WTI Extends Losses After Bigger Than Expected Crude Build

WTI Extends Losses After Bigger Than Expected Crude Build

Oil prices dipped today ahead of the Fed’s possible taper tomorrow and as investors assessed the likelihood of OPEC+ succumbing to pressure to add more crude to the market.

“OPEC is coming under more political pressure from importing countries to boost supply because oil prices are at the highest level in seven years,” said Pavel Molchanov, an analyst at Raymond James & Associates Inc.

“Balancing the question mark about demand with political pressure on the other end of the spectrum — it seems like maintaining status quo is the most logical approach for OPEC to take right now.”

But all eyes are on inventories again for now…

API

  • Crude +3.594mm (+2.25mm exp)

  • Cushing -882k

  • Gasoline -552k

  • Distillates +573k

That is the 5th weekly crude build in the last six weeks and

Source: Bloomberg

WTI was hovering around $83.50 ahead of the print and dipped on the bigger than expected build…

The nervousness in the markets due to the central bank removing additional stimulus is leading investors to risk aversion and a stronger dollar, said Ed Moya, senior market analyst at Oanda Corp.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 11/02/2021 – 16:40

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3q0G7MR Tyler Durden

Lyft Jumps After Sales Beat, Reports Highest EBITDA In History

Lyft Jumps After Sales Beat, Reports Highest EBITDA In History

With dealer inventories of both new and used cars at all time lows, (thanks to the worst semiconductor supply chain SNAFU in modern history) and Americans unable to buy their preferred mode of transportation, they have no choice but to rely on the likes of Uber and Lyft, and as the latter showed moments ago, this is clearly benefiting the bottom line.

Lyft reported revenue for the third quarter that beat the average analyst estimate as the number of active riders rose 51% but slightly missed estimates even as revenue per rider rose to $45.63, above the consensus forecast; adjusted EBITDA printed in the green only for the second time in the company’s history:

  • Revenue $864.4 million, up 73% y/y, and beating the estimate of $862.0 million
  • Adjusted EBITDA $67.3 million vs. loss $239.7 million y/y, double the estimate of $33.0 million, and higher than the strongest forecast of $40.3 million
  • Net loss narrowed to $71.5 million from a loss of $459.5 million, or $1.46 a share, a year earlier.
  • Adjusted net $17.8 million vs. loss $280.4 million y/y, estimate loss $6.99 million
  • Loss per share 21c vs. loss/share $1.460 y/y
  • Revenue per active rider $45.63, estimate $44.43
  • Lyft reported $2.4 billion of unrestricted cash, cash equivalents and short-term investments at the end of the third quarter of 2021.
    • Cash and cash equivalents $728.4 million, estimate $624.4 million

  • Active riders 18.9 million, +51% y/y, missing the estimate estimate 19.3 million

And visually:

Additionally, Lyft reports that it took a $119.3 million pretax gain in Q3 on Woven Planet transaction. 

“Given our success onboarding new drivers and expected supply tailwinds, we anticipate our service levels will naturally improve in Q4 and lead to lower prices,” CFO Brian Roberts said.

Lyft co-founder and President John Zimmer said airport rides, which were up threefold compared to a year earlier, coupled with a rise in weekend and evening trips, was a positive sign that customers are reverting back to pre-pandemic habits. “We feel great about rider demand,” Zimmer told Bloomberg. “And since the release of booster shots, and children’s vaccinations becoming available, I feel good about the road ahead.”

Even as riders return, Lyft and Uber have struggled to find enough drivers. Lyft poured millions of dollars into incentives and bonuses to entice drivers who are hesitant to return, sometimes because they have unemployment benefits or health concerns. It’s finally working: driver supply increased 45% in the third quarter versus the same period last year. “We’ve seen [driver supply] levels improve materially and see a path for less dynamic pricing as we get the marketplace balance stabilized,” Zimmer said.

Lyft has worked to become profitable, slashing costs with a wave of layoffs and budget cuts at the height of the pandemic, and agreeing to offload its self-driving division to a subsidiary of Toyota Motor in April, cutting costly autonomous car research expenses.

In kneejerk response, Lyft shares jumped 3.6% in postmarket trading on Tuesday, after third-quarter revenue and adjusted Ebitda beat the average analyst estimate. Peer Uber’s shares also gained, up 1.6%.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 11/02/2021 – 16:38

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3GEurp7 Tyler Durden

Facebook Is Shuttering Its Face Recognition System


MetaLogoNewscom

Meta, now the parent company of Facebook, announced that it is shutting down its facial recognition system that identified and tagged photos loaded onto the social media company’s platform.

“This change will represent one of the largest shifts in facial recognition usage in the technology’s history,” notes a statement from Jerome Pesenti, the company’s vice president for artificial intelligence. “More than a third of Facebook’s daily active users have opted in to our Face Recognition setting and are able to be recognized, and its removal will result in the deletion of more than a billion people’s individual facial recognition templates.” The company said that it had made the decision to shutter its facial recognition system in the face of growing “concerns about the place of facial recognition technology in society.”

The fact that the company was fined $5 billion by the Federal Trade Commission in 2019 to settle privacy complaints—including concerns over facial recognition—and settled a class action suit earlier this year for $650 million over violating Illinois’ consent requirement for using biometric information, very likely played a role here too. As the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit noted in its 2019 ruling in the Illinois case:

Once a face template of an individual is created, Facebook can use it to identify that individual in any of the other hundreds of millions of photos uploaded to Facebook each day, as well as determine when the individual was present at a specific location. Facebook can also identify the individual’s Facebook friends or acquaintances who are present in the photo. Taking into account the future development of such technology…it seems likely that a face-mapped individual could be identified from a surveillance photo taken on the streets or in an office building.

The concerns about the place of social recognition technology are well founded. For example, Facebook photos have been scraped without permission by the surveillance company Clearview AI, which has sold its tracking and surveillance services to numerous local, state, and federal law enforcement agencies.

“Facebook getting out of the face recognition business is a pivotal moment in the growing national discomfort with this technology,” Adam Schwartz, a senior lawyer with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a civil liberties organization, told The New York Times. “Corporate use of face surveillance is very dangerous to people’s privacy.”

