trump’s tariffs. They changed the House’s rules so that a “day” on the House calendar no longer counted as a day in real life, thus undermining a law meant to check executive power over trade.

Johnson is seemingly incapable of standing up to the Trump administration, even when one of Congress’ core responsibilities is at stake.

With the House now in recess until June, Trump gets a few more weeks to wrap up his undeclared and unlawful war—a conflict that Trump said was “very complete” all the way back on March 9.

“Republicans are too scared to check executive power,” wrote Rep. Brittany Pettersen (D–Colo.) on Twitter after Thursday’s vote was canceled. “They knew they’d lose. So instead of ending Trump’s illegal war in Iran, they killed the vote. Too weak to follow the Constitution. Too loyal to Trump to do their jobs.”

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Should Billionaires Pay More Taxes?

Yale Law School professor Natasha Sarin and the Cato Institute’s Adam Michel debate the resolution, “Billionaires should pay a higher share of federal taxes.”

Taking the affirmative is Sarin, who is a professor at Yale Law School and the president and co-founder of the Budget Lab at Yale. She is also a former counselor to Secretary Janet Yellen at the U.S. Treasury Department.

Arguing against the resolution is Michel, the director of tax policy studies at the Cato Institute. He was formerly deputy staff director at the U.S. Congress Joint Economic Committee.

The debate is moderated by Soho Forum Director Gene Epstein.

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Democrats Tried To Bury 2024 Election Autopsy


Democratic National Committee Chairman Ken Martin, and two men hiding their faces | Illustration: Bill Clark/Newscom/Midjourney

Political parties that lose major elections will often create an “autopsy report.” Hoping not to make the same mistakes twice, an autopsy lets the party take stock of its failures, learn why its candidate failed to connect with voters, and get a sense of how to do better next time.

But 18 months after Kamala Harris lost the 2024 election to then-former President Donald Trump, the Democratic Party only got around to releasing an autopsy this week. Even then, the party only did so as a result of public pressure, having previously sworn off the prospect of ever publicly releasing the report. Why is the party so dead set against learning from its own mistakes?

The 2024 election “was a punch to the gut, and people were pissed off,” Democratic National Committee (DNC) Chairman Ken Martin wrote Thursday in a statement accompanying the report’s release. “How, we all asked, could Democrats have lost to Donald Trump again? How did we blow through billions of dollars? And where do we go from here?”

The resulting report paints a bleak picture for Democrats. “We must admit and accept some hard truths about our Party,” it cautions. “Since the high point of the 2008 Obama landslide…the Democratic Party has vacillated between stagnation and retrogression. In doing so, we have lost the confidence we once received from everyday Americans—and election results show it. In the sixteen tumultuous years since that historic election, Democrats have lost ground at every level of government.”

This is actually the first time in more than a decade that Democrats have publicly taken any such introspection.

When Trump defeated Hillary Clinton in 2016, the party appointed then-Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney (D–N.Y.) to compile an autopsy, only to effectively bury it. Politico reported at the time that “members were not allowed to have copies of the report and may view it only under the watchful eyes of [Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee] staff.”

One person who recognized the folly in this strategy was Ken Martin.

“The DNC spent a lot of time and money on [a 2016 autopsy], and it wasn’t even released to the DNC members,” Martin said in February 2025. “Was there any utility in doing that?”

As to whether the party would compile and release a report for the 2024 election, Martin added, “Of course it will be released, right? It will be released to our members, and we all have to learn from that. There has to be some lessons that we bring on so that we can operationalize it.”

But when it was completed in December, Martin said he wouldn’t release the report, which he called “a distraction from the core mission.”

The decision was controversial. Last month, when Martin appeared on the progressive podcast Pod Save America, host Jon Favreau brought up his previous pledge to release the report and asked, “Why did you change your mind on that?”

Martin averred that the report itself was less important than the “lessons” it contained, “and we released those lessons.”

This week, the DNC bowed to pressure and finally released the report, though not without immediately disavowing it; each page bears a disclaimer that it “reflects the views of the author, not the DNC,” which did not receive “the underlying sourcing, interviews, or supporting data for many of the assertions contained herein and therefore cannot independently verify the claims presented.”

Indeed, the document contains numerous highlights and notations of issues to be corrected.

