The Administration's Continually Shifting Standards for Obamacare's Success

Calling Obamacare a success requires defining
standards for what success looks like. In theory, those standards
should be consistent over time.

But as National Journal’s Sam Baker pointed out earlier
this month, the administration has
repeatedly backed off
its own success metrics.

Just a few months ago, Health and Human Services Secretary
Kathleen Sebelius said success would entail covering 7 million
people this year. Now, the White House has disowned that standard
for enrollment—and it hasn’t come up with a new one.

President Obama touted HealthCare.gov, the main
portal to shop for coverage, as the “Amazon” or “Expedia” of health
insurance. Now the administration is calling it a win for the site
to be “functional for the vast majority of users,” and even that
standard has been watered down since its debut.

And when the law passed, it was expected to reduce the federal
deficit by about $210 billion over a decade. Now the projected
savings are about half that, largely because one big program proved
unworkable.

In a recent follow-up, Baker
notes
that the White House is once again downplaying one of its
goals for the law—the necessity of getting a large-enough number of
young and healthy adults into the exchanges:

White House officials consistently—and accurately—argue that the
most important metric for Obamacare’s success this year is the mix
of young and old enrollees. But they’re backing away from their own
goals for that mix.

Getting young people into the system is critical to holding down
premiums, and therefore to keeping each state’s insurance market
stable. Administration officials previously said their target was
for young adults to make up about 38 percent of Obamacare
enrollees. Now that standard is down to about 30 percent. Or maybe
even 24 percent—where the mix stands now. 

I’d add another item to this list, which is that the law was
supposed to be popular. Before the law passed, Democrats
predicted on multiple occasions that it would quickly become
reasonably well-liked by the public. Then when opposition continued
in the months after passage, Obamacare backers updated their
argument, saying that in 2014 when the law’s biggest benefits
kicked in, the public would shift. But at least so far, that

hasn’t happened
. If anything, the law has become less popular
in the last year.

At this point, the White House has backed off so many of its own
definitions of success that it’s not clear what would constitute a
failure. The administration seems to be defining Obamacare success
if it continues to exist.

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“If the government doesn’t back us, we must do what we can”: Mexican Citizens Create Private Forces to Fight Cartels

Is it really "taking the law into your own hands" when nobody else seems interested in enforcing it?In the face of kidnappings and
extortion from cartels and a lack of reliable protection from the
police and military, groups of Mexican citizens are taking matters
(and weapons) into their own hands and protecting themselves. In
Antúnez, Mexico, the military’s efforts to restore order – or
really, to restore the primacy of their own authority – by
disarming the vigilantes ended in the deaths of two civilians.
The New York Times
notes
:

Word spread quickly: The army was coming to disarm the vigilante
fighters whom residents viewed as conquering heroes after they
swept in and drove out a drug gang that had stolen property,
extorted money and threatened to kill them. They even had to leave
flowers and other offerings at a shrine to the gang’s messianic
leader.

Farmers locked arms with vigilantes to block the dusty two-lane
road leading here. The soldiers demanded to be let in; people
begged them to leave. Tempers flared, and rocks were thrown. The
soldiers fired into the air, and then, residents said, into a
crowd. At least two people were killed on Tuesday, officials and
residents said.

“He was just a farmer, and now he died for a cause,” one
resident, Luis Sánchez, said of Mario Torres, 48, a lime picker who
was not part of the vigilante group but was among the two buried on
Wednesday as mourners cried out against the government and the
soldiers.

The Times notes that following the resistance from
citizen in Antúnez, officials appear to have backed down.

Fusion, a new cable network targeting American Latino
millennials who speak English, produced a video report back in
December interviewing several of these vigilantes talking openly
about their peacekeeping efforts. Watch it
here
, and note the early statistic that the Mexican police
solve only about 5 percent of reported crimes.

In one of these towns the vigilantes are led by a community
doctor, pushed toward his activism after seeing young girls brought
to him after being kidnapped and raped by cartel members. He took a
dim view of the Army’s efforts, telling Fusion’s reporter, “They
don’t come here to dismantle criminal organizations. Their only
mission is to protect federal roads.”

Mexico has extremely
strict private gun ownership laws
, which is why part of the
news coverage seems focused on “disarming” the vigilantes. That the
military is unable to even disarm its own law-abiding citizenry
(other than the gun laws anyway), and that armed citizens appear to
be a better choice to keep cartels at bay (they actually have a
stake in the outcome) may indicate an important shift for Mexicans
in fighting the violence in their country. The New York
Times
frets these vigilante leaders may have ties to other
criminal gangs, but there’s little to indicate in either their
story nor Fusion’s that they are victimizing these communities
further or worse than what they had been living under.

A final reminder for people in Austin, Texas, interested in
Mexican drug war reporting: Reason’s documentary, America’s
Longest War
, will be screened tonight at the Alamo Drafthouse
Village. Reason’s Jacob Sullum will be there!
More information here.

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Could Obama’s Unlimited Faith in Himself Explain His Sudden Loss of Interest in Protecting Americans’ Privacy?

In anticipation of President Obama’s speech
tomorrow on the federal government’s surveillance programs, a
front-page story in today’s New York Times considers
how his views on the subject have
changed
since he was elected. While running for the Senate in
2004, Peter Baker notes, Obama condemned the PATRIOT Act for
“violating our fundamental notions of privacy,” declaring that “we
don’t like federal agents poking around our libraries.” As a
senator in 2005, Obama continued to criticize the PATRIOT Act and
sponsored a bill aimed at raising the standard for using national
security letters to obtain business records. As a candidate for the
Democratic presidential nomination in 2007, he gave a speech
promising that in his administration there would be “no more
illegal wiretapping of American citizens” and “no more national
security letters to spy on citizens who are not suspected of a
crime.” After he had secured the Democratic nomination, however,
Obama voted for a bill that retroactively validated George W.
Bush’s illegal wiretapping and gave the same practices statutory
cover going forward. And once he took up residence in the White
House, all his previous concerns about the threat to privacy posed
by the national security state seemed to disappear.

Why? The more charitable explanation suggested by Baker is that
Obama suddenly realized that the national security state is all
about protecting national security. His first inkling of this came
in the form of “a supposed plot by Somali extremists to attack the
[inauguration] ceremony.” You might think the fact that the plot
proved to be bogus would reinforce Obama’s avowed skepticism about
the powers exercised in the name of fighting terrorism. But
evidently he focused instead on the fact that the erroneous warning
involved a threat to his own presidential person. He displayed a
similar narcissism in response to Edward Snowden’s revelations
about NSA surveillance. The one thing that really upset Obama,
Baker says, was learning that “the mobile phone of Chancellor
Angela Merkel of Germany was being tapped.” Since she is a fellow
head of state, I’m guessing, Obama can empathize with her. The rest
of us, not so much.

The less charitable (and more plausible) explanation for Obama’s
sudden loss of interest in protecting Americans’ privacy also fits
this portrait of him as a man very much impressed by himself. “He
trusts himself to use these powers more than he did the Bush
administration,” observes Juan C. Zarate, who advised Bush
on counterterrorism policy. In case you think that Zarate’s
evaluation is tainted by partisan considerations, Baker cites
Obama’s own advisers as reporting that Obama “was surprised at the
uproar” provoked by Snowden’s revelations. “particularly that so
many Americans did not trust him.” And here is one of the people
Obama chose to serve on the advisory panel he appointed after he
realized that people really were upset about what he had
described
as a “modest encroachment” that “the American people
should feel comfortable about”:

“The point we made to him was, ‘We’re not really concerned about
you, Barack, but God forbid some other guy’s in the office five
years from now and there’s another 9/11,'” said Richard A. Clarke,
a former White House counterterrorism adviser who served on the
panel. He had to “lay down some roadblocks in addition to what we
have now so that once you’re gone it’ll be harder” to abuse spying
abilities.

In other words, Obama, convinced of his own benevolence and
infallibility, has no qualms about wielding these powers. But the
thought that a Republican might one day wield them (which
evidently had never occurred to him before) does give him pause.
(On The Independents recently, a conservative
panelist expressed exactly the opposite view: that Bush could ber
trusted with these powers, but not Obama.) Obama’s unlimited
faith in himself clearly colors the way he analyzes the questions
raised by the NSA’s snooping:

Benjamin J. Rhodes, a deputy national security adviser working
on Friday’s speech, said Mr. Obama saw the issue as two separate
questions—abuse of government power and extent of government
power.

Many of us who are not the president would suggest that limiting
the extent of government power is the most effective way to prevent
its abuse, precisely because of its tendency to corrupt those who
wield it.

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Could Obama's Unlimited Faith in Himself Explain His Sudden Loss of Interest in Protecting Americans' Privacy?

In anticipation of President Obama’s speech
tomorrow on the federal government’s surveillance programs, a
front-page story in today’s New York Times considers
how his views on the subject have
changed
since he was elected. While running for the Senate in
2004, Peter Baker notes, Obama condemned the PATRIOT Act for
“violating our fundamental notions of privacy,” declaring that “we
don’t like federal agents poking around our libraries.” As a
senator in 2005, Obama continued to criticize the PATRIOT Act and
sponsored a bill aimed at raising the standard for using national
security letters to obtain business records. As a candidate for the
Democratic presidential nomination in 2007, he gave a speech
promising that in his administration there would be “no more
illegal wiretapping of American citizens” and “no more national
security letters to spy on citizens who are not suspected of a
crime.” After he had secured the Democratic nomination, however,
Obama voted for a bill that retroactively validated George W.
Bush’s illegal wiretapping and gave the same practices statutory
cover going forward. And once he took up residence in the White
House, all his previous concerns about the threat to privacy posed
by the national security state seemed to disappear.

Why? The more charitable explanation suggested by Baker is that
Obama suddenly realized that the national security state is all
about protecting national security. His first inkling of this came
in the form of “a supposed plot by Somali extremists to attack the
[inauguration] ceremony.” You might think the fact that the plot
proved to be bogus would reinforce Obama’s avowed skepticism about
the powers exercised in the name of fighting terrorism. But
evidently he focused instead on the fact that the erroneous warning
involved a threat to his own presidential person. He displayed a
similar narcissism in response to Edward Snowden’s revelations
about NSA surveillance. The one thing that really upset Obama,
Baker says, was learning that “the mobile phone of Chancellor
Angela Merkel of Germany was being tapped.” Since she is a fellow
head of state, I’m guessing, Obama can empathize with her. The rest
of us, not so much.

The less charitable (and more plausible) explanation for Obama’s
sudden loss of interest in protecting Americans’ privacy also fits
this portrait of him as a man very much impressed by himself. “He
trusts himself to use these powers more than he did the Bush
administration,” observes Juan C. Zarate, who advised Bush
on counterterrorism policy. In case you think that Zarate’s
evaluation is tainted by partisan considerations, Baker cites
Obama’s own advisers as reporting that Obama “was surprised at the
uproar” provoked by Snowden’s revelations. “particularly that so
many Americans did not trust him.” And here is one of the people
Obama chose to serve on the advisory panel he appointed after he
realized that people really were upset about what he had
described
as a “modest encroachment” that “the American people
should feel comfortable about”:

“The point we made to him was, ‘We’re not really concerned about
you, Barack, but God forbid some other guy’s in the office five
years from now and there’s another 9/11,'” said Richard A. Clarke,
a former White House counterterrorism adviser who served on the
panel. He had to “lay down some roadblocks in addition to what we
have now so that once you’re gone it’ll be harder” to abuse spying
abilities.

