How the U.S. Government and HSBC Have Teamed Up to Hide the Truth From a Pennsylvania Couple

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The reason both the Democratic and Republican establishments are in full on panic mode about the rise of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders is a deep seated fear that the plebs have finally woken up.

Democrats rail against big corporations, while Republicans rail against big government. This scheme has been used to successfully divide and conquer the public for decades while big government and big business successfully schemed to divert all wealth and power to an ever smaller minuscule segment of the population — themselves.

It took awhile, but the people are finally starting getting it and they are royally pissed off. One of the primary mechanisms for this historic elite theft has been the creation of a two-tiered justice system in which the rich, powerful and connected are never prosecuted for their criminality. Instead, the government actively protects them by pretending corporate entities commit crimes as opposed to individuals. Of course, this is impossible, but yet it’s how the government handles white collar crime. The Orwellian named “Justice Department” casually utilizes deferred prosecution agreements (DPAs), in which companies pay a little fine and the criminals themselves walk away with not just their freedom, but ill gotten monetary gains as well.

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What Savers Do Under NIRP – The “Perversely Negative” Impact Of Going Negative

Authored by Mark Cliffe, originally posted at VoxEU.org,

As doubts grow about the effectiveness of quantitative easing, monetary policymakers are leaning towards cutting interest rates further into negative territory as their preferred mode of easing. But this begs crucial and untested questions of whether banks will be willing to pass on the cost to their retail depositors, and of how depositors might react if they did so. This column notes a recently published survey in which a large majority of respondents said that they would withdraw their savings, and yet few would spend more. Although it could be argued that savers might react less negatively when confronted with the reality of negative rates, their powerful aversion to the prospect raises troubling questions about the potential effectiveness of this policy tool.

In their struggle to keep up the momentum of economic growth, central banks are turning to negative interest rate policy (NIRP) as their weapon of choice. Amid doubts about the impact of further large-scale asset purchases, the Bank of Japan (BOJ) has recently followed the ECB and other European counterparts in imposing negative rates on the reserves that banks hold with them. Meanwhile, weak economic data has even prompted talk of the Federal Reserve potentially having to reverse course and join the NIRP club.

But there are doubts about NIRP too. In particular, if banks resist passing on negative rates for fear of triggering a deposit flight, they will fail to incentivise savers to spend. NIRP could still work via boosting asset prices or driving down the exchange rate, but, as the BOJ has discovered, this is a confidence trick that is liable to succumb to the vagaries of financial market sentiment.

So are the banks right to fear the zero lower bound (ZLB)? The obvious problem is that we have no experience to go on, since no bank has been brave enough to breach it in a significant way. The banks are clearly concerned that cutting savings rates below zero would lead to a customer backlash and significant withdrawals of deposits. But with loan rates often contractually linked to money market rates, shielding savers from lower rates comes at the cost of bank profitability, capital generation, and willingness to lend. This, in turn, blunts the intended stimulus that the central banks are trying to deliver by lowering rates.

So the response of retail customers to negative interest rates remains largely untested. In an attempt to fill this gap, ING commissioned IPSOS to survey around 13,000 consumers across Europe and – for comparison purposes – in the US and Australia to ask them how they have responded to low interest rates and how they might react to negative interest rates (ING 2016).

Such surveys have an obvious drawback: there is inevitably a gap between what people say and what they do – inertia often kicks in. Nevertheless, the results are remarkable. They indicate that zero is a major psychological barrier for savers. No less than 77% said that they would take their money out of their savings accounts if rates went negative. But only 12% would spend more, with most suggesting that they would either switch into riskier investments or hoard cash ‘in a safe place’.

Survey highlights

1) Response so far to low savings rates

In order to provide a context for the consumer reaction to the possibility that savings deposit rates might go negative, the survey began by asking respondents about how they have responded so far to low interest rates.

Figure 1. Nearly a third of savers have changed their behaviour due to low rates

Source: ING International Survey (IIS)

It asked whether the low rates had prompted a change in their behaviour and, if so, how. Across the 15 countries surveyed, 31% of respondents said that they had changed their savings behaviour (see Figure 1). The figures were higher in Eastern Europe, the UK (37%) and Turkey (47%), where rates have traditionally been higher or more volatile.

As to how savers had changed their behaviour in the light of low interest rates, the most popular answer, accounting for 40%, was that they were saving the same amount, but had switched to longer-term forms of saving (see Figure 2). Across countries, the highest proportion of respondents to have made this switch was in the UK, with 49%, and the lowest was in Austria, with 28%.

Figure 2. How have you changed the way you save?

Source: ING International Survey

The next most popular response, at 38%, was from those who have been saving less – the response most desired by the central banks. That said, ‘saving less’ does not necessarily translate fully into ‘spending more’, particularly for those households relying on interest income.

Meanwhile, the survey showed that a significant minority – namely 17% – of those who have changed their behaviour have actually increased their saving in response to lower rates. This may reflect the fact that the lower income resulting from lower rates may be making life harder for those who have target income or long-term savings goals, forcing them to save more to compensate.

Interestingly, US savers came out top on this account, with 26% of ‘changers’ having increased their savings, as many as those who had cut their savings. Lacklustre income growth may be partly to blame here. By contrast, only 5% of the Dutch had increased their savings.

2) Response to a possible move to negative savings rates

The survey then asked how they might react if rates went negative. Although there is room to doubt if all respondents might actually react as they say if this became a reality, the strength of feeling revealed by the survey is striking. Only 23% of the total sample said that they would do nothing in response (see Figure 3). This compares with 69% of the sample who said that they have not changed the way that they save in response to low interest rates so far. The survey suggests that crossing the zero bound is a major psychological shock to consumers.

The negative reaction to the possibility of negative interest rates is an interesting application of the behavioural economics concept of ‘loss regret’. Feelings evoked by seeing interest rates cut from, say, zero to -0.5% are stronger than those from 1% to 0.5%. The difference is that the former is perceived as an outright loss, while the latter merely as a smaller gain.

There are also political and cultural dimension. Many will see negative rates as an unfair ‘tax’ on small savers, particularly in cultures that celebrate saving as a virtue. In this respect, a significant minority of 11% would save more (Figure 3)

Figure 3. Nearly 80% of savers would respond to negative interest rates

Notes: Weighted by country, age, gender and region, significance tested on 95% level. As respondents were allowed to choose more than one answer, the country total may exceed 100%.
Source: ING International Survey

Figure 4 shows only those who plan to move at least some of their money out of savings accounts (some 78% of the respondents). Some 10% would spend more, almost exactly matching the proportion of those who intend to save more. The remainder are almost evenly split between those who would switch into alternative assets or simply put their savings ‘in a safe place’.

In other words, around 40% who would respond to negative rates (or 33% of the total sample) said that they would hoard cash. In the Netherlands, France and Belgium, this proportion rises to more than 50%.

Figure 4. Switching into investments and hoarding cash are the most popular options

Note: As respondents were allowed to choose more than one answer, the country total may exceed 100%
Source: ING International Survey

Assessment

This survey makes sobering reading for both banks and central banks. For the banks, the results suggest that they might be right to be reluctant to cut rates below zero. Only 23% of savers would not react, and a smaller proportion still would save more. Four-fifths would move at least some of their money out of their savings accounts. Some of this might find its way into other bank products, but more than a third say that they would take some of their money out and hoard it.

The strength of the responses perhaps reflects the immediate shock of being confronted with the unprecedented possibility of incurring a charge to keep savings in bank accounts. Provided rates went only mildly negative, say no more than -0.5%, or the cuts were perceived as temporary, then the reaction might, in practice, be milder than the survey suggests.

Banks would be faced with an uncomfortable choice between not cutting retail rates below zero, and so seeing their profit margins squeezed, and doing so and risking a substantial deposit outflow.1 They might perhaps mitigate a profit squeeze by raising fees, or increasing the cost of mortgages, as some banks in Switzerland have done. However, these would undoubtedly also meet with customer resistance and official consternation.

Moreover, even if the banks dare to pass on negative rates to retail savers, the stimulus to spending would be far less than the rate cuts so far. Indeed, in the total sample, marginally more (11% versus 10%) of respondents said that they would save more, not less, in the event of negative rates.