“When I received the report late last year, it wasn’t ready for primetime. Not even close,” Martin explained this week. “I am not proud of this product; it does not meet my standards, and it won’t meet your standards. I don’t endorse what’s in this report, or what’s left out of it. I could not in good faith put the DNC’s stamp of approval on it. But transparency is paramount.”

Of course, Martin is only releasing the report because of public pressure. In fact, CNN released a draft of the report hours before Martin did.

Martin added that he saw no reason to release the report in December because Democrats had done well in state and local elections the previous month. But the report had some caution on that front.

“Our candidates have proven incapable of projecting strength, unity, and leadership, and voters have drifted away,” it warned. “Indeed, many of our critical Democratic wins can be attributed to negative partisanship—where Republicans have nominated deeply flawed candidates, and we have been able to convince some Republicans and most Independents to support Democrats in those contests.”

“This remains true even in the face of the ‘Blue Wave’ in the most recent elections,” it added. “2025 gubernatorial and mayoral wins in Virginia, New Jersey, New York City, Detroit, and elsewhere may lead to a false sense of security and a belief the Democratic Party has again found ways to bring the voters back to the booth with their messaging.”

Flawed though the report may be, it still provided useful information and advice to be cautious about its recent electoral successes.

But ignoring the evidence of its own unelectability has become something of a trend among Democrats. Even examining the 2020 election, when Joe Biden defeated Trump, would have been useful. “Instead, Democrats apparently took Trump’s unfitness as so manifestly self-evident that it was not worth interrogating why 74 million people voted for him in 2020, and whether they would do so again,” I wrote after Harris’ loss in 2024.

In fact, the 2024 autopsy mentions another Democratic Party postmortem conducted after the 2022 midterms, which laid out a number of recommendations for future campaigns. “Unfortunately, none of these recommendations were implemented on the proposed timeline, if at all,” it notes. (“No evidence or sourcing provided for this claim,” the DNC retorts.)

Democrats often talk about Trump as an existential threat to the country and the rule of law—and the argument is compelling. Just this week, Trump settled his own lawsuit against the government, steering an arbitrary multi-billion dollar sum into an account he controlled while exempting himself from future investigatory scrutiny, as he and his children repeatedly benefit financially from various government actions.

And yet while Trump is deeply unpopular, the Democratic Party fares little better in polls of voters. Why is that? Perhaps a report dedicated to its most recent major loss, compiled and distributed to party officials, could shed some light.

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Trump’s ‘Anti-Weaponization Fund’ Is Built on a Contradiction


January 6 rioters are seen outside the Capitol with $100 bills behind them | Apartura/Dreamstime/Joel Marklund/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom

The Trump administration’s announcement that it had established a large, taxpayer-financed “Anti-Weaponization Fund” was an odd addition to an already-odd news cycle. The pool of $1,776,000,000—1776, get it?—was born out of a settlement between President Donald Trump and the IRS; the chief executive had, in some sense, sued himself after a contractor leaked his tax returns to The New York Times in 2019. Those funds will be used, the Justice Department said, “to hear and redress claims of others who suffered weaponization and lawfare.”

The development has drawn widespread criticism for reasons one might assume: allegations of corruption and self-dealing. But its inception raises larger questions about what processes exist for alleged victims of government misconduct, how hard it is for anyone to get compensation when their constitutional rights are violated, and why that is.

It is not yet clear exactly who will benefit from the Anti-Weaponization Fund. But Vice President J.D. Vance offered a hint this week when he invoked Tina Peters, whom Colorado Governor Jared Polis granted clemency last week. “This is a woman, who, at worst—if you believe everything that the prosecutors said about her—committed misdemeanor trespassing, and somebody threw the book at her,” Vance said at a White House press briefing. “This innocent grandmother was going to spend 10 years in prison, completely disproportionate to any misdemeanor trespassing that I’ve ever seen. Was that fair? No. Is it reasonable for her to get some compensation for the fact that she was treated unfairly? I think the answer is yes.”

Peters was not convicted of “misdemeanor trespassing.” She was convicted of four felonies and three misdemeanors—none of which were trespassing—in connection with an illegal scheme she executed as Mesa County clerk that she hoped would substantiate her allegations that the 2020 election had been stolen. As Reason‘s Jacob Sullum summarized earlier this week, Peters secured “unauthorized access to voting machines…by falsely identifying Gerald Wood, a local I.T. consultant, as a county employee, and allowing Conan Hayes, another promoter of Trump’s stolen-election fantasy, to pose as Wood.” Hayes used Wood’s bogus credentials to copy the voting machine software in May 2021 after Peters disabled security cameras, though she recorded the process with her phone. Images from that footage, one of which featured the county’s passwords, eventually made their way online.