In other words, Obama, convinced of his own benevolence and
infallibility, has no qualms about wielding these powers. But the
thought that a Republican might one day wield them (which
evidently had never occurred to him before) does give him pause.
(On The Independents recently, a conservative
panelist expressed exactly the opposite view: that Bush could ber
trusted with these powers, but not Obama.) Obama’s unlimited
faith in himself clearly colors the way he analyzes the questions
raised by the NSA’s snooping:

Benjamin J. Rhodes, a deputy national security adviser working
on Friday’s speech, said Mr. Obama saw the issue as two separate
questions—abuse of government power and extent of government
power.

Many of us who are not the president would suggest that limiting
the extent of government power is the most effective way to prevent
its abuse, precisely because of its tendency to corrupt those who
wield it.

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Steve Chapman: Bob Gates Is Tired of War

U.S. troopsRobert Gates may be the only CIA director or
defense secretary who ever took part in peace demonstrations during
the Vietnam War. In his 1996 memoir—the one nobody noticed—he says
that in 1970, as a young CIA employee and Air Force veteran, he
marched in Washington to protest the U.S. invasion of Cambodia.

“I and virtually all of my friends and acquaintances in CIA were
opposed to the war and to any prolonged strategy for extracting
us,” he recalls, with no evident regret.

Gates has been a durable pillar of the U.S. national security
apparatus, serving under eight presidents. Heading the Pentagon
under George W. Bush and Barack Obama, he had the task of bringing
success out of stalemate in military engagements someone else
started, and he did his best. But under his hawkish exterior,
writes Steve Chapman, the antiwar impulse has never gone away.

View this article.

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“Dirty Wars” Receives Oscar Nomination

Earlier this morning the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and
Sciences
announced their nominations
for the 86th Academy Awards. Jeremy
Scahill’s film, “Dirty Wars” is
among the honorees for best documentary. Reason TV sat down with
Scahill last summer to discuss the film and America’s global war on
terror.

Here is the original text from the in-depth interview, which ran
on June 13, 2013:

Jeremy Scahill, National Security Correspondent
for The Nation, is the
author of the best-selling new
book Dirty Wars: The
World is a Battlefield
 and the writer, producer and
subject of an award-winning documentary of the same name,
which goes into wide
theatrical release
 this week.

Scahill sat with Reason’s Matt Welch for an extended
conversation about the book and movie, which thoroughly investigate
the way America conducts its covert wars in the post-9/11 world,
and how Barack Obama’s embrace of drone strikes, rendition, and
targeted assassination have cemented the policies of the Bush
Administration which declared the entire world “a battlefield.”

Other subjects discussed include Scahill’s skepticism of
President Obama’s recent foreign policy “rethink” speech (14:00);
how any adult male in a drone strike area is posthumously labeled a
“suspected militant,” (16:15); the Department of Justice’s absurdly
broad definition of an “imminent threat,” (20:15); the mysterious
case of the American-born terror-advocating imam Anwar al-Alwaki,
who was assassinated by a U.S. drone strike in Yemen (21:15); the
“shameful” persecution of Yemeni journalistAbdulelah
Haider Shaye
, who was set to be pardoned and released by the
government of Yemen until President Obama intervened (32:31); his
disappointment in the Obama Administration and Congressional
Democrats for being “nowhere” on civil liberties (38:41); and his
surprising credit to Sen. Rand Paul (R-Kentucky) for his epic
filibuster where he read into the Congressional record “for the
first time ever…the names of U.S. citizens killed in operations
authorized by President Obama.” (40:22)

About 41 minutes.

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"Dirty Wars" Receives Oscar Nomination

Earlier this morning the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and
Sciences
announced their nominations
for the 86th Academy Awards. Jeremy
Scahill’s film, “Dirty Wars” is
among the honorees for best documentary. Reason TV sat down with
Scahill last summer to discuss the film and America’s global war on
terror.

Here is the original text from the in-depth interview, which ran
on June 13, 2013:

Jeremy Scahill, National Security Correspondent
for The Nation, is the
author of the best-selling new
book Dirty Wars: The
World is a Battlefield
 and the writer, producer and
subject of an award-winning documentary of the same name,
which goes into wide
theatrical release
 this week.

Scahill sat with Reason’s Matt Welch for an extended
conversation about the book and movie, which thoroughly investigate
the way America conducts its covert wars in the post-9/11 world,
and how Barack Obama’s embrace of drone strikes, rendition, and
targeted assassination have cemented the policies of the Bush
Administration which declared the entire world “a battlefield.”

Other subjects discussed include Scahill’s skepticism of
President Obama’s recent foreign policy “rethink” speech (14:00);
how any adult male in a drone strike area is posthumously labeled a
“suspected militant,” (16:15); the Department of Justice’s absurdly
broad definition of an “imminent threat,” (20:15); the mysterious
case of the American-born terror-advocating imam Anwar al-Alwaki,
who was assassinated by a U.S. drone strike in Yemen (21:15); the
“shameful” persecution of Yemeni journalistAbdulelah
Haider Shaye
, who was set to be pardoned and released by the
government of Yemen until President Obama intervened (32:31); his
disappointment in the Obama Administration and Congressional
Democrats for being “nowhere” on civil liberties (38:41); and his
surprising credit to Sen. Rand Paul (R-Kentucky) for his epic
filibuster where he read into the Congressional record “for the
first time ever…the names of U.S. citizens killed in operations
authorized by President Obama.” (40:22)

About 41 minutes.

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What If Nations Were Less Dependent on One Another?

Submitted by Charles Hugh-Smith via Peak Prosperity,

Autarky is more than a ten-dollar word for self-sufficiency, as it implies a number of questions that “self-sufficiency” alone might not.

Autarky vs. Self-Sufficiency

The ability to survive without trade or aid from other nations, for example, is not the same as the ability to reap enormous profits or grow one’s economy without trade with other nations. In other words, 'self-sufficiency' in terms of survival does not necessarily imply prosperity, but it does imply freedom of action without dependency on foreign approval, capital, resources, and expertise.

Freedom of action provided by independence/autarky also implies a pivotal reduction in vulnerability to foreign control of the cost and/or availability of essentials such as food and energy, and the resulting power of providers to blackmail or influence national priorities and policies.

Where self-sufficiency might suggest a binary state you’re either self-sufficient or you’re not autarky invites an exploration of which parts of one’s economy and political order are self-sufficient and which ones are critically dependent on foreign approval, capital, resources, and expertise.

In terms of military freedom of action, some nations are able to commit military forces and project power without the aid or approval of other nations. These nations have military autarky, though they might be entirely dependent on foreign countries for critical resources, capital, expertise, etc.

In this case, though their military may be self-sufficient in terms of capabilities (power projection, control of airspace, etc.), any dependency in other critical areas introduces an element of political, financial, or resource vulnerability should the key suppliers disapprove of a military action. These vulnerabilities impose often-ambiguous but nonetheless very real limits on freedom of action.

The key take-away from this brief overview is that autarky has two distinct states. One is absolute: i.e., Can a nation grow, process, and distribute enough food to feed its population if trade with other nations ceased?, and the other is relative: Is the we-can-feed-ourselves self-sufficiency of the subsistence-survival variety that requires great sacrifice and a drastic re-ordering of national priorities and capital? Or is it relatively painless in terms of national sacrifices and priorities?

Clearly, relative autarky invokes a series of trade-offs: Is the freedom of action and reduction in vulnerability gained by increasing autarky worth a national re-ordering of values, priorities, and capital, and quite possibly broad-based, long-term sacrifices?