Figure 5. Reaction to negative rates also depends on income

Source: ING International Survey

One important caveat to this is suggested by the disaggregated results of the survey. These show that richer, older, and more educated respondents would be more inclined to spend than other respondents in the event of negative rates (Figure 5). Since these groups tend to have higher savings levels, more spending by them would more than likely offset lesser spending by the poorer, younger, and less educated groups, giving a greater stimulus to spending.  

Nevertheless, the results strongly suggest that the cuts in interest rates below zero are likely to give a smaller boost to consumer spending than cuts in rates above it. Moreover, they also highlight the unpredictability of pursuing NIRP. With the credit channel weak or blocked, central banks have been relying largely on rising asset values and weaker exchange rates to provide the needed stimulus. But the BOJ’s recent adoption of NIRP has had the opposite effect. Evidently, the initial market reaction has been to see it as an act of desperation. The risk is that this negative sentiment will infect the real economy, serving to depress spending. If so, the danger is that NIRP will have an impact on economic growth that is not merely non-linear, but perversely negative


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Virginia Legislature’s Airbnb Battle: New at Reason

RentThe hotel lobby’s effort to stop Airbnb rentals, says Tucker Martin, is like the horse-and-buggy lobby trying to stop the car industry.

Martin—a political consultant doing work for Airbnb, which enables homeowners to make a little extra money by renting out rooms for short periods—could have cited many other examples: Record companies trying to stop music downloads and streaming. Taxi companies trying to stop Uber. Newspapers trying to stop the Internet.

Such attempts (some of which have taken place) would be fools’ errands. Technological and business innovation—the “gales of creative destruction,” as Joseph Schumpeter called them — can’t be stopped. Nor should they be.

Last year Virginians arranged 133,000 stays through Airbnb, which represented a 160 percent jump over the year before — even though Airbnb rentals are, in many localities, illegal. That’s the case in Richmond, which nevertheless saw several hundred transient rentals during the UCI road cycling championships, writes A. Barton Hinkle.

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Economically Left-Behind Americans Vote Trump

TrumpRubioCruzWho votes for Trump? Living in economically distressed communities is pretty good predictor of Trump support.

Using the new data from the Economic Innovation Group’s Distressed Communities Index (DCI)  – I have selected two counties each from the ten Republican primary states with an eye to seeing how the votes played out on Super Tuesday. The counties were chosen before any votes were reported. The Economic Innovation Group report finds that for Americans living in distressed communities, “the years of overall U.S. economic recovery have looked much more like an ongoing downturn. Large swathes of the country are indeed being left behind by economic growth and change.”

My hypothesis is that Republican primary voters in the high DCI counties (distressed communities) would tend to vote Trump whereas the folks in the low DCI (prosperous) counties would more likely vote Rubio or Cruz.

In the top 80 percent of distressed communities (scores range from 1 being least distressed to 100 as most distressed) the researchers find that “nearly one-quarter of adults have no high school degree and 55 percent of adults are not working. In addition, the median income of these neighborhoods stands, on average, at only 68 percent of the state’s median income. Nearly one in seven homes stands vacant, and 27 percent of individuals live in poverty.” These communities also “saw employment decline by 6.7 percent and the number of businesses shrink by 8.3 percent.”

DistressedMap

In the communities that the researchers defined as prosperous they report only 6 percent of residents are without high school diplomas; the poverty rate is 6 percent; 35 percent of adults are not working; the housing vacancy rate stands at 5 percent; and the median income ratio is 146 percent. Also, the best-off one-fifth of U.S. zip codes enjoyed 17.4 percent job growth and saw the number of business establishments in their neighborhoods rise by 8.8 percent.

In each state I have selected one county with a low DCI score and one with a high DCI score; usually one is next two or just one county over from the other. Except in the interesting case of Massachusetts my hypothesis was more or less confirmed.

With the exceptions of Texas and Oklahoma, Trump won in both distressed and prosperous counties. However, the real estate mogul’s margins of victory were considerably larger in distressed counties than in more prosperous counties. Setting aside the states of Texas, Oklahoma, and Massachusetts, Trump tallied more than the combined votes of both Cruz and Rubio in all of the selected distressed counties except in the case of Arkansas. On the other hand, in the prosperous counties, the combined votes of Rubio and Cruz would have beaten Trump.