Corporate face surveillance is dangerous because government agencies could one day demand access to all of the data amassed by companies in order to institute essentially a turnkey authoritarian surveillance regime. “Facial recognition is the perfect tool for oppression,” write Woodrow Hartzog, a professor of law and computer science at Northeastern University, and Evan Selinger, a philosopher at the Rochester Institute of Technology. It is, they persuasively argue in Medium, “the most uniquely dangerous surveillance mechanism ever invented.” Real-time deployment of facial recognition technologies would essentially turn our faces into ID cards on permanent display to the police.

With respect to the future deployment of such technologies, the Facebook statement observed that facial recognition’s “long-term role in society needs to be debated in the open, and among those who will be most impacted by it.” Yes, it does.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3bxx9OM
via IFTTT

Zillow Fires 25% Of Workforce, Scraps Robo-Flipping Program After Huge Loss

Zillow Fires 25% Of Workforce, Scraps Robo-Flipping Program After Huge Loss

On Monday we reported that Zillow Group had ‘halted‘ it’s AI-powered house-flipping operation after 93% of homes listed in their Phoenix portfolio are underwater, and is scrambling to unload 7,000 homes for $2.8 billion.

Today, the company announced during earnings that it’s going to reduce its workforce by 25% and completely scrap its home-flipping operation which began buying homes in December 2019.

The decision comes after the company lost more than $380 million on the program called Zillow Offers – which hit a major snag in recent months after the algorithm monumentally overpaid for houses right as the US real estate market began to cool.

Zillow plans to take writedowns of as much as $569 million, according to Bloomberg.

The stock, needless to say, is not happy after hours – dropping as much as 10% in extended trading, only to see buyers reel it in to flat as of this writing.

 

Tyler Durden
Tue, 11/02/2021 – 16:20

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3waotXZ Tyler Durden

Crypto & Stocks Hit Record Highs Ahead Of Fed Taper Talk

Crypto & Stocks Hit Record Highs Ahead Of Fed Taper Talk

After yesterday’s ridiculous surge in Small Caps relative to Nasdaq, today saw some of that reverse as Nasdaq led the gains with a massive de-rotation trade at the cash open…

Russell 2000 finally hit a new record high today (taking out the March highs)…

…finally joining the S&P, Dow, and Nasdaq in that never-before-seen cohort…

Defensives dominated gains today as Cyclicals ended unch…

Source: Bloomberg

And shorts continue to get squeezed (not all three green arrows are the same amplitude and timing)…

Source: Bloomberg

Then there’s AVIS Budget Car Rental (CAR) for which we have no words today. At its peak today it was the largest company in the Russell 2000…

Source: Bloomberg

VIX was monkeyhammered back to a 15 handle today…

Cryptos soared to a new record aggregate market cap above $2.7 trillion…

With Ethereum surging to a record high over $4500…

Source: Bloomberg

And Bitcoin bid back above $64,000…

Source: Bloomberg

Along with crypto and stocks, bonds were also bid today, especially the short-end (2Y -4bps, 30Y -1bps)…

Source: Bloomberg

20s30s steepened a little today but remains inverted…

Source: Bloomberg

Global inflation breakevens have slipped lower in the last few days…

Source: Bloomberg

The dollar managed very modest gains, desperately clinging to the Friday gains ahead of The Fed…

Source: Bloomberg

Gold failed to get back to $1800 again and slipped lower on the day…

Oil also slipped lower today with WTI unable to hold an $84 handle ahead of tonight’s API data…

Finally, the S&P 500 hit a record high for the 4th straight day (and 61st time of the year), pushing the major index into a more worrying “overbought” situation…

And Greed has reached “Extreme” levels – the ‘greediest’ since Dec 2020…

And the Put-Hate is strong again…

Let’s hope that Powell uses lots of lube to feed the taper to the market tomorrow.. or will this be the cry from traders globally…

Tyler Durden
Tue, 11/02/2021 – 16:04

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3jZTskQ Tyler Durden

FDNY Union Head: De Blasio’s Ensured People Who “Care For Criminals Have More Rights Than People Who Care For The Average New Yorker”

FDNY Union Head: De Blasio’s Ensured People Who “Care For Criminals Have More Rights Than People Who Care For The Average New Yorker”

Authored by Steve Watson via Summit News,

Andrew Ansbro, president of the FDNY-Firefighters Association, slammed NYC mayor Bill De Blasio Monday, after it was revealed that some 2300 firefighters are unable to do their jobs because of the vaccine mandate.

Ansbro assured Fox News anchor Laura Ingraham that the firefighters are not all anti-vaccine, but they are standing up against a vaccine mandate. 

“From the beginning, a lot of members didn’t feel they need it because they were already infected previously,” Ansbro noted, explaining “We just want our day in court. We want to have the ability to be heard.”

“When you tell someone they have nine days to make a decision for a vaccination or lose their job, they don’t want to work with you,” Ansbro urged.

He also pointed out that regarding vaccinations, “Teachers were given over a month, and corrections does not have to make the decision until December 1st.”

“So once again, the mayor is showing that people that care for criminals have more rights than people who care for the average New Yorker,” Ansbro declared.

The union leader also slammed critics who are suggesting that firefighters on ‘sickouts’ are causing staff shortages themselves, noting “You can’t claim that the unvaccinated firefighters are causing a staffing shortage because this morning you were sending them home. So they wouldn’t have been working either way.”

First responders protesting the mandate proclaimed that they are being treated like “garbage” and “thrown to the trash.”

One firefighter commented, “When we go to calls, we don’t judge and say are you worth saving?” adding “But now our livelihoods and our families well being is a question, are we worth it? We never asked that question during the pandemic.”