Her nine-year (not 10-year) sentence was indeed severe. Per the judge, it was partially influenced by her beliefs, so her sentence commutation—despite the great deal of outrage it has elicited—is defensible on First Amendment grounds. That’s especially true when considering she will have spent about a year and a half in prison, which still amounts to significant accountability.

Peters was not pardoned, though. She is not “innocent,” as Vance claimed. She was convicted by a jury, and will remain a felon after her release next month. We have an important check on overly harsh prison terms in this country: clemency. It was exercised.

That Peters and others might get taxpayer-funded checks not in spite of committing crimes—but because they committed crimes—is a revealing window into the Anti-Weaponization Fund. That perversity intensifies when you consider that our system all but ensures that people whose constitutional rights were violated by the government face a grueling battle for recourse. Many end up with nothing at all. One of the most vocal opponents to reform there: Donald Trump.

The summer of 2020 saw a wave of support for reforming qualified immunity. Under that legal doctrine, a plaintiff may plausibly allege that a state or local government employee acted illegally and infringed on his rights. But he will still be barred from going before a jury and asking for damages if he cannot show that the misconduct was “clearly established” as unconstitutional in prior case law. It is, in theory, supposed to nuke vacuous claims.

But that is not what happens in practice. It is the reason why a mother could not sue after a deputy sheriff shot her 10-year-old boy while aiming at a nonthreatening dog; or why two men could not sue after law enforcement allegedly stole $225,000 from them during the execution of a search warrant; or why a local citizen journalist could not sue after police contorted an obscure statute to arrest her. Without prior court precedents explicitly spelling out that such actions ran afoul of the law—as if officers needed to be put on notice, for instance, that stealing under such circumstances is illegal—the plaintiffs’ cases were extinguished before they could even begin.

The momentum around reform has waned, to put it mildly. But at its climax, during Trump’s first term, his administration described any attempt to modify the doctrine legislatively as a “non-starter.” On the campaign trail for the 2024 election, Trump briefly revived the issue and emphasized that he wanted to “indemnify [police] against any and all liability”—which is already effectively the case. (Even when plaintiffs do overcome qualified immunity, governments pay out damages almost 100 percent of the time.) 

Legal inaccuracies notwithstanding, Trump’s position on the issue has been firm and consistent. He has sided with the government, not the little guy, when it comes to questions about what victims of state abuse are entitled to. If Peters is an apt mascot for his Anti-Weaponization Fund, it appears his sympathies do sometimes operate in the reverse, so long as the little guy is the one accused of misconduct, and so long as that misconduct sufficiently flattered him. But a mom whose young son was mistakenly shot by law enforcement remains out of luck.

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In Gerrymandering Fight, Democracy Is Losing


CA-redistricting-v1 | Illustration: MisterTigga/Dreamstime/Midjourney

As Republicans and Democrats continue their mid-decade redistricting grudge match that could determine which party controls Congress after November, Americans may learn a truism about legislative elections. That is, voters don’t really select the politicians who represent them. Politicians choose their voters, resulting in “skewed, unrepresentative maps where electoral outcomes are virtually guaranteed,” as the Brennan Center explains.

The process has long been known as gerrymandering, named in 1812 after Massachusetts Gov. Elbridge Gerry. Per Smithsonian magazine, Gerry signed a state Senate redistricting map drawn up by his fellow Democratic-Republicans that shifted from a county-based model to one filled with “carvings and manglings” designed to strip power from the competing Federalists. Critics noted the district looked a lot like a salamander.

It worked, and states with one-party dominance have long had a field day designing districts that guaranteed their dominance. I once lived in a Los Angeles County supervisorial district that meandered from the eastern edges of the San Gabriel Valley to Marina del Rey, with the obvious purpose of consolidating every scarce Republican vote to bolster Democratic chances in the other districts. Both parties do it, but the latest battles are particularly noxious.