Cruz was the victor in Texas and Oklahoma, but again, Trump came closest to beating the Lone Star State senator among voters in distressed counties.

The oddest result in this analysis comes from Massachusetts. Trump got an absolute majority of votes in more prosperous Plymouth County whereas he got just a dominating plurality in relatively worse off Hampden County.  

Minnesota divvies up its delegates selected via caucuses by Congressional district. True to form, Trump came closest to victory in the relatively distressed District 8 whereas Rubio triumphed in the more prosperous District 3.

Below: The DCI score for each county is the first number in parenthesis and the rounded vote percentages follow.*

Alabama – Clay County (81.7) Trump 49% – Rubio 21% – Cruz 13%

                     Shelby County (6.8) Trump 36% – Rubio 27% – Cruz 21%

Arkansas – Montgomery (90) Trump 41% – Rubio 27% – Cruz 18%

                      Saline (7.7) Trump 32% – Rubio 30% – Cruz 29%

Georgia – Hancock (98.7) Trump 55% – Rubio 15% – Cruz 15%

                   Henry (8.9) Trump 41% – Cruz 28% – Rubio 21%

Massachusetts – Hampden (51.6) – Trump 48% – Rubio 16% – Cruz 13%

                                Plymouth (3.1) – Trump 54% – Rubio 16% – Cruz 9%

Oklahoma – Okfuskee (77.5) – Cruz 40% – Trump 31% – Rubio 18%

                        Cleveland (7) – Cruz 34% – Rubio 28% – Trump 26%

Tennessee – Hickman (91) – Trump 47% – Cruz 30% – Rubio 12%

                        Wilson (4.1) – Trump 41% – Cruz 27% – Rubio 18%

Texas – Falls (98.1) – Cruz 39% – Trump 35% – Rubio 10%

                Comal (4.6) – Cruz 42% – Trump 27% – Rubio 20%

Vermont – Orleans (53.1) – Trump 37% – Rubio 19% – Cruz 8%

                     Chittenden (3.5) – Trump 26% – Rubio 21% – Cruz 11% 

Virginia – Page (83.7) – Trump 51% – Rubio 20% – Cruz 16%

                   Fauquier (4.6) Trump 36% – Rubio 27% – Cruz 19%

Minnesota – District 8 (52.8) – Cruz 33% – Trump 28% – Rubio 25%

                        District 3 (3) – Rubio 47% – Cruz 23% – Trump 17%

*Note: I focused on the three Republican front runners and so left out Kasich who did fairly well in Vermont and Massachusetts.

Further note: My town Charlottesville, Va. voted 48% Rubio; 19% Kasich; 17% Trump; and 11% Cruz. DCI score of 37.8.

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When Conservatives Love Overregulation: New at Reason

Conservatives usually are not fans of arbitrary, heavy-handed, anti-competitive, counterproductive regulations. But as a case the Supreme Court will hear today shows, they make an exception for abortion. As Senior Editor Jacob Sullum explains, that’s because these regulations, ostensibly aimed at making abortion safer, are actually aimed at making abortion rarer. While suppressing economic activity is an unwanted side effect of the regulations conservatives tend to criticize, it is the whole point of the Texas law they are defending.

View this article.

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Why JPMorgan Refuses To Buy The Market

After the recent sharp spike higher in the S&P which has pushed it 150 points off its lows, the market may be down 3% since the beginning of the year. However, while many have blamed the 2016 selloff and subsequent rebound on central bank policy confusion, what many are forgetting is that a key factor pushing stocks lower are corporate earnings. And, as JPM reminds us, even with stocks 3% lower for the year, the overall market is more expensive now than it was at the start of the year.

As JPM’s Mislav Matejka writes, “equities are down ytd, but notably the ’16 P/E is not much cheaper today than it was at the start of the year. In fact, for the US, the P/E multiple is currently higher than it was on 1st January, at 16.8x vs 16.6x then. For MSCI World, P/E is flattish vs Jan as the ’16 EPS has been revised lower by 5% so far ytd.

All of this is based on non-GAAP earnings, and as a reminder in recent months – culminating with Buffett’s most recent letter – there has been an increasing revulsion to the use of non-GAAP, or “gimmicked” accounting. Bloomberg said as much recently:

It’s generally accepted that a lot of accounting isn’t, well, generally accepted. But with more and more companies promoting bookkeeping that deviates from U.S. standards known as GAAP, for Generally Accepted Accounting Principles, the Securities and Exchange Commission is warning about getting too creative.

 

The concern is too much non-GAAP accounting could make it harder for investors to size up companies — a risk that was driven home during the Nasdaq boom of the late 1990s and more recently at Groupon Inc., which before going public used profit measures that stripped out some of its biggest costs. Groupon has mostly lost money and market value ever since.

 

Using non-standard accounting is perfectly legal, provided companies also report the official GAAP numbers. These days, young companies aren’t the only ones offering up two sets of books.

 

* * *

 

While creative accounting has been around forever, non-traditional measures — “metrics,” in industry parlance — have been on the rise lately. Companies routinely highlight the non-GAAP results in press releases that announce earnings, and Wall Street analysts often fixate on the adjusted figures. The number of companies in the Standard & Poor’s 500 Index reporting non-GAAP results rose to 334 in 2014 from 232 in 2009, according to research from The Analyst’s Accounting Observer.

 

* * * 

 

In his latest shareholder letter, Warren Buffett disparaged the omission of pay as “the most egregious” example of non-GAAP accounting. “The very name says it all: ‘compensation,”’ he wrote in his annual letter posted online Saturday. “If compensation isn’t an expense, what is it? And, if real and recurring expenses don’t belong in the calculation of earnings, where in the world do they belong?”

This follows an article which we penned over the weekend in which we showed that while non-GAAP earnings remain relatively flat, if down Y/Y for three consecutive quarters, it is the GAAP data where the pain is manifesting itself, and as of December 31, the S&P’s GAAP earnings are poised to record the lowest profit since 2010!

 

We also showed that the spread between GAAP and non-GAAP is now the highest since the financial crisis.

 

What we find disturbing, however, is that while many mainstream media outlets will decry the use of non-GAAP earnings, few will say what this actually means. we had no such qualms, and explained it very simply: : “if using GAAP earnings, and applying the market’s already generous 16.5x non-GAAP P/E, one gets a fair value of the S&P 500 of 1,500, or 25% lower than the recent prints in the S&P 500.

This would make the market the most expensive it has been since 2008.

Perhaps the closest anyone has gotten to admitting this is again JPM which in passing, notes the reason why it refuses to buy the market.

Earnings rollover is the key headwind to buying the market outright over the medium term horizon, in our view. EPS revisions remain deeply negative in most regions. The weakness in PMIs is suggesting this will stay the case.

And as Factset explained over the weekend, it is only going to get worse: for Q1 88 companies have issued negative EPS guidance and 22 companies have issued positive EPS guidance.

In other words, while non-GAAP P/Es are set to rise even more making the market the most expensive in months, it is the GAAP EPS which are confirming what virtually nobody dares to mention – when one strips out the “creative accounting” the market is about to return to 2009 levels in profitability, and to a GAAP P/E multiple that will soon surpass even that seen at the peak of the 2008 financial crisis.

Which may also explain why over the past five years the “smart money” group of hedge funds, financial institutions and private investors have been dumping stocks at a torrid pace to the only buyer willing to step up: corporation themselves who have unleashed what is set to be another record, and completely price indescriminate, buyback spree funded by cheap “investment grade” bonds.


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Finally! A Democrat in Congress Calls Out Hillary Clinton’s Hawkishness

Hillary Clinton’s Super Tuesday thumping An Officer and a Congresswomanof her only rival for the 2016 Democratic presidential nomination has revivied the perception of inevitability that she will be the party’s nominee. However, one sitting Democratic member of Congress decided to put her career on the line, days before the slew of primaries, to raise awareness of Clinton’s career-long track record of supporting failed military interventions and general unrepentant hawkishness

Rep. Tulsi Gabbard (D-Hawaii) resigned her leadership post on the Democratic National Committee this past weekend, saying she had tired of the requirement to maintain “neutral ground” during the primary process, and endorsed Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.)