Watch:

NYPD officers also protested Monday by holding a sickout, prompting the leftist media to go into attack dog mode:

*  *  *

Brand new merch now available! Get it at https://www.pjwshop.com/

In the age of mass Silicon Valley censorship It is crucial that we stay in touch. We need you to sign up for our free newsletter here. Support our sponsor – Turbo Force – a supercharged boost of clean energy without the comedown. Also, we urgently need your financial support here.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 11/02/2021 – 15:45

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3CJr0Ll Tyler Durden

Biden Wants To Wrap Preschools in Red Tape


dreamstime_m_59925590

COVID-19 lockdowns and school closures that don’t account for local conditions have served as a useful reminder that universal one-size-fits-all policies are generally not the best solutions. Now the Biden administration is applying similar one-size-fits-all logic to his universal pre-K plan.

After a year and a half of cyclical government-mandated school and daycare closures, many parents are desperate for relief. They may think any help is better than no help, but President Joe Biden is proposing an inflexible model that will drive up childcare costs and result in less variety among preschools.

Under the Biden plan, states will only be able to give federal funds to preschool programs that offer at least 1,020 hours of instruction annually. That is more hours than most states require for children in K-12 schools. In my home state of Pennsylvania, 900 hours is considered full-time for elementary school; for high school, it’s 990 hours. Oregon, Massachusetts, Idaho, New Hampshire, Utah, and Virginia similarly top out at 990 hours. Some states are even lower. Requiring more hours annually than high schools must offer is a ridiculous mandate to put on a pre-K program. Preschool is meant to be a bridge toward full-time school. Parents who don’t want a full-time preschool program are not served well by Biden’s plan.

Biden’s universal pre-K plan will drive up teaching costs since it mandates that pay for preschool teachers be equivalent to elementary school teachers’ salaries, provided they have similar credentials and experience. Elementary school salaries vary across districts. Will private providers have to match their salary scale to the local union-dominated public school’s salary scale? This is essentially putting prevailing wage rules on preschool programs, and will unnecessarily drive up costs.

The “free” nature of the Biden plan will also increase costs by increasing demand among parents who otherwise wouldn’t be interested in full-time preschool. If their choices are to pay for a program with fewer hours or get one with more hours at no cost, many will choose the “free” one even if they would have ordinarily preferred another option. We already see this play out in K-12 schools; polls show only 40 percent of parents would choose their assigned district school if they could afford other options, but 80 percent of students attend traditional public schools.

Any state that signs up for the Biden plan needs to realize state taxpayers will be responsible for these new programs when the federal money runs out. The federal reimbursement for the universal preschool program drops to 64 percent in 2027—and then to zero soon after. So the Biden plan will create a new bureaucracy, increase preschool costs, provide partial funding for a few years, and then state taxpayers will be facing massive new costs as far as the eye can see. 

Not only will state taxpayers be left with the tab, but parents will also be left with programs that aren’t flexible enough to meet their needs. And to what end? New research from Nobel Prize-winning economist James Heckman reinforces the case for targeted, rather than universal, social service programs. “More advantaged families are better able to access, utilize, and influence universally available programs,” Heckman and co-author Rasmus Landersø wrote in a March 2020 working paper. These advantages don’t go away with universal provision, so these programs may worsen inequality. Heckman finds targeted programs to be more effective at reducing inequality.

But the U.S. government doesn’t have the best track record with targeted programs. Consider the Head Start preschool program, which is expected to be the model for Biden’s plan according to Tommy Sheridan, deputy director of the National Head Start Association. The most comprehensive Head Start study, released by the U.S. Department of Health & Human Services in 2012, found the program had little or no impact on student outcomes by 3rd grade—despite costing more than $7 billion per year at the time ($7,900 per participant).

No doubt “free” preschool sounds appealing to parents with young children, but they should be careful what they wish for. Throughout the country, there are contentious school board meetings and political races showing how impossible it is to satisfy everyone with a universal program.

On the bright side, K-12 education choice is flourishing in the face of this parental frustration. So far this year, 18 states have enacted new education choice programs or expanded existing ones. Many of these have been educational savings accounts (ESAs), which are the most flexible form of education choice, allowing parents to use taxpayer funds for various educational needs like tutoring, tuition, and services for students with special needs. It would be a tragic irony if preschool became mired in bureaucratic mandates and federal involvement right as parents are gaining access to more K-12 options.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3nTRi7o
via IFTTT

The Law of Pseudonymous Litigation

I’ve just finished up a draft of this article; you can read the PDF, but here’s an excerpt from the Introduction:

For many litigants these days, one of the most important questions is: Can I keep my name, and its connection to the case and its facts, off the Internet? In the past, of course, some litigants wanted to keep their names out of the newspapers, and some still do. But the Internet, and the availability of court records on the Internet, has sharply magnified this concern. Before, a typical employment lawsuit, for instance, would rarely make the papers. But now, Googling a person’s name will often find many of the cases in which they’ve participated, even if those cases haven’t made “the news.”[8]

And many litigants would love pseudonymity. That’s particularly obvious for defendants, most of whom are being sued over alleged misconduct. Say someone sues you for alleged embezzlement, fraud, or sexual assault, or even malpractice or a breach of contract. Wouldn’t you rather that your friends, neighbors, and prospective clients and other business partners not know about it? And while some defendants simply want to hide their misdeeds, others are innocent, and don’t want to be linked to incorrect accusations—whether temporarily, pending the trial and verdict, or perhaps forever.[9]

Many plaintiffs would want pseudonymity, too; just to offer a few examples,

  • Sexual assault plaintiffs may not want to be publicly identified.
  • Libel plaintiffs may not want to further publicize the allegedly libelous allegations over which they are suing. [10]
  • Employment law plaintiffs who were fired for alleged misconduct but are claiming that this was a pretext may not want a Google search for their names to lead to those allegations (however forcefully denied).
  • People suing over politically controversial behavior (e.g., an employee fired for allegedly racist or unpatriotic statements[11]) or using legal theories that some might condemn[12] may not want to be publicly shamed or humiliated.
  • Even ordinary employment law or housing law plaintiffs may not want future employers or landlords to reject them as dangerously litigious.[13]

For good reason, most lawsuits are nonetheless litigated in the parties’ own names. That is obviously true of adult criminal cases, even though nearly all criminal defendants would much prefer pseudonymity.[14] And it’s true of civil cases: Our legal system generally calls for public proceedings and publicly filed documents; and the names of the parties are viewed as part of the information that needs to be kept public.[15]

Such openness is viewed as important for letting the public (usually through the media) supervise what happens in courtrooms that are publicly funded and rely on publicly-supported coercive power. Many major stories and some scandals have been broken in part because of the availability of civil court records.[16] And even for the many cases that go largely unnoticed, the possibility of public review helps deter shenanigans.

Yet some litigants are indeed allowed to litigate pseudonymously. Some classes of such litigants are fairly clearly and reasonably defined: Minors (either in juvenile criminal cases or in civil lawsuits) are a classic example.[17] So are litigants who are mounting purely legal challenges to statutes, where their identities are tangential,[18] though such litigants also have to show something potentially embarrassing or private that the litigation would reveal (think Roe v. Wade).

But much of the law is unsettled: It is unclear, for instance, whether plaintiffs alleging sexual assault can indeed proceed pseudonymously.[19] It is unclear whether pseudonymity is more justified in lawsuits against governmental defendants or less justified.[20] It is especially unclear when defendants could seek pseudonymity just to prevent possible damage to reputation stemming from the allegations at the heart of the lawsuit (allegations that defendants claim are false); likewise for plaintiffs who are suing over allegedly false allegations, for instance in a libel lawsuit.[21]

And many of the distinctions that the cases do appear to implicitly draw are hard to explain. Imagine, for instance, that Arnold is an adult university student accused of sexually assaulting his classmate Veronica:

  1. The criminal prosecution would almost certainly be People v. Arnold, not People v. Doe, notwithstanding the harm to Arnold’s reputation (a harm that would be present even if he’s ultimately acquitted or the charges are dropped).
  2. The civil lawsuit would often be Veronica v. Arnold.
  3. But some courts would allow it to be Doe v. Arnold, to protect Veronica’s privacy.[22]
  4. Only a few courts would allow it to be Doe v. Roe.[23] Those courts appear to accept the theory that, just as it can be unjustly humiliating for many victims to be publicly identified as such (assuming they are telling the truth that they were indeed victimized), so it can be unjustly humiliating for many of the accused to be publicly identified as such (assuming they are telling the truth that they were not guilty)[24]—but most courts do not.[25]
  5. If Arnold sues Veronica for libel, claiming Veronica’s accusations were lies, most courts would require it to be Arnold v. Veronica or perhaps Arnold v. Roe,[26] but not Doe v. Roe.[27]
  6. But many courts routinely allow the pseudonymous Doe v. University of Northern South Dakota, a lawsuit in which Arnold is claiming that the university acted improperly in expelling him for the alleged misconduct—even though there, as in the libel case, Arnold wants pseudonymity to protect his reputation.[28]

Why the differences?

In this Article, I’ll try to analyze some of these tensions. In particular, I’ll deal with three cross-cutting issues that often arise in these cases:

[1.] Pseudonymity creep: Simply pseudonymizing a party seems easy enough, and seems like only a modest restriction on public access. But of course other information in the case can lead interested researchers to the party’s identity. Even if a minor’s name is abbreviated L.V., if the case is Volokh on behalf of L.V. v. Los Angeles Unified School Dist., it might not be hard for people to identify L.V. based on her representative’s (likely her parent’s) name.[29] Likewise, if a Complaint filed by John Doe in a libel case quotes the alleged libel, a quick Google search for the libel could identify its target. If an alleged sexual assault victim sues the attacker, who used to be the victim’s spouse or lover, people who know the attacker may easily deduce the identity of the victim.[30]

To make pseudonymity really effective, then, more needs to be done than just pseudonymizing one particular party—such as sealing important material outright, or pseudonymizing the other party as well. But then pseudonymity will also interfere more with public right of access, and may further undermine the interests of the opposing parties.[31]

[2.] The ubiquity of the desire for privacy: I noted above that very many litigants, plaintiffs and defendants, would prefer to keep their names out of the court record and therefore off Google and out of the newspapers. Courts have observed this and often cite this as a reason to reject pseudonymity—if we let this litigant be pseudonymous, we’d in fairness have lot all these other litigants do the same, and then we’d have a very different and much less transparent system of procedure.[32]

[3.] The puzzle of dealing with reputational damage: In particular, a vast range of cases involves material risk of reputational damage to one or both parties—in particular, damage to the ability to earn a living. Courts often remark that mere risk of reputational damage (including unjust reputational damage, for instance if the accusations against a defendant ultimately prove to be unfounded) is not enough to justify pseudonymity. But not all cases so hold, in part because the reputational concerns can seem so serious and salient. And the cases that allow pseudonymity to protect privacy rather than to protect reputation sometimes boil down to risk of reputational damage, too (for instance, if a plaintiff seeks pseudonymity to conceal information about a mental illness).

In what follows, I seek to (a) lay out the general legal rules, as reflected in court decisions (which I hope will be useful to judges and lawyers as well as academics) and (b) lay out the main policy arguments cutting in favor of and against pseudonymity. I may also offer (c) some normative suggestions about what should be done. But in general I’m not at all sure what the right answer is on most of those cases. Rather, “I don’t have any solution, but I certainly admire the problem,”[33] and I hope to persuade you to admire the problem, too.

 

[1] See infra Part II.H.

[2] See infra Part I.E.3.

[3] See, e.g., Flatley v. Mauro, 139 P.3d 2 (Cal. 2006).

[4] And a related question: When a system is generally secret, what provisions are there for public access? This arises especially when a public procedural system seeks to make a decision that turns on a past judgment of a private procedural system—for instance, when people seek the results of juvenile court records for use in adult criminal proceedings (or in civil proceedings), or when an action is brought in the civil justice system to enforce the results of an arbitration. But that is a story for another day.

[5] See, e.g., Cal. R. Ct. 2.550–.551. This article is mostly about federal courts, because reviewing just what they do is daunting enough; but I occasionally cite relevant state cases, since many state courts seem to take an approach similar to that of the federal courts. See, e.g., Doe v. Empire Ent., LLC, No. A16-1283, 2017 WL 1832414, *4 (Minn. Ct. App. May 8, 2017).