The problem with gerrymandering is obvious. It magnifies the political extremes, as candidates are incentivized to appeal solely to a pre-selected group of partisan voters. We can see that in any number of current congressional races after the Proposition 50 redistricting changes. As a result, we elect representatives who have no incentive whatsoever to reach across party lines—but solely to satisfy their political base. It quashes the representation of many voters and undermines the faith people might have in the democratic process.

Recently, Republicans have cheered after the Virginia Supreme Court tossed out heavily gerrymandered, voter-approved maps that would have obliterated Republican representation. Fair enough, but I’ve yet to hear more than a few Republicans criticize Texas and other GOP states that gerrymandered to eliminate Democratic seats. They did that at the behest of Donald Trump, who didn’t hide his raw partisan goals. “Texas will be the biggest one. And that will be five (GOP pickups),” Trump said.

This is more obscene than usual because redistricting typically is handled once a decade. But Republicans triggered this mid-decade war to stop a likely Democratic tsunami in November, which means that states will now constantly redistrict whenever they can secure an advantage. The U.S. Supreme Court’s recent decision in a Louisiana case that tossed aside a majority-black district was ostensibly done to stop one form of gerrymandering. But the court has given red states more latitude to dissolve Democratic seats.

California’s Prop. 50 was defensive and is temporary, so it was understandable. But it still means that voters in conservative, remote Siskiyou County will be lumped in with liberal voters in more populous Marin County outside San Francisco. That assures that their rural concerns will get no more attention in Congress than Black Louisianans will receive in a state dominated by conservative white voters. The whole process is downright un-American.

In this recent round, Republicans are entirely to blame. In the new MAGA-fied GOP, winning is everything, and there’s no quarter given for concepts such as fairness. Frankly, Trump has tapped into Americans’ most divisive instincts, as he puts his short-term zeal for vengeance above the long-term good of the country.

It’s sad, and the success of the GOP’s efforts will cause both parties to continue toward what Rep. Blake Moore (R–Utah) rightly calls a race to the bottom. A few other representatives have likewise called for a ceasefire, but whatever party is on the winning side of this race will never back down, given the current scorched-earth culture. Even more depressing, this scenario essentially puts an end to the good-government experiment in nonpartisan redistricting reform. Democratic states have typically done this, but now that’s a sucker’s game.

I’ve long called for measures that improve representation in ways that don’t attempt to change the partisan balance—but simply better reflect the views of voters and make elected officials more responsive to their needs. One long-dead proposal in California would have expanded the number of Assembly seats given that our current lower house has one representative for every 483,000 Californians. Good luck getting a meeting with your Assembly member in that set up, but I fear that such ideas are nonstarters in the current political climate.

“The ordaining of laws in favor of one part of the nation, to the prejudice and oppression of another, is certainly the most erroneous and mistaken policy,” wrote Benjamin Franklin. He feared that poor representation would “create great and violent jealousies and animosities between the people favored and the people oppressed.” Yet here we are—until Americans place their national identity above their partisan loyalties. As the nation celebrates its 250th anniversary, it’s a good time to consider a truce.

This column was first published in The Orange County Register.

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Law School Recommended Against Student’s Bar Admission, Partly for Alleged “Celebration” of Charlie Kirk Assassination in Law School Clinic

From Judge Brantley Starr (N.D. Tex.) May 12 in Fisher v. Campbell:

This case stems from a Texas Tech University law student allegedly making a celebratory statement {in the clinic program offices} after Charlie Kirk’s assassination while she was working at a legal clinic at the school. The school … reprimanded her and reported her to the state bar for acting unprofessionally, in violation of the school’s honor code [on the grounds that she had] {“fail[ed] to uphold professional or fiduciary obligations including, but not limited to, performance related to clinical programs”}.

The alleged celebratory statements were said to be:

“I’m in such a good mood.”

“That mother fucker got shot.”

“I’m in the best mood ever.”

“They got him.”

“This is great.”

The student, Fisher, denied making those statements, and the Honor Council report that initially considered the matter appeared ambivalent. But the Dean concluded that Fisher had made such statements; here’s an excerpt from his letter to the bar:

The Dean’s Office recommends against Ms. Ellen Fisher’s admission to the Bar.

We do so for three related reasons. First, Ms. Fisher, as a clinical student with a supervised practice card, disrupted our clinical spaces with a celebration of a political assassination. Second, she has refused to take responsibility or show any remorse for her unprofessional actions. And, third, she has displayed dishonesty when discussing this incident in our Honor Code proceedings.