There is an additional issue raised by autarky: Is the self-sufficiency a matter of being blessed with abundant resources, or is it the result of conscious national policy and resolve?

Autarky as Policy

Consider petroleum/fossil fuels as an example. Nations blessed with large reserves of fossil fuels are self-sufficient in terms of their own consumption, but the value of their resources on the international market generally leads to dependence on exports of oil/gas to fund the government, political elites, and general welfare. This dependence on the revenues derived from exporting oil/gas leads to what is known as the resource curse: The rest of the oil-exporting nation’s economy withers as capital and political favoritism concentrate on the revenues of exporting oil, and this distortion of the political order leads to cronyism, corruption, and misallocation of national wealth on a scale so vast that nations suffering from an abundance of marketable resources often decline into poverty and instability.

The other path to autarky is selecting and funding policies designed to directly increase self-sufficiency. One example might be Germany’s pursuit of alternative energy via state policies such as subsidies.

That policy-driven autarky requires trade-offs is apparent in Germany’s relative success in growing alternative energy production; the subsidies that have incentivized alternative energy production are now seen as costing more than the presumed gain in self-sufficiency, as fossil-fueled power generation is still needed as backup for fluctuating alt-energy production.

Though dependence on foreign energy has been lowered, Germany remains entirely dependent on its foreign energy suppliers, and as costs of that energy rise, Germany’s position as a competitive industrial powerhouse is being threatened: Industrial production is moving out of Germany to locales with lower energy costs, including the U.S. (Source)

The increase in domestic energy production was intended to reduce the vulnerability implicit in dependence on foreign energy providers, yet the increase in domestic energy production has not yet reached the critical threshold where vulnerability to price shocks has been significantly reduced.

Assessing the Trade-Offs

This highlights the critical nature of the autarchic thresholds of systemic costs and freedom of action. Above a difficult-to-define threshold, the trade-off required to increase self-sufficiency to the point of being meaningful is too high in sacrifice or cost to the economy or society; the trade-offs required aren’t worth the gain in freedom of action and self-sufficiency.

Put another way: Below a difficult-to-define threshold, an increase in self-sufficiency does not yield either lower or more reliable economic costs, nor does it decrease the nation’s vulnerability to blackmail, price shocks, etc.

In other words, though dependence always has potentially negative consequences, it can also be cheaper, more convenient, and more profitable than autarky.

The diffused benefits of autarky are often overshadowed by the presumed burdens of increasing self-sufficiency. But this trade-off can be illusory. Though the status-quo players benefiting from dependence on foreign markets, trade, and capital will shrilly claim that the nation is doomed should their foreign-derived profits be sacrificed in favor of increasing autarky, a desire for more autarky often pushes the economy and society into a highly positive and productive search for greater efficiencies and more productive uses of capital.

Is the sacrifice needed to reach self-sufficiency as steep as presumed, or is a new order of efficiency enough to meaningfully reduce dependence on foreign resources and capital?

A Thought-Experiment in American Autarky

If we look at America’s consumption of fossil fuels and its dependence on oil imports to feed its consumption, autarky forces us to ask: Exactly how difficult would it be to lower consumption enough to eliminate the need for imported oil? Would the economy suffer a death-blow if vehicle, heating, and appliance-efficiency standards were raised, and business travel declined in favor of telecommuting and teleconferencing, etc.?

The answer of those profiting from the status quo is, of course, “Yes, the U.S. will be fatally harmed if energy consumption declines,” but the reality is that such creative destruction of wasteful inefficiencies and consumption is the heart of free enterprise and the rising productivity that creates widespread prosperity.

If the U.S. had listened to the 1970s-era defenders-of-the-status-quo doomsdayers, who claimed that environmental codes and higher energy-efficiency standards would doom the nation, the U.S. economy would in fact be doomed by the absurdly inefficient energy consumption of that era. The U.S. economy has remained vibrant and productive precisely because the defenders-of-the-status-quo doomsdayers lost the political conflict between the forces of improved efficiency and productivity and the defenders of the inefficient, wasteful, and diminishing-returns status quo.

There is one other element in the calculus of dependence, vulnerability, and freedom of action implicit in any discussion of autarky. Despite the rapid increase in production of oil and gas in the U.S., America remains dependent on imports of oil. But not all foreign sources of oil, capital, expertise, etc. are equal; some suppliers may be stable, close allies, and share borders and standards of trade (for example: Canada, Mexico, and the U.S.), while others may be distant, unstable, and unreliable.

In other words, autarky may not be worth the cost if a nation is dependent on stable, close neighbors, but the value of autarky rises very quickly when a nation’s survival is dependent on distant, unstable nations with few ties other than the profitable export of resources.

Though a survey of America’s relative dependence and self-sufficiency would require a book, let’s look at a few charts to get a taste of America’s declining dependence on foreign-supplied oil.

Declines in consumption have the same effect in terms of reducing dependency as do increases in domestic production. Has the U.S. economy imploded as miles driven have declined? Or has the increased efficiency this implies boosted productivity?

U.S. imports of petroleum have declined:

U.S. domestic crude oil production has increased:

U.S. natural gas production has risen:

The U.S. oil/gas rig count is still far lower than the peak in the 1980s:

There are many issues raised by these charts, including the sustainability of increased production, the possibility of further declines in consumption, policies that affect production and consumption, and so on, but similar charts of grain, capital, expertise, goods, etc. would help to fill out the complex set of issues raised by declining consumption and increasing domestic production and productivity.

In finance, dependence can mean dependence on other nations for capital and/or profits. What is the consequence of rising autarky for an economy such as America’s that is heavily dependent on foreign markets and trade for the stupendous profitability of its corporations?

In Part II: The Consequences of American Autarky, we will discuss this and other ramifications of America’s rising autarky.

America’s ability to project power and maintain its freedom of action both presume a network of diplomatic, military, and economic alliances and trading relationships which have (not coincidentally) fueled American corporation’s unprecedented profits. 

The recent past has created an assumption that the U.S. can only prosper if it imports oil, goods, and services on a vast scale. Could the U.S. shift production from overseas to domestic suppliers, and reduce its consumption of oil and other resources imported from other nations? 

Click here to access Part II of this report (free executive summary; enrollment required for full access).

 


    



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Ben Bernanke's Final Speech As Fed Chair – Live Feed

In what will likely be the current Federal Reserve chairman’s “exit interview”, Ben Bernanke will be speaking at the Brookings Institution on “The Fed Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow.” We are sure there are plenty of messages our readers would like to leave for outgoing chair who Senator Bob Corker described as “the biggest dove since World War II,” proclaiming his “degrading effects on our society.” Of course, Bernanke will leave knowing he started to exit (and all is well – so what happens next is not his fault) though the following chart may be useful when he, we are sure, reminds the world of his inflation record

 

The Bernanke Era Inflation…

 

Live Feed…


    



via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/FdIUzU1X528/story01.htm Tyler Durden

Ben Bernanke’s Final Speech As Fed Chair – Live Feed

In what will likely be the current Federal Reserve chairman’s “exit interview”, Ben Bernanke will be speaking at the Brookings Institution on “The Fed Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow.” We are sure there are plenty of messages our readers would like to leave for outgoing chair who Senator Bob Corker described as “the biggest dove since World War II,” proclaiming his “degrading effects on our society.” Of course, Bernanke will leave knowing he started to exit (and all is well – so what happens next is not his fault) though the following chart may be useful when he, we are sure, reminds the world of his inflation record

 

The Bernanke Era Inflation…

 

Live Feed…


    



via Zero Hedge http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/zerohedge/feed/~3/FdIUzU1X528/story01.htm Tyler Durden