[6] Rules 5.2 and 10(a) do provide that minors are to be pseudo­nymized and adults are not, but federal courts have viewed the nonpseudonymity of adult parties as just a presumption that can be rebutted—and the Rules say nothing about the criteria for rebutting it.

[7] For some important articles on the subject over the last 40 years, see David S. Ardia, Court Transparency and the First Amendment, 38 Cardozo L. Rev. 835 (2017); Benjamin P. Edwards, When Fear Rules in Law’s Place: Pseudonymous Litigation As a Response to Systematic Intimidation, 20 Va. J. Soc. Pol’y & L. 437 (2013); Lior J. Strahilevitz, Pseudonymous Litigation, 77 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1239 (2010); Donald P. Balla, John Doe Is Alive and Well: Designing Pseudonym Use in American Courts, 63 Ark. L. Rev. 691 (2010); Adam A. Milani, Doe v. Roe: An Argument for Defendant Anonymity When a Pseudonymous Plaintiff Alleges a Stigmatizing Intentional Tort, 41 Wayne L. Rev. 1659, 1712 (1995); Jayne S. Ressler, Privacy, Plaintiffs, and Pseudonyms: The Anonymous Doe Plaintiff in the Information Age, 53 U. Kan. L. Rev. 195 (2004); Jayne S. Ressler, #WorstPlaintiffEver: Popular Public Shaming and Pseudonymous Plaintiffs, 84 Tenn. L. Rev. 779 (2017); Joan Steinman, Public Trial, Pseudonymous Parties: When Should Litigants Be Permitted to Keep Their Identities Confidential?, 37 Hastings L. J. 1 (1985).

[8] “Over a century ago, Samuel Warren and Louis Brandeis . . . wrote that ‘modern enterprise and invention have, through invasions upon [an individual’s] privacy, subjected him to mental pain and distress, far greater than could be inflicted by mere bodily injury.’ The modern invention of today includes access to court files by those surfing the Internet.” EW v. New York Blood Ctr., 213 F.R.D. 108, 112–13 (E.D.N.Y. 2003); see also Gen. Orders of Div. III, Wash. Cts., In re the Use of Initials or Pseudonyms for Child Victims or Child Witnesses, https://‌www.courts.wa.gov/‌appellate_trial_courts/‌?fa=atc.genorders_orddisp&ordnumber=2012_001&div=III (ordering that all references to child witnesses or victims use “initials or pseudonyms,” “In light of the increased availability of court documents through electronic sources”).

[9] I am not discussing here the separate question of defendants who are unknown to the plaintiffs (e.g., anonymous online libelers), and who are anonymous because of that.

[10] See infra Part II.G.1.e.

[11] Cf. Eugene Volokh, Private Employees’ Speech and Political Activity: Statutory Protection Against Employer Retaliation, 16 Tex. Rev. of L. & Pol. 295 (2012).

[12] See, e.g., Ressler, #WorstPlaintiffEver, supra note 7.

[13] “At bottom, Plaintiff wants what most employment-discrimination plaintiffs would like: to sue their former employer without future employers knowing about it. But while that desire is understandable, our system of dispute resolution does not allow it.” Doe v. Fedcap Rehab. Servs., Inc., No. 17-CV-8220 (JPO), 2018 WL 2021588, *3 (S.D.N.Y. Apr. 27, 2018).

[14] Pseudonymous prosecutions of adults are extremely rare, though they do exist. United States v. Doe, 488 F.3d 1154, 1156 n.1 (9th Cir. 2007) (keeping case pseudonymous because the district court had allowed pseudonymity, but not describing the reasons for that or whether they were sufficient); People v. P.V., 64 Misc. 3d 344 (2019) (pseudonymizing published opinion discussing a transgender prostitute’s criminal conviction, and concluding that defendant was a victim of sex trafficking). See also United States v. Pilcher, 950 F.3d 39, 45 (2d Cir. 2020) (concluding that pseudonymity is generally unavailable as to habeas petitions as well).

[15] See infra Part I.C.1.

[16] The Boston Globe’s investigation of the Catholic Church’s coverup of sexual abuse by priests, dramatized in the film Spotlight, is just one especially noted example. See Michael Rezendes, Church Allowed Abuse by Priest for Years, Boston Globe, Jan. 6, 2002.

[17] See infra Part II.E.

[18] See infra Part I.D.

[19] See infra Part II.F.4.

[20] See infra Part I.G.

[21] See infra Part II.G.

[22] See infra Part II.F.4.

[23] See infra Part I.E.4.

[24] Of course, if the accused is guilty, and is lying about the defense, then it may be only fair that the public learns of the guilt. But equally, if the accuser is lying about the claim, then it may be only fair that the public learns about that.

[25] Of course, as a general matter Arnold would need to know Veronica’s identity; I focus here on pseudonymity that shields the parties’ identity from the general public, and not from other parties or the court. See, e.g., United States v. Microsoft Corp., 56 F.3d 1448, 1463 (D.C. Cir. 1995) (“We are not aware of any case in which a plaintiff was allowed to sue a defendant and still remain anonymous to that defendant. Such proceedings would, as Microsoft argues, seriously implicate due process.”); In re Sealed Case, 971 F.3d 324, 326 n.1 (D.C. Cir. 2020).

[26] See, e.g., A.B. v. C.D., No. 217CV5840DRHAYS, 2018 WL 1935999 (E.D.N.Y. Apr. 24, 2018); Painter v. Doe, No. 3:15-CV-369-MOC-DCK, 2016 WL 3766466 (W.D.N.C. July 13, 2016).

[27] See, e.g., Roe v. Does 1-11, No. 20-CV-3788-MKB-SJB, 2020 WL 6152174, *3 (E.D.N.Y. Oct. 14, 2020). But see Doe v. Doe 1, No. 1:16-cv-07359 (N.D. Ill. Aug. 24, 2016).

[28] See infra Part II.G.

[29] See infra Part II.E.1.

[30] See infra note 206.

[31] See infra Part I.C.3.

[32] See infra Part I.C.4.

[33] Ashleigh Brilliant, I May Not be Totally Perfect, But Parts of Me are Excellent, and Other Brilliant Thoughts (1979).

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3wbMNbX
via IFTTT

Biden Wants To Wrap Preschools in Red Tape


dreamstime_m_59925590

COVID-19 lockdowns and school closures that don’t account for local conditions have served as a useful reminder that universal one-size-fits-all policies are generally not the best solutions. Now the Biden administration is applying similar one-size-fits-all logic to his universal pre-K plan.

After a year and a half of cyclical government-mandated school and daycare closures, many parents are desperate for relief. They may think any help is better than no help, but President Joe Biden is proposing an inflexible model that will drive up childcare costs and result in less variety among preschools.

Under the Biden plan, states will only be able to give federal funds to preschool programs that offer at least 1,020 hours of instruction annually. That is more hours than most states require for children in K-12 schools. In my home state of Pennsylvania, 900 hours is considered full-time for elementary school; for high school, it’s 990 hours. Oregon, Massachusetts, Idaho, New Hampshire, Utah, and Virginia similarly top out at 990 hours. Some states are even lower. Requiring more hours annually than high schools must offer is a ridiculous mandate to put on a pre-K program. Preschool is meant to be a bridge toward full-time school. Parents who don’t want a full-time preschool program are not served well by Biden’s plan.

Biden’s universal pre-K plan will drive up teaching costs since it mandates that pay for preschool teachers be equivalent to elementary school teachers’ salaries, provided they have similar credentials and experience. Elementary school salaries vary across districts. Will private providers have to match their salary scale to the local union-dominated public school’s salary scale? This is essentially putting prevailing wage rules on preschool programs, and will unnecessarily drive up costs.

The “free” nature of the Biden plan will also increase costs by increasing demand among parents who otherwise wouldn’t be interested in full-time preschool. If their choices are to pay for a program with fewer hours or get one with more hours at no cost, many will choose the “free” one even if they would have ordinarily preferred another option. We already see this play out in K-12 schools; polls show only 40 percent of parents would choose their assigned district school if they could afford other options, but 80 percent of students attend traditional public schools.

Any state that signs up for the Biden plan needs to realize state taxpayers will be responsible for these new programs when the federal money runs out. The federal reimbursement for the universal preschool program drops to 64 percent in 2027—and then to zero soon after. So the Biden plan will create a new bureaucracy, increase preschool costs, provide partial funding for a few years, and then state taxpayers will be facing massive new costs as far as the eye can see. 

Not only will state taxpayers be left with the tab, but parents will also be left with programs that aren’t flexible enough to meet their needs. And to what end? New research from Nobel Prize-winning economist James Heckman reinforces the case for targeted, rather than universal, social service programs. “More advantaged families are better able to access, utilize, and influence universally available programs,” Heckman and co-author Rasmus Landersø wrote in a March 2020 working paper. These advantages don’t go away with universal provision, so these programs may worsen inequality. Heckman finds targeted programs to be more effective at reducing inequality.

But the U.S. government doesn’t have the best track record with targeted programs. Consider the Head Start preschool program, which is expected to be the model for Biden’s plan according to Tommy Sheridan, deputy director of the National Head Start Association. The most comprehensive Head Start study, released by the U.S. Department of Health & Human Services in 2012, found the program had little or no impact on student outcomes by 3rd grade—despite costing more than $7 billion per year at the time ($7,900 per participant).

No doubt “free” preschool sounds appealing to parents with young children, but they should be careful what they wish for. Throughout the country, there are contentious school board meetings and political races showing how impossible it is to satisfy everyone with a universal program.

On the bright side, K-12 education choice is flourishing in the face of this parental frustration. So far this year, 18 states have enacted new education choice programs or expanded existing ones. Many of these have been educational savings accounts (ESAs), which are the most flexible form of education choice, allowing parents to use taxpayer funds for various educational needs like tutoring, tuition, and services for students with special needs. It would be a tragic irony if preschool became mired in bureaucratic mandates and federal involvement right as parents are gaining access to more K-12 options.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3nTRi7o
via IFTTT

The Law of Pseudonymous Litigation

I’ve just finished up a draft of this article; you can read the PDF, but here’s an excerpt from the Introduction:

For many litigants these days, one of the most important questions is: Can I keep my name, and its connection to the case and its facts, off the Internet? In the past, of course, some litigants wanted to keep their names out of the newspapers, and some still do. But the Internet, and the availability of court records on the Internet, has sharply magnified this concern. Before, a typical employment lawsuit, for instance, would rarely make the papers. But now, Googling a person’s name will often find many of the cases in which they’ve participated, even if those cases haven’t made “the news.”[8]

And many litigants would love pseudonymity. That’s particularly obvious for defendants, most of whom are being sued over alleged misconduct. Say someone sues you for alleged embezzlement, fraud, or sexual assault, or even malpractice or a breach of contract. Wouldn’t you rather that your friends, neighbors, and prospective clients and other business partners not know about it? And while some defendants simply want to hide their misdeeds, others are innocent, and don’t want to be linked to incorrect accusations—whether temporarily, pending the trial and verdict, or perhaps forever.[9]

Many plaintiffs would want pseudonymity, too; just to offer a few examples,

  • Sexual assault plaintiffs may not want to be publicly identified.
  • Libel plaintiffs may not want to further publicize the allegedly libelous allegations over which they are suing. [10]
  • Employment law plaintiffs who were fired for alleged misconduct but are claiming that this was a pretext may not want a Google search for their names to lead to those allegations (however forcefully denied).
  • People suing over politically controversial behavior (e.g., an employee fired for allegedly racist or unpatriotic statements[11]) or using legal theories that some might condemn[12] may not want to be publicly shamed or humiliated.
  • Even ordinary employment law or housing law plaintiffs may not want future employers or landlords to reject them as dangerously litigious.[13]

For good reason, most lawsuits are nonetheless litigated in the parties’ own names. That is obviously true of adult criminal cases, even though nearly all criminal defendants would much prefer pseudonymity.[14] And it’s true of civil cases: Our legal system generally calls for public proceedings and publicly filed documents; and the names of the parties are viewed as part of the information that needs to be kept public.[15]

Such openness is viewed as important for letting the public (usually through the media) supervise what happens in courtrooms that are publicly funded and rely on publicly-supported coercive power. Many major stories and some scandals have been broken in part because of the availability of civil court records.[16] And even for the many cases that go largely unnoticed, the possibility of public review helps deter shenanigans.

Yet some litigants are indeed allowed to litigate pseudonymously. Some classes of such litigants are fairly clearly and reasonably defined: Minors (either in juvenile criminal cases or in civil lawsuits) are a classic example.[17] So are litigants who are mounting purely legal challenges to statutes, where their identities are tangential,[18] though such litigants also have to show something potentially embarrassing or private that the litigation would reveal (think Roe v. Wade).

But much of the law is unsettled: It is unclear, for instance, whether plaintiffs alleging sexual assault can indeed proceed pseudonymously.[19] It is unclear whether pseudonymity is more justified in lawsuits against governmental defendants or less justified.[20] It is especially unclear when defendants could seek pseudonymity just to prevent possible damage to reputation stemming from the allegations at the heart of the lawsuit (allegations that defendants claim are false); likewise for plaintiffs who are suing over allegedly false allegations, for instance in a libel lawsuit.[21]

And many of the distinctions that the cases do appear to implicitly draw are hard to explain. Imagine, for instance, that Arnold is an adult university student accused of sexually assaulting his classmate Veronica:

  1. The criminal prosecution would almost certainly be People v. Arnold, not People v. Doe, notwithstanding the harm to Arnold’s reputation (a harm that would be present even if he’s ultimately acquitted or the charges are dropped).
  2. The civil lawsuit would often be Veronica v. Arnold.
  3. But some courts would allow it to be Doe v. Arnold, to protect Veronica’s privacy.[22]
  4. Only a few courts would allow it to be Doe v. Roe.[23] Those courts appear to accept the theory that, just as it can be unjustly humiliating for many victims to be publicly identified as such (assuming they are telling the truth that they were indeed victimized), so it can be unjustly humiliating for many of the accused to be publicly identified as such (assuming they are telling the truth that they were not guilty)[24]—but most courts do not.[25]
  5. If Arnold sues Veronica for libel, claiming Veronica’s accusations were lies, most courts would require it to be Arnold v. Veronica or perhaps Arnold v. Roe,[26] but not Doe v. Roe.[27]
  6. But many courts routinely allow the pseudonymous Doe v. University of Northern South Dakota, a lawsuit in which Arnold is claiming that the university acted improperly in expelling him for the alleged misconduct—even though there, as in the libel case, Arnold wants pseudonymity to protect his reputation.[28]

Why the differences?

In this Article, I’ll try to analyze some of these tensions. In particular, I’ll deal with three cross-cutting issues that often arise in these cases:

[1.] Pseudonymity creep: Simply pseudonymizing a party seems easy enough, and seems like only a modest restriction on public access. But of course other information in the case can lead interested researchers to the party’s identity. Even if a minor’s name is abbreviated L.V., if the case is Volokh on behalf of L.V. v. Los Angeles Unified School Dist., it might not be hard for people to identify L.V. based on her representative’s (likely her parent’s) name.[29] Likewise, if a Complaint filed by John Doe in a libel case quotes the alleged libel, a quick Google search for the libel could identify its target. If an alleged sexual assault victim sues the attacker, who used to be the victim’s spouse or lover, people who know the attacker may easily deduce the identity of the victim.[30]

To make pseudonymity really effective, then, more needs to be done than just pseudonymizing one particular party—such as sealing important material outright, or pseudonymizing the other party as well. But then pseudonymity will also interfere more with public right of access, and may further undermine the interests of the opposing parties.[31]

[2.] The ubiquity of the desire for privacy: I noted above that very many litigants, plaintiffs and defendants, would prefer to keep their names out of the court record and therefore off Google and out of the newspapers. Courts have observed this and often cite this as a reason to reject pseudonymity—if we let this litigant be pseudonymous, we’d in fairness have lot all these other litigants do the same, and then we’d have a very different and much less transparent system of procedure.[32]

[3.] The puzzle of dealing with reputational damage: In particular, a vast range of cases involves material risk of reputational damage to one or both parties—in particular, damage to the ability to earn a living. Courts often remark that mere risk of reputational damage (including unjust reputational damage, for instance if the accusations against a defendant ultimately prove to be unfounded) is not enough to justify pseudonymity. But not all cases so hold, in part because the reputational concerns can seem so serious and salient. And the cases that allow pseudonymity to protect privacy rather than to protect reputation sometimes boil down to risk of reputational damage, too (for instance, if a plaintiff seeks pseudonymity to conceal information about a mental illness).

In what follows, I seek to (a) lay out the general legal rules, as reflected in court decisions (which I hope will be useful to judges and lawyers as well as academics) and (b) lay out the main policy arguments cutting in favor of and against pseudonymity. I may also offer (c) some normative suggestions about what should be done. But in general I’m not at all sure what the right answer is on most of those cases. Rather, “I don’t have any solution, but I certainly admire the problem,”[33] and I hope to persuade you to admire the problem, too.

 

[1] See infra Part II.H.

[2] See infra Part I.E.3.

[3] See, e.g., Flatley v. Mauro, 139 P.3d 2 (Cal. 2006).

[4] And a related question: When a system is generally secret, what provisions are there for public access? This arises especially when a public procedural system seeks to make a decision that turns on a past judgment of a private procedural system—for instance, when people seek the results of juvenile court records for use in adult criminal proceedings (or in civil proceedings), or when an action is brought in the civil justice system to enforce the results of an arbitration. But that is a story for another day.

[5] See, e.g., Cal. R. Ct. 2.550–.551. This article is mostly about federal courts, because reviewing just what they do is daunting enough; but I occasionally cite relevant state cases, since many state courts seem to take an approach similar to that of the federal courts. See, e.g., Doe v. Empire Ent., LLC, No. A16-1283, 2017 WL 1832414, *4 (Minn. Ct. App. May 8, 2017).

[6] Rules 5.2 and 10(a) do provide that minors are to be pseudo­nymized and adults are not, but federal courts have viewed the nonpseudonymity of adult parties as just a presumption that can be rebutted—and the Rules say nothing about the criteria for rebutting it.

[7] For some important articles on the subject over the last 40 years, see David S. Ardia, Court Transparency and the First Amendment, 38 Cardozo L. Rev. 835 (2017); Benjamin P. Edwards, When Fear Rules in Law’s Place: Pseudonymous Litigation As a Response to Systematic Intimidation, 20 Va. J. Soc. Pol’y & L. 437 (2013); Lior J. Strahilevitz, Pseudonymous Litigation, 77 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1239 (2010); Donald P. Balla, John Doe Is Alive and Well: Designing Pseudonym Use in American Courts, 63 Ark. L. Rev. 691 (2010); Adam A. Milani, Doe v. Roe: An Argument for Defendant Anonymity When a Pseudonymous Plaintiff Alleges a Stigmatizing Intentional Tort, 41 Wayne L. Rev. 1659, 1712 (1995); Jayne S. Ressler, Privacy, Plaintiffs, and Pseudonyms: The Anonymous Doe Plaintiff in the Information Age, 53 U. Kan. L. Rev. 195 (2004); Jayne S. Ressler, #WorstPlaintiffEver: Popular Public Shaming and Pseudonymous Plaintiffs, 84 Tenn. L. Rev. 779 (2017); Joan Steinman, Public Trial, Pseudonymous Parties: When Should Litigants Be Permitted to Keep Their Identities Confidential?, 37 Hastings L. J. 1 (1985).

[8] “Over a century ago, Samuel Warren and Louis Brandeis . . . wrote that ‘modern enterprise and invention have, through invasions upon [an individual’s] privacy, subjected him to mental pain and distress, far greater than could be inflicted by mere bodily injury.’ The modern invention of today includes access to court files by those surfing the Internet.” EW v. New York Blood Ctr., 213 F.R.D. 108, 112–13 (E.D.N.Y. 2003); see also Gen. Orders of Div. III, Wash. Cts., In re the Use of Initials or Pseudonyms for Child Victims or Child Witnesses, https://‌www.courts.wa.gov/‌appellate_trial_courts/‌?fa=atc.genorders_orddisp&ordnumber=2012_001&div=III (ordering that all references to child witnesses or victims use “initials or pseudonyms,” “In light of the increased availability of court documents through electronic sources”).

[9] I am not discussing here the separate question of defendants who are unknown to the plaintiffs (e.g., anonymous online libelers), and who are anonymous because of that.

[10] See infra Part II.G.1.e.

[11] Cf. Eugene Volokh, Private Employees’ Speech and Political Activity: Statutory Protection Against Employer Retaliation, 16 Tex. Rev. of L. & Pol. 295 (2012).

[12] See, e.g., Ressler, #WorstPlaintiffEver, supra note 7.

[13] “At bottom, Plaintiff wants what most employment-discrimination plaintiffs would like: to sue their former employer without future employers knowing about it. But while that desire is understandable, our system of dispute resolution does not allow it.” Doe v. Fedcap Rehab. Servs., Inc., No. 17-CV-8220 (JPO), 2018 WL 2021588, *3 (S.D.N.Y. Apr. 27, 2018).

[14] Pseudonymous prosecutions of adults are extremely rare, though they do exist. United States v. Doe, 488 F.3d 1154, 1156 n.1 (9th Cir. 2007) (keeping case pseudonymous because the district court had allowed pseudonymity, but not describing the reasons for that or whether they were sufficient); People v. P.V., 64 Misc. 3d 344 (2019) (pseudonymizing published opinion discussing a transgender prostitute’s criminal conviction, and concluding that defendant was a victim of sex trafficking). See also United States v. Pilcher, 950 F.3d 39, 45 (2d Cir. 2020) (concluding that pseudonymity is generally unavailable as to habeas petitions as well).

[15] See infra Part I.C.1.

[16] The Boston Globe’s investigation of the Catholic Church’s coverup of sexual abuse by priests, dramatized in the film Spotlight, is just one especially noted example. See Michael Rezendes, Church Allowed Abuse by Priest for Years, Boston Globe, Jan. 6, 2002.

[17] See infra Part II.E.

[18] See infra Part I.D.

[19] See infra Part II.F.4.

[20] See infra Part I.G.

[21] See infra Part II.G.

[22] See infra Part II.F.4.

[23] See infra Part I.E.4.

[24] Of course, if the accused is guilty, and is lying about the defense, then it may be only fair that the public learns of the guilt. But equally, if the accuser is lying about the claim, then it may be only fair that the public learns about that.

[25] Of course, as a general matter Arnold would need to know Veronica’s identity; I focus here on pseudonymity that shields the parties’ identity from the general public, and not from other parties or the court. See, e.g., United States v. Microsoft Corp., 56 F.3d 1448, 1463 (D.C. Cir. 1995) (“We are not aware of any case in which a plaintiff was allowed to sue a defendant and still remain anonymous to that defendant. Such proceedings would, as Microsoft argues, seriously implicate due process.”); In re Sealed Case, 971 F.3d 324, 326 n.1 (D.C. Cir. 2020).

[26] See, e.g., A.B. v. C.D., No. 217CV5840DRHAYS, 2018 WL 1935999 (E.D.N.Y. Apr. 24, 2018); Painter v. Doe, No. 3:15-CV-369-MOC-DCK, 2016 WL 3766466 (W.D.N.C. July 13, 2016).

[27] See, e.g., Roe v. Does 1-11, No. 20-CV-3788-MKB-SJB, 2020 WL 6152174, *3 (E.D.N.Y. Oct. 14, 2020). But see Doe v. Doe 1, No. 1:16-cv-07359 (N.D. Ill. Aug. 24, 2016).

[28] See infra Part II.G.

[29] See infra Part II.E.1.

[30] See infra note 206.

[31] See infra Part I.C.3.

[32] See infra Part I.C.4.

[33] Ashleigh Brilliant, I May Not be Totally Perfect, But Parts of Me are Excellent, and Other Brilliant Thoughts (1979).

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3wbMNbX
via IFTTT