On September 10, 2025, Ms. Fisher celebrated a political assassination in the Law School’s clinical suite during work hours. This occurred while Ms. Fisher was a clinical student with a supervised practice card and thus able to represent clients in our clinics under our professional supervision. The celebration was loud, overheard by others, and adversely affected the operation of the clinic.

Ms. Fisher’s actions were unprofessional and also constitute a violation of the Law School’s Honor Code, Section 2.H (Violation of Professional Duties), which prohibits “failing to uphold professional … obligations” related to “clinical programs.” To state the obvious, we expect our clinical law students engaged in supervised practice under our supervision to display the same levels of professionalism in our clinical spaces that law firms expect from their attorneys in their law offices. The disruptive celebration of a political assassination in our clinical spaces is a reprehensible act radically inconsistent with widely recognized professional expectations in law firm spaces. Therefore, we also view this conduct as severe enough to constitute a violation of the Honor Code….

The Dean’s Office has 100% confidence in its fact-finding that Ms. Fisher celebrated an assassination in the clinical suite in a disruptive fashion on September 10, 2025. Notably, on September 16, Professor Metze’s administrative appointment as a clinical director was terminated and he was given modified instructional duties with limited student contact precisely because of his admitted failure to take any steps to correct Ms. Fisher’s celebration of a murder in his office. Professor Metze later retired from the law faculty at the end of calendar year 2025 in the face of further disciplinary proceedings supported by Texas Tech University and the Texas Tech University System for this same admitted failure to perform basic job responsibilities on September 10.

At no point, to my knowledge, during his employment with TTU did Professor Metze ever retract his admission that Ms. Fisher celebrated a murder in his office on September 10, though he would later claim that he could no longer recall details of what happened that day when the Honor Code investigation of Ms. Fisher began. Professor Terri Morgeson continues to corroborate Professor Metze’s account, confirming Ms. Fisher’s misconduct.

The Honor Council majority found by clear and convincing evidence that Ms. Fisher celebrated a murder in the hallway of our clinical suite. The Honor Council did not find by clear and convincing evidence that Ms. Fisher also celebrated the murder in Professor Metze’s office, though a majority seem to agree that a celebration of the murder did take place in that office.

The Dean’s Office concurs in the Council’s finding on the disruptive hallway murder celebration but believes the Council reached the wrong result on the question of the disruptive office murder celebration. The Dean’s Office believes the Council reached the wrong result principally because it failed to follow a recommendation from the Dean’s Office on which witnesses should be called to testify and thus failed to hear from crucial witnesses who would have provided important testimony on this point. Significantly, in our inquisitorial process, the Honor Council must call all relevant witnesses since there is no “prosecutor” to rely on to present a case for responsibility. The Dean’s Office continues to believe that Professor Metze’s admissions and Professor Morgeson’s detailed corroboration establish that Ms. Fisher celebrated a murder not just in the clinical hallway but also in Professor Metze’s clinical office….

Notably, Ms. Fisher has refused to take responsibility for any of her misconduct or express any form of remorse for it. Instead, she has responded with repeated acts of dishonesty in an effort to avoid accountability, denying that the disruptive conduct in both the clinical hallway and the clinical office took place.

As we all know, often “the cover-up is worse than the crime.” Had Ms. Fisher taken responsibility for her disruptive misconduct and expressed remorse rather than respond with repeated falsehoods, we would be offering a different recommendation today on her admission to the Bar. I will also note that Ms. Fisher has received an extraordinary degree of grace from our Honor Council in both its fact-finding and in its recommended sanction, which, frankly, in my opinion, she does not deserve, given her dishonesty, and which will only further reinforce her lack of character and fitness for the practice of law.

Fisher sought an injunction “to prevent Dean Nowlin from entering a reprimand and annul all disciplinary action against her,” but the court held that such a request was precluded by state sovereign immunity:

“Sovereign immunity bars private suits against nonconsenting states in federal courts.” And state sovereign immunity also “precludes suits against state officials in their official capacities.”

That said, there are two primary exceptions. “First, Congress may expressly abrogate state sovereign immunity.” And second, Ex parte Young “permits suits for prospective … relief against state officials acting in violation of federal law.” “Here, Congress has not abrogated Texas’s sovereign immunity, and the State has not consented to suit. Young is the whole ballgame.”

The Fifth Circuit has explained that “Ex parte Young created a narrow doorway through the sovereign immunity defense” and “[t]o turn the key on the Ex parte Young door, a plaintiff must sue the right defendants and ask for the right remedy.”

First, the right defendants. To be the right defendants under Ex parte Young, the individuals must be “officers of the state … clothed with some duty in regard to the enforcement of the laws of the state … who threaten and are about to commence proceedings, either of a civil or criminal nature.” In short, the defendant “must have some connection with the enforcement of the law being challenged.” … [T]he official must have “more than the general duty to see that the laws of the state are implemented”; it must be a “particular duty to enforce the statute in question”; the official must have “demonstrated willingness to exercise that duty”; and “the state official, through her conduct, compels or constrains persons to obey the challenged law.” Even so, plaintiffs “need only show a scintilla of enforcement by the relevant state official.” …

[T]he only defendants who have even a scintilla of enforcement authority to effectuate this relief are Dean Nowlin, who sent the reprimand to the Texas Board of Law Examiners; Dean Gonzales, who has appellate review of Honor Code violations; and the Board of Regents….

Second, the right remedy. Ex parte Young‘s narrow carveout permits courts to “command[ ] a state official to do nothing more than refrain from violating federal law.” So the doctrine is limited to “prospective relief to stop future harms.” It “does not permit judgments against state officers declaring that they violated federal law in the past.” Nor can it be used to attack or undo a state official’s past actions.

Accordingly, injunctions that are packaged as prospective relief but require “the voiding of a final state” official’s action are “quintessentially retrospective and thus out of bounds under Young.” …

Fisher … seeks two remedies: (1) an injunction annulling the defendants’ disciplinary action against her and (2) enjoining the defendants to inform the Texas Board of Law Examiners that any and all disciplinary outcomes against Fisher are officially retracted.

Like invalidating or voiding a state agency order, annulling defendants’ past disciplinary action against Fisher is “quintessentially retrospective.” Namely, to annul is to “declare or make legally invalid or void.” Thus an annulment can only reach what has been, not what will be. To conclude otherwise would impermissibly conflate retroactive and prospective relief. So her first remedy it is “out of bounds under Young.

Because the Court lacks jurisdiction to order Dean Nowlin, Dean Gonzales, and the Board of Regents to annul the past action, it cannot order them to tell the Texas Board of Law Examiners that they have done so. Such would be a lie. That too is barred by Ex parte Young. {The Texas Board of Law Examiners is owed the truth. And our dues. But maybe not sovereign immunity anymore under Galette v. New Jersey Transit Co., 607 U.S. — (2026).}

In sum, Ex parte Young‘s narrow doorway is locked to Fisher as to these requests.

Fisher argues that her injunction is warranted to return this case to “the last uncontested status of parties.” For example, in Doe v. Texas Christian University, the learned Judge O’Connor issued a temporary restraining order against TCU that ended a suspension.

Suspensions and reprimands are different, as are Title IX and the First Amendment. Doe centered on a Title IX claim, and Congress abrogated the States’ Eleventh Amendment immunity for purposes of Title IX. Section 1983 does not do to the states what Title IX does. Besides, suspending a student is a continuing course of conduct. And the courts under Ex parte Young can enjoin the future action of continuing a suspension. But there is no future action with a reprimand.

Likewise, Shah v. University of Texas Southwestern Medical School—which Fisher does not cite—is inapplicable. In Shah, a medical student was dismissed, sued UT Southwestern alleging his dismissal was unlawful, and asked for preliminary injunctive relief because Shah feared UT Southwestern would disclose Shah’s disciplinary record to the other medical schools he was applying to. On that record, Judge Fitzwater granted preliminary injunctive relief because there was “an imminent threat that defendants will disseminate” Shah’s disciplinary record to third parties and “send notice to the schools that he was dismissed.” The future issue was not focused on harm to the plaintiff’s reputation but rather on conduct of the school.

But here, Dean Nowlin has already informed the Texas Board of Law Examiners and State Bar of Texas about the reprimand. The Defendants’ conduct has already occurred. So there is no future or ongoing action by the Defendants to enjoin.

The Eleventh Amendment’s jurisdictional bar therefore remains as to the relief Fisher seeks in this motion.

But the Court must note that circumstances might change. It is possible the Defendants would take future action (like suspending Fisher or preventing her from graduating) that Fisher might believe to be unlawful. Some of those actions might fit within—instead of fight—Ex parte Young. But no such request is before the Court. Nor is there any indication that those harms are forthcoming. For that reason, the Court lacks jurisdiction over this motion and “cannot proceed at all” on the requested injunctive relief….

This does not mean that Fisher has no case. Under section 1983, she may still seek monetary damages against the individual defendants. {And this is a separate reason why the Court will not issue injunctive relief to preserve the last uncontested status quo. As Judge O’Connor has explained, injunctive relief is necessary when preserving the last uncontested status quo if it is the only way to “prevent irreparable injury so as to preserve the court’s ability to render a meaningful decision on the merits.” Despite the fact that more money has been known to cause more problems, money is still a meaningful remedy that precludes the need for injunctive relief here.}

“Federal courts are courts of limited jurisdiction.” They are not the courts of universal justice. Accordingly, the Court may only act where the Constitution or a statute permit it. Here, the Eleventh Amendment prohibits Fisher’s requested relief, so the Court DENIES the motion for a temporary restraining order and preliminary injunction.

I don’t have much of an opinion on the Eleventh Amendment question. But I am quite troubled by the law school’s actions here.

Even if you do agree that the student did engage in “disrupti[ve]” and “unprofessional” speech, consider just how broad law schools’ authority would be on that standard. Nothing in the standard would be limited to celebrating assassinations, or praising violence more broadly: A wide range of speech on contested matters—race, sex, religion, sexual orientation, gender identity, abortion, affirmative action, and more—may be seen by some as disruptive and unprofessional. It’s easy to imagine some students, faculty members, and deans so labeling, for instance, celebration of a court decision or election result that they see as racist or anti-trans or Islamophobic or what have you. That’s not a standard, I think, that’s compatible with the First Amendment rights of students in public universities.

Perhaps a clinic ought to have some authority to eject students (essentially firing them as employees) based on disruptive or unprofessional speech in its offices, just as law firms would generally have such authority. I’m not sure how far that would extend, since even that power can easily be abused and is quite dangerous in what is after all primarily a higher educational institution, not an ordinary law firm. But even assuming such a power, that still doesn’t justify recommending that the student be denied a license to practice, which would keep her from working in any law firm, whatever its ideological views.

Finally, I appreciate that one of the three reasons given for the recommendation is that the Dean viewed her as dishonest in the investigation. But the report makes clear that this was just one of the reasons; and the focus on the other reasons shows that she likely wouldn’t have been treated that way based on dishonesty in some other context, in the absence of her statements about the Kirk killing.

The post Law School Recommended Against Student's Bar Admission, Partly for Alleged "Celebration" of Charlie Kirk Assassination in Law School Clinic appeared first on Reason.com.

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The Republican Party Is Nothing More Than a Cult of Trump


Rep. Thomas Massie (R–Ky.) and Sen. Bill Cassidy (R–La.) | BONNIE CASH/UPI/Newscom

The Republican Party is dead. Long live the party of Trump, which wears the GOP like a skin suit.

On Tuesday, President Donald Trump took down libertarian-leaning Rep. Thomas Massie (R–Ky.), to whom he’d taken such a profound dislike that he backed a primary challenger in the form of MAGA stalwart Ed Gallrein. Massie was highly ranked for his voting record by conservative organizations, but so were other candidates Trump pushed out of office—and out of the party. In truth, it’s been years since the Republican Party was a conservative organization; these days it’s a cult of personality around the president.

Trump Turns on ‘Unreliable’ Members of His Own Party

“Tom Massie of Kentucky, the worst and most unreliable Republican Congressman in the history of our Country, is an even bigger insult to our Nation than Senator Bill Cassidy of Louisiana,” President Trump snarked on May 17. That was the day Cassidy lost his state’s Republican Senate primary to Trump-backed challenger Rep. Julia Letlow and State Treasurer John Fleming, who now head to a runoff.

By that point, Trump-backed primary challengers had already turned out five Republican Indiana state senators who resisted the president’s drive to gerrymander congressional districts to gain advantage in this year’s midterm congressional elections.

“Good luck to those Great Indiana Senate Candidates who are running against people who couldn’t care less about our Country, or about keeping the Majority in Congress,” the president posted on Truth Social prior to release of the Indiana results. “There are eight Great Patriots running against long seated RINOS — Let’s see how those RINOS do tonight!”

Massie in turn lost this week to Gallrein, who was backed 54.8 percent to 45.2 percent by Republican primary voters responding to the president’s call. Massie had won 99.6 percent of the general election vote in his district in 2024, 65 percent in 2022, and 67 percent in 2020, according to BallotPedia. He was popular until dismissed by Trump, who won 64.5 percent of Kentucky votes in 2024.

When Personal Loyalty Overshadows Principles

Like Cassidy, Massie seemed like a good fit for a nominally conservative political party. Cassidy had a lifetime rating of 79.97 out of 100 from the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). He defeated Democrat Mary Landrieu for the seat in 2014 with 55.9 percent of the vote, then took 59.3 percent in his 2020 reelection effort, reports BallotPedia.

But Cassidy was a Republican before he was a Trump supporter. After voting to acquit Trump during the first impeachment effort against him in 2020, he voted (unsuccessfully) for conviction in 2021 following the January 6 riot by the then-outgoing president’s supporters.

“Our Constitution and our country is more important than any one person. I voted to convict President Trump because he is guilty,” Sen. Cassidy commented at the time.

That lack of personal loyalty gained the Louisiana senator the eternal hatred of the thin-skinned Trump.

Massie’s CPAC score is even more impressive, from the perspective of old-fashioned Republican politics, at a lifetime rating of 92.26. His strongest issue, according to CPAC, is taxes, budget, and spending, on which he holds a score of 100 percent.

But like fellow Kentucky Republican Sen. Rand Paul, who has also drawn Trump’s wrath, Massie has a libertarian streak. He generally supports limited government, restraint on the executive branch, and a non-interventionist foreign policy, even when that’s inconvenient for a president from his own party.

At one time, that would have earned respect from peers as a matter of adherence to principles over political convenience. It would have annoyed some within his party, but given that those principles are largely ones they allegedly share, his clashes with GOP leadership wouldn’t have been career-killers.

In fact, Massie held a seat on the powerful House Rules Committee until early 2025. He was booted off last year after crossing the increasingly Trump aligned GOP leadership.

Trump is hardly done with his efforts to purge Republican lawmakers who show anything other than complete loyalty to his leadership of the Republican Party. Next up is Sen. John Cornyn (R–Texas) who has an 86.63 CPAC lifetime score and has held office since 2002. But, complains Trump, “John was very late in backing me in what turned out to be a Historic Run for the Republican Nomination.”

Instead, the president favors Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, who has been ensnared in several scandals, including allegations of security fraud. He may win the nomination only to lose the seat. But, importantly, the president describes him as “someone who has always been extremely loyal to me and our AMAZING MAGA MOVEMENT.”

A Cult of Personality With a Peronist Future

Loyalty to the president keeps popping up because, as conservative commentator George Will pointed out in 2019, the GOP has “become a cult” centered around Donald Trump. Its beliefs are whatever the party leader says, even if that means rejecting free trade in favor of protectionism and dumping free markets for state ownership of industry. “Trump’s Republicans agree with the ‘opposition’ progressive Democrats that the government should be running the economy,” I wrote in January.

The embrace of whim-driven state control explains why the president and New York’s left-wing Mayor Zohran Mamdani could so easily find common ground when they met last November. Mamdani is a socialist by expressed choice, while Trump is one when it suits him. That doesn’t mean they’re on the same side of all issues, but they both like top-down decision making so long as they’re at the top.

That the GOP is now little more than an expression of Donald Trump’s will holds real risks for the party’s future. For one thing, the president is unpopular, with an average approval rating of 39.4 percent and 58.5 percent disapproval. Linking Republican candidates’ fates to his is like cutting loose an anchor and holding fast to it as it sinks into the depths (countered only by Democrats’ own authoritarian lunacy).

Then there’s Trump’s advanced age; he turns 80 next month. After he leaves the scene, a party that has reshaped itself as an extension of him will be hard-pressed to define itself in his absence. It’s in danger of becoming a U.S. version of Argentina’s Peronist party, forever asking itself “what would the former strongman do” while waiting to be pushed aside by an American Javier Milei with fresh ideas.

But fading into irrelevance is what a political movement risks when it becomes a cult built around one man. Its prospects rise and fall with those of single fallible and temporary figure.

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