Unlike the conscientious objector she supports for president, Gabbard can’t be painted as a naive peacenik. She is an Iraq War veteran and still serves as a major in the Hawaii Army National Guard. It is her familiarity with the horrors of war, as well as the big government-gobbling waste produced by it, that informed her decision to split from the party leadership.

During an appearance on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” this past Monday, Gabbard said, “There has not been a clear conversation about the contrast between our two candidates when it comes to questions of war and peace. So this is why I resigned from the DNC.”

Speaking with Rachel Maddow on MSNBC last night, Gabbard added, “Secretary Clinton has a record and positions that will take us into a future that will include more interventionist wars of regime change.”

Gabbard expressed frustration that so little media coverage has focused on the costs of war, saying that Clinton’s continued support of military interventionism should be a central issue and not relegated to the fringes of the debate:

This is something that’s deeply personal to me, I lost friends in that Iraq War in 2005 during my deployment there. I saw in my job in a medical unit, every day that high human cost, and now here in my job in Congress that economic toll that continues.

MSNBC anchor Brian Williams asked Gabbard if she was worried about “how unpleasant life could be” in Congress if Clinton wins the presidency, to which she conceded that “a lot of people warned me” about the consequences of her decision but she remains resolute because “war is a very real thing. It’s real to me. It’s real to our service members, their families, those who have borne this heavy sacrifice of war.”

To Democratic voters those who dismiss Clinton’s foreign policy record as irrelevant or even a net positive, Gabbard pleaded for them to “think again”:

Look at the heavy toll that these wars have taken. This isn’t a question of the past, this is a question of today and tomorrow and what kind of commander-in-chief we as Americans…can be confident will not continue to take us down this failed path of costly regime change wars that do nothing to strengthen our national security and simply serve to strengthen our enemies, groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda and other. 

Given Sanders’ frequent belly-flops on foreign policy during the debates, it remains unlikely that Clinton’s war-mongering will ever become an issue that causes her any discomfort in winning the nomination. Worse, it will probably help her “run toward the center” in the general election. 

Still, kudos to Gabbard, a brave woman who put her conscience and demonstrable (as opposed to ceremonial) support of members of the U.S. Armed Services ahead of her political ambitions. Advocating for fewer military interventions is hardly a career-booster in either major party, stepping on the toes of the presumptive nominee is even less so.

Gabbard’s denunciation of Clinton’s constant lurching toward war deserves to be more than a footnote in this campaign. The likeliness that it won’t indicates the Democratic Party’s electorate hasn’t learned the lessons of the past decade-and-a-half of American military misadventures any more than Clinton has.

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Panic-Buying Sends WTI Crude To $35 After Dismal DOE Data

Because nothing says buy it with both hands and feet like the biggest inventory build in 11 months….

The machines have it all under control…

 

We assume the excuse for this is a 2.6% YoY drop in production but seriously with demand collapsing (and Iran/Iraq supply), this is irrelevant for now.

Or did The BoJ BTFD??


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The Sad, Embarrassing Spectacle of Chris Christie’s Donald Trump Endorsement

Chris Christie dropped out of the presidential race weeks ago, but he still managed to be Super Tuesday’s biggest loser—thanks to Donald Trump.

It’s been a rough couple of days for the New Jersey governor. After endorsing Trump for president last week in an embarrassing spectacle of a press conference, Christie went on to defend his decision to George Stephanopoulos on ABC.

The interview was even more of an embarrassment than the press conference. Stephanopoulos pointed out that Christie and Trump share almost no common goals by playing Chris Christie’s own words back to him—on the infeasibility of building a border wall, on Trump’s disinterest in reforming entitlements, on banning Muslims from entering the United States—and then asking Christie to explain how his positions aligned with Trump.

Christie had no good answer to any of these questions, because no good answer was possible. All he could say was that he and Trump don’t agree on every issue, and that he’s endorsing him anyway. But Stephanopoulos made it look practically like he and Trump don’t agree on any issue. Christie was left struggling to defend his endorsement using only vague generalities. Trump is the strongest, the best, the only one who can make America great again, blah blah blah, winning, whatever. 

 There was something else about the interview, too—a strange air of submission. While running for president, Christie, who has known Trump for well over a decade, consistently called Trump, by his first name, Donald. But in the interview, he referred to him exclusively as “Mr. Trump,” as if he were a flunky in The Trump Organization.

In endorsing Trump, Christie had been made to look both ridiculous and untrustworthy. And Christie’s presidential backers, as well as residents of his home state, noticed.

On Tuesday, New Hampshire Union Leader publisher Joseph McQuaid, who endorsed Christie in the GOP race, issued a scathing follow-up: “Boy, were we wrong,” the piece declared. “Watching Christie kiss the Donald’s ring this weekend — and make excuses for the man Christie himself had said was unfit for the presidency — demonstrated how wrong we were.” Later that day, six New Jersey papers called on Christie to resign, saying, “We’re fed up with his opportunism. We’re fed up with his hypocrisy.” And new polling suggests that Christie’s endorsement of Trump is hurting his reputation with residents of New Jersey.

Which brings us to last night. Christie introduced Trump before his victory celebration in Florida, and then the governor stood silently behind Trump while the candidate rambled on and answered questions. As he stood there, staring silently into the distance, clapping occasionally (but not enthusiastically), Christie looked trapped and terrified, anxious and confused, like a panicked hostage desperate to escape his captor. The power balance between the two men was clear: Christie, the vicious political attack dog, had somehow been tamed into a subservient house-pet.

There was something more than a bit pathetic about the sad, absurd little scene (replay the whole event in all its non-glory via C-SPAN). It was almost enough to make me feel sorry for Christie. Almost, but not quite. Christie chose to endorse Trump, chose to stand by him, chose to put himself in a position where he would have to defend Trump’s various offenses and positions, reconcile them with his own statements, and look ridiculous in the process. He chose to be dominated by Trump.

But Christie’s experience should serve as a lesson for others tempted to follow in his footsteps. Attempts to defend an embarrassment like Trump will only lead to embarrassment for his defenders; they will be enabling his campaign, but not themselves. 

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Republican Elites Are Frightened by Their Own Base

I see...President Rubio? ||| Imgur.comIf you squint hard enough at last night’s Super Tuesday results, you can see some glimmer of hope for the excruciatingly slow-to-action #NeverTrump crowd. “Trump won VA by 2.8 points, Arkansas by 2.2, Vermont by 2.3,” pointed out The Weekly Standard’s John McCormack. “These margins are essentially meaningless in terms of delegates, but if Trump went 4/11 instead of 7/11, press would say he had a bad night.” Marco Rubio heavily outperformed polls in Virginia, and both he and Ted Cruz dominated among late-deciding voters. The final delegate haul for Super Tuesday will be considerably closer than the press coverage felt like last night. Squint, squint, squint.

But if the number-crunchers of PredictWise are correct that Donald Trump as of this morning has an 82 percent chance of winning the GOP presidential nomination, then the number-one Monday morning quarterbacking question of the entire political season is surely this: What in hell took Republicans so long to compete against their clownshow authoritarian front-runner? As George Will put it on Sunday,

Unfortunately, Rubio recognized reality and found his voice 254 days after Trump’s scabrous announcement of his candidacy to rescue the United States from Mexican rapists. And 222 days after Trump disparaged John McCain’s war service (“I like people that weren’t captured”). And 95 days after Trump said that maybe a protester at his rally “should have been roughed up.” And 95 days after Trump retweeted that 81 percent of white murder victims are killed by blacks. (Eighty-two percent are killed by whites.) And 94 days after Trump said he supports torture even “if it doesn’t work.” And 79 days after Trump said he might have approved the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. And 72 days after Trump proved that he does not know the nuclear triad from the “Nutcracker” ballet. And 70 days after Trump, having been praised by Vladimir Putin, reciprocated by praising the Russian murderer and dictator. And so on.

So what explains the long paralysis of the anti-Trump Republicans? The New York Times on Saturday published a damningly detailed answer to that question, including this concise nugget: “Donors have dreaded the consequences of clashing with Mr. Trump directly. Elected officials have balked at attacking him out of concern that they might unintentionally fuel his populist revolt.”

In other words, Republican elites are terrified of their own customers. That’s worth reflecting on critically, even if you happen to share their loathing of Donald J. Trump.

Renaissance Man. ||| PinterestNewt Gingrich last night tweeted out a job application to be the next Chris Christie: “Trump’s shift toward inclusiveness, team effort and unity was vitally important He has to build a Reagan like inclusiveness to win this fall.” This may have come as a surprise for those who cling stubbornly to the fiction that Gingrich is some kind of dazzling Man of Ideas, but since at least the mid-1990s the jabberin’ Georgian has been more concerned with the science of populist rhetoric than public-policy entrepreneurship. When the Cato Institute a decade ago put out a grim collection of “limited government” hypocrisies titled The Republican Revolution 10 Years Later: Smaller Government or Business as Usual?, just about the only contributor who wasn’t openly embarrassed by the track record of the 1994 takeover was Gingrich himself. Not because of how he governed, but how he won.

“People who dismiss our victory as a fluke do not study our base very often,” Gingrich wrote. “We had nine million additional votes in 1994, the largest one-party increase in American history. There is a huge pool of uncommitted voters who have no interest in politics. Thus, when campaigns are able to mobilize such groups, they win in a big way.” Well, neat.

Republican politicians have long since grown accustomed to—in fact, dependent on—the chasm between their own bomb-throwing rhetoric and dud-like accomplishments. For evidence, look no further than the 114th Congress, currently under unified Republican rule for the first time since 2007. How have the alleged fiscal conservatives responded to finally having some legislative power during the Barack Obama presidency? By blowing up the sequestration cuts, waving away the debt ceiling, and once again punting their duty to pass budget legislation in favor of a single, last-minute omnibus spending package with all kinds of freedom-harshing provisions within. You can read all about it in the current issue of Reason, which should be in your mailbox by now.

As the libertarian Kentucky Republican Rep. Thomas Massie recently told me,

I think it’s like Charlie Brown and Lucy….The voting population is so tired of…trying to kick the football, and it gets pulled away from them at the last second. They have sent some people here to Congress who said all the right things, they ran as Tea Party candidates, then they got up here and they voted for the omnibus bill, or voted for Speaker [John] Boehner on their first day after pledging they wouldn’t vote for him. And so what they’re looking for is somebody that’s not going to be controlled when they get here.

Even more reckless than mere promise-breaking is pandering to either the real or imagined prejudices of the base. John McCain, a lifelong elitist with open hostility toward the conservative grassroots, famously went to “crazy base-land” when he could finally smell the ring of power, reversing his positions and rhetoric on gay marriage, immigration, and even condom use. Mitt Romney, the Republican who has taken on Trump with the most gusto during this campaign season, arguably paved the way for his success by out-immigrant-bashing the 2012 field while promising hardest to protect old-age entitlements. Couple this with the old establishment chestnuts about somehow balancing a budget while undoing the allegedly “devastating cuts” to our military, and a picture emerges of structural insincerity and the ritual, nose-holding manipulation of the activist base.

Time and time again, the GOP establishment has given its own grassroots the back of its hand. As I wrote one year ago,

The Republican Party in 2015 has a huge and unsated anti-Establishment passion, one that’s only stoked by the primacy of elite characters like Jeb Bush (and Mitt Romney before him). Establishment vs. anti-Establishment has been the internal GOP divide since at least spring of 2010 (when Tea Party types began primarying Republican darlings in earnest); led to just a brutal parliamentary smackdown of grassroots activists at the 2012 Republican National Convention, and is as inevitable in the 2016 presidential campaign as water flowing downhill. This fight will be had, no matter how hard RNC Chairman Reince Priebus tries to schedule it out of existence. Candidates who figure out how to channel anti-establishmentarianism will punch above their weight during primary season (something Ben Carson and Ted Cruz in particular seem to understand); candidates who fight against it (Bush most openly) are in for a rude surprise.

Donald Trump is calling out Republicans for being phonies, and he’s right. I may cheer lustily for him to lose, but until they re-examine their own lousy policies and politics (especially though not only on foreign policy and spending), I will not be cheering for the establishmentarians to win.

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