Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations – Time To Worry?

Authored by James PriceShane Obata and Richardson GMP, via Valuewalk.com,

The Canadian housing market has done extremely well for a very long time. As such, many people expect the trend to continue. That said, there are major vulnerabilities in the Canadian economy that pose a threat to the housing market’s continued success. In the following report we will examine the economy, the financial position of households, the housing market and the risks facing it. Lastly, we will analyze the mortgage market and Mortgage Investment Corporations (MICs). We are not convinced that the housing market is about to crash. Nonetheless, we remain extremely cautious.

Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations – Overview

2015 was a rough year for Canada as falling commodities, specifically oil, filtered through to the rest of the economy. In real terms, GDP has been almost flat since late 2014 – shortly after oil started its long decline.

Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations

The economy, however, is still holding up. Part of the reason for its resilience has been the strength of the housing market. Two regions have been leading the pack – the Greater Vancouver Area (GVA) and the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). According to the Canadian Real Estate Association (CREA), home prices increased by 17.83% and 10.29% from Nov’14 to Nov’15 in the GVA and GTA, respectively.

Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations

 

And that is just for the past year. We will get into more details later in this report. For now, it is important to realize that the Canadian housing market has been booming for a long time. There are, however, serious risks to its continued progress that we wish to explore…

Excessive Debt

Our dependence on commodities is one thing. Our reliance on debt is another. The first “vulnerability” the Bank of Canada (BoC) mentioned in its Financial System Review for Dec’15 was excess household debt. Remarkably low interest rates have encouraged borrowing. What is concerning is that individuals have been borrowing to spend on housing. As a result, debt growth has outpaced income growth. The following chart indicates that the debt-to-income ratio (red line) has continued to edge higher:

Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations

This trend calls into question the sustainability of rising home prices. When prices go up, people are required to borrow more to afford housing. This makes them more vulnerable to corrections and bear markets because asset values can fall while debts values remain the same.

More debt is not always a bad thing. Unfortunately, according to the BoC, “debt has become more concentrated in the hands of more highly indebted younger households, who may have less capacity to cope financially with a job loss or an unexpected interest rate increase”. The next graph confirms that a large share of the increase in household debt is attributable to highly indebted households under the age of 45.

Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations

For the purposes of this report, highly indebted households are those whose debt-to-income ratios exceed 350% (or the pink and red segments in the previous image). These households held ~21% of all household debt from 2012-14. This is concerning because their financial positions tend to be relatively bad. The ensuing table demonstrates that highly indebted households:

  1. Tend to have lower income and wealth,
  2. Are younger,
  3. Are less likely to have a bachelor’s degree and
  4. Are more likely to live in BC, AB or ON.

These numbers are problematic because adverse economic events will reduce their ability to service their debts.

Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations

Overheating Housing

Debt and housing are inextricably linked, so it comes as no surprise that the BoC also highlights housing as an area of concern. Mortgages represented more than three-quarters of the increase in household debt from 2012-14. The circular issue for Canadian housing is that leverage is driving house prices, which necessitates more leverage. The danger is, of course, that falling house prices lead to rising defaults (and vice versa). In that case, collateral values would drop, resulting in losses not only for the homeowners, but also for lenders (principal) and mortgage insurers.

Nonetheless, the Canadian housing market is not homogeneous. For one, there is a trifurcation among 1) British Columbia and Ontario, 2) Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Newfoundland and Labrador and 3) The rest of Canada. The following diagram shows that resale activity and price growth have been much stronger in BC and ON than anywhere else.

Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations

It is also important to note that weakness in the commodity-related economy is filtering through to housing. In AB, SK and NL, annualized resales are down and prices are contracting. Moreover, rental vacancy rates in those areas are rising.

Another notable fact is that the GVA and GTA account for one-third of the Canadian housing market’s value and one-third of the mortgage market’s value. Higher property values and incomes are to be expected in big cities. That said, if one or both of those regions begin to roll over economically then the rest of the country and the financial system will be under pressure.

 

Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations

Major Risks

As we have outlined, the Canadian economy and housing market appear vulnerable. That is not to say that we are about to go into a prolonged recession; however, there are substantial risks that could push us in that direction. One risk is that mortgage rates will rise, escalating the cost of debt service. This would be negative for the economy because it would put even more pressure on our highly indebted households. However, in our view, that is not very likely. Although the U.S. is moving towards tighter monetary policy, Canada is not. Moreover, 5-year yields, which most mortgage rates are tied to, are low and seem well contained. Our economy is already suffering because of weakness in the oil patch. As such, we do not expect the Bank of Canada to raise rates anytime soon.

The other risk is that the country goes into recession as a result of continued weakness in commodities and lower demand from the emerging markets. In this case, broader and increasing unemployment would reduce the ability of households to service their debts. This would be particularly bad for the highly leveraged households we referred to earlier.

Our view is that housing is increasingly being purchased using a “cash flow” model whereby consumers determine the total cost of the property based on their ability to service the monthly mortgage payments, disregarding the absolute levels of debt they will take on to do so.

A purchaser who is able to spend $1000/month on a mortgage can service a $170,000 mortgage at 5% (with a 25-year amortization period). Drop the interest rate to 2.5%, and that same $1000/month now services a $230,000 mortgage. A standard 25% down payment would drive the price of a house from $266,600 to $306,000. And that assumes the purchaser does not choose to spend more than the $1000/month. Low interest costs have made housing seem more affordable than it actually is. As you can see in the following chart, the interest only debt service ratio (red line), which measures interest payments relative to debt, has been in decline since Q1 of 1990.

Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations

Meanwhile, the total debt service ratio (blue line), which includes both principal and debt, has been relatively flat for the past eight years. This means that people are taking on, and paying for, more principal than they did in the past.

The CMHC has made some real steps to curb this by limiting amortization periods to 25 years and by increasing minimum required down payments. Both of these actions force borrowers to pay down their debts faster. Even so, the reality is that debt loads are already very high.

Mortgage rates are determined by the bond market. With the benchmark Canada 5-year bond yield at 0.65%, borrowing rates could go lower, but not by much. While we don’t foresee materially higher rates in the near term, we feel the tailwind of dropping rates is played out.

A weaker employment backdrop would make debt service even more difficult than it already is. If that transpired then we would expect defaults to rise and home prices to fall. That would have a negative impact on household wealth with debt/asset ratios rising due to falling assets. This would also be negative for consumption since rising defaults would cause both lenders and spenders to retrench.

Economic weakness is evident in Alberta and Saskatchewan. If it spreads to the rest of the country then we would be especially cautious about the housing market.

The Mortgage Market

As of May 2015, the total amount of mortgages outstanding was $1.5 trillion, 87% of which was residential. The vast majority (85-90%) of these mortgages are originated by federally or provincially regulated entities. Only ~5% are originated by unregulated lenders. Still, mortgage credit growth at less-regulated entities continues to be strong.

This is worrisome because, for these lenders, there are no legislated reserve requirements or limitations on LTV ratios. As such, it is reasonable to assume that they deal with riskier mortgages.

Canadian Housing & Mortgage Investment Corporations

Mortgage Investment Corporations

Mortgage investment corporations (MICs) account for the majority of unregulated mortgage lending in Canada. Fundamental Research Corporation built a database of 72 entities that operate as MICs or have similar structures. They found that their total holdings amount to at least $6.74 billion or 0.45% of the total market. MICs specialize in short term (6 to 24 months), high yield mortgages. At least 40% of their assets must be invested in residential mortgages, cash and CDIC insured deposits. They pay no corporate tax and act as a flow through entity – i.e. they payout 100% of their income as distributions to investors (who are left with the tax burden). As such, the value of their shares should remain the same unless they suffer capital losses. MICs earn interest and fees (origination, renewal and cancelation) from borrowers. In order to fund themselves, MICs borrow from banks and issue equity to investors.

We consider MICs riskier than other housing derivatives for reasons we will address later in this paper. Still, there are multiple differences between firms. We are building a proprietary database which compares both private and public MICs on a variety of metrics. Here is a brief summary of our findings:

MICs vary in terms of…

  • Fund size: Some public firms are closing in on $500 million AUM while other private ones have fewer than $50 million under management
  • The number of loans: Some firms have hundreds of them while others have fewer than 30
  • Allocations towards first and second mortgages: First mortgages are safer than second mortgages because they represent a priority claim on the property that secures the mortgage
  • Average loan-to-value ratios (LTV): Range from ~35% to >70%
  • Average loan size: Ranges from <$100,000 to $7,500,000
  • Average term: Ranges from 0.6 to 4.9 years
  • Geographic exposure: Most companies tend to focus on Ontario, but to varying degrees

Like all investments, MICs vary in quality. Some are geared to maximize income while others emphasize capital preservation. Even so, we are cautious on the space as a whole. The two biggest risks for MICs are non-performing loans (NPLs) and fraud. These firms have been performing well in recent years; however, it is important to consider the underlying fundamentals of real estate in general. The Canadian housing market has been in a bull market for a long time. If unemployment rises and home prices fall then it is reasonable to assume that the number of NPLs will increase. Fraud is also an elevated risk because of the lack of oversight in the unregulated market – both on the lending side and the investment side.

We are also skeptical about MICs for structural reasons. One issue is that they are reliant on financing to grow. In addition, managers have an incentive to grow their asset base because they are mostly paid based on AUM. Since all profits are paid out, asset growth has to come from making new loans. This makes MICs vulnerable to falling demand from investors, rising borrowing and financing costs and waning support from the banks.

Another problem is a lack of loan-loss reserves. The Office of the Superintendent of Finance (OSFI), the regulator overseeing the MIC structure, requires that substantially all profits are paid out to investors, leaving little in the way of reserves to protect against defaults. If defaults rise then mortgage values will be impaired and MICs will have limited means to protect their holdings. In our opinion, that would result in immediate gating (when the fund does not allow redemptions). For example, one of the firms we looked at had a $3.6 million provision for losses at the end of Q3’15 vs. $459 million of mortgages receivable.

Conclusion

Canada is vulnerable because its households are heavily indebted and its housing market is overheated. The CMHC just released its quarterly Housing Market Assessment report, which found the following among its conclusions: “Overvaluation and overbuilding are the most prevalent problematic conditions observed across the 15 centres covered by the HMA. Overvaluation is detected in 8 centres while overbuilding is detected in 7”. The full report is available here.

The major risk is that the economy falters and unemployment rises, leading to deterioration in the household’s ability to service their monthly mortgage payments. In terms of MICs, we remain guarded. We would not advise chasing for yield at the expense of stringent lending standards, and would favour the most transparent structures as well. Yes, there are vast differences in quality across the space. Nonetheless, we would expect them to underperform relative to other housing investments if and when the market begins to weaken.


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A Top Performing Hedge Fund Just Went Record Short: Here’s Why

When we last looked at the $2.9 billion Horseman Capital, we reported that not only has the fund which many have called the “most bearish in the world” generated tremendous returns almost every single year since inception (except for a 25% drop in 2009 after returning 31% during the cataclysmic 2008), but more notably, it has achieved that return while been net short – and quite bearish on – stocks ever since 2012.

In that period it has consistently generated low double-digit returns, a feat virtually none of its competitors have managed to replicate. Its performance has put it in the top percentile of all hedge funds in recent years.

Furthermore, in a year most other hedge funds would love to forget, the fund “crushed it”, with a 20.45% return for 2015 and 5.6% in the tumultuous month of December. 

Today, we received Horseman’s latest February numbers and the fund’s outperformance has continued: in a very volatile month, in which many hedge funds were stopped out in both directions, Horseman returned a respectable 1.5%, after 8% the month before, and with a 9.6% YTD tally, it remains in the 99%+ percentile of returns for the year.

Outperforming the market is hardly new to Horseman: it has been doing so for four years in a row, and not surprisingly, 2015 was its best year since 2008. 2016 is starting off just as good as the prior year.

What was the source of Horseman’s February outperformance? Recall that in January it was all about short Chinese exposure. This is what the fund was shorting in February:

This month both the long and short equity portfolios incurred small losses while gains came from the long positions in government bonds and the currency positions. Losses came primarily from the small remaining long positions in European banks and from the short positions in the automobile sector. Gains were made in discount retailers in the long portfolio and in financials in the short portfolio.

 

In the airline industry, the decision to operate a new or an old aircraft has nothing to do with safety or reliability as routinely airliners fly 100,000 hours or more before they are retired out of service. According to Aviation Consultants 360, the Federal Aviation Administration does not disqualify an aircraft based on its chronological age when determining a jet aircraft’s condition or safety. What counts is the aircraft’s current maintenance status, its maintenance history, current required upgrades and engines.

 

Manufacturers have made significant improvements in engine efficiency, but it only matters when fuel prices are high. Improvements have been made in avionics and communication but these are separate safety issues beyond the safety and reliability of the aircraft’s airframe, and the equipment can be updated. Consequently, for all practical purposes, a well maintained 30 year old aircraft with 10,000 hours on its airframe is as safe and dependable as any new aircraft but costs only a fraction. According to Aviation Consultants 360, in many ways, the older aircraft is safer; it has history and is known to be safe, a huge benefit.

 

Although Boeing and Airbus revealed record production figures for 2015, net new orders fell by almost half at Boeing and a third at Airbus. An analyst at Citigroup recently pointed that in the aviation cycle before 2008, around 70% of demand for new airplanes was from airlines and leasing companies planning to add capacity, and that since then, demand from customers seeking to replace old planes with new more fuel efficient ones has risen to more than half of deliveries. In our opinion, as fuel prices have fallen, the replacement market is likely to shrink as fuel efficiency is no longer a top priority.

 

A large part of Boeing and Airbus’ order books has been driven by demand from emerging countries’ low cost airlines (sources: Boeing; Airbus), who in our opinion, may cancel orders in the event of further emerging markets currency devaluations versus the US dollar. During the month we built a short position to aircraft manufacturers and aircraft leasing companies of about 10%.

So while being bearish China was the flavor of last month, this time it is all about shorting airplane manufacturers.

This is what Horseman’s sector allocation looks like as of this moment:

However, what remains most remarakable about Horseman Capital is that even as it modestly boosted its gross exposure to 59%, as of February the fund’s net short exposure has risen from what was a previous record of 76%, to a whopping -88%, an unprecedented record even for one of the world’s most bearish hedge funds!

Finally or those seeking to glean some wisdom from the Horseman’s inimitable Chief Investment Manager, Russell Clark, here is his latest letter.

* * *

Your fund made 1.47% net last month mainly on the back of its Japan related positions.

The fund has had a good move from its last drawdown in October of last year, and is probably overdue for a pullback. The first few days of March are bearing this out. However in many ways the drawdown in the fund began in February, as consensus short positions in the market began to rally furiously. Good examples are stocks such as Glencore, which the market was pricing for bankruptcy in January, has now seen its stock price rise 58% year to date. The 10 best performing stocks in the S&P this year, were down last year on average 40%. The reality is no one likes it when loser stocks rally. It makes everyone look bad. Short sellers get crushed, best performing long managers from last year start underperforming the market, and investors wonder why they even bother with active managers!

Sadly, I am all too familiar with markets like these. A significant and surprising move in the market, for example yen strength in February, can cause significant losses in a large macro fund. This macro fund will then seek to reduce risk, and will sell long positions and buy back short positions. This can cause a short counter trend rally, which is painfully, but usually short lived.

My view is that when indices have broken down and are trading as a bear market the best thing to do is to try and reduce the long book as much as possible. There is a strong temptation to find “safe” long positions to own that will reduce the net short position of your fund. I have found this to be the worst possible thing to do as almost every other market participant is trying to crowd into these same safe positions. When the inevitable redemptions come, long positions get sold and short positions get covered, and your “safe” longs end up causing as much damage as your short book.

For that reason over the last year as the bear market has become more and more apparent, I have been continually adding to the short book and selling the long book. I have also been moving the fund to less consensual bearish ideas, such as long yen and short Japanese and European exporters. This strategy has paid dividends in February, which was a very tough month for many other short sellers. The big rally in the yen, helped our currency book, bond book (our JGBs have had a significant move) and short Japanese stocks positions.

I have always felt that having these type of non-consensual trades on are very important as they give you time to observe the market before making a change to the strategy. The equity and commodity markets are sending signals that perhaps the bear market in commodities and the related bear market in emerging markets is over. This however seems very unlikely to me, as many of the indicators for commodity supply are still flashing red, and the issue of excessive capacity has not really been adequately addressed. Big moves in commodity prices could be suggestive of government policies finally becoming effective in creating inflation and above trend growth. However what we are also seeing is a strong yen and falling bond yields, which is not consistent with accelerating growth or inflation.

More likely the yen rally in February has been extremely painful for a number of large macro funds, and has caused these funds to cut risk from the long and short book, which given consensual positioning in markets is causing a great deal more pain. If history is a guide, I would assume that we are nearly through this mean reversion trade.

Your fund remains short equities, long bonds.


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Lawmakers Vote to Make Airbnb Legal in Virginia…For Now

BedroomThe Virginia General Assembly recently passed legislation that would clarify laws on residential rentals posted on websites such as Airbnb. The legislation, still awaiting the governor’s signature, is a win for the sharing economy but it would be even better if it were permanent.

Airbnb wasn’t explicitly illegal in Virginia prior to this law, however local jurisdictions were free to set their own restrictions. One of the primary catalysts for the new standards was a zoning ordinance in Richmond banning rentals for less than 30 days. Because Richmond hosted the UCI Road World Championships back in September, there was an unusually high demand for lodging in the city. The ordinance prevented some property owners from cashing in on that opportunity.

The new legislation sets uniform standards for short term rentals and clarifies what kinds of rules local governments can and can’t pass. For example, cities and counties can’t ban Airbnb-style rentals altogether or require them to follow the same rules as hotels. However, local authorities can enforce rules like noise and parking restrictions.

So far so good. But at the last minute an amendment was added that will force the legislature to start the whole process over again when the new law sunsets a year from now. The Housing Commission has to put together a study to explore issues of “registration, land use, tax, and other issues of public interests associated with the short-term rental of dwelling and other units.” Presumably, the results of that study will determine what kind of laws the Assembly passes in 2017.

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Friday A/V Club: The First Presidential Debate of the Broadcast Era

Let's see, what's in these notes? Hmm. "Lockbox"..."I paid for this microphone"...something about Poland being free... What is all this crap?If you’re sick of the Clinton/Sanders and Trump/Cruz/Rubio/Kasich debates, here’s an alternative: the very first presidential debate to be broadcast in the United States. No, not one of the Kennedy/Nixon face-offs of 1960—those were the first televised debates. This was a radio program aired in 1948, pitting two Republicans against each other right before Oregon held the campaign’s final primary. The candidates agreed in advance to focus on just one issue: whether the Communist Party should be outlawed.

The debate was held in Portland on May 17. The debaters were Minnesota Gov. Harold Stassen, representing the liberal wing of the party, and New York Gov. Thomas Dewey, generally considered a moderate. (Several other candidates were running for the nomination as well, most notably Ohio Sen. Robert Taft—widely seen as the party’s leading conservative, though he considered himself a liberal in the classical sense of the word. But only Stassen and Dewey were on the Oregon ballot.) The format didn’t have much in common with the debates we’re used to today: Stassen spent 20 minutes making his case, Dewey got the same amount of time to respond, they each issued brief rebuttals, and then it was over. Stassen tried to shoehorn several issues into his opening spiel, but Dewey didn’t take the bait: After a wry reference to Stassen’s “eloquent discussion of the subject, and of all the other matters which he brought up,” he kept his attention on the topic at hand and Stassen followed suit.

No, dear. That would be illegal.Interestingly, it was Stassen, the liberal, who wanted to ban the Communist Party. “Such a law would not outlaw ideas,” he insisted. “It would not outlaw thoughts. It would make illegal organized conspiracies of fifth columnists.” Dewey retorted that organized conspiracies of fifth columnists were already illegal, and that prohibiting the party would threaten American civil liberties; he ended the hour with a rousing account of the damage done by the Alien and Sedition Acts. The New Yorker was in no sense a consistent civil libertarian—at one point he even favorably cited the Smith Act, which made it illegal to advocate the overthrow of the U.S. government—but relatively speaking, it was clear which candidate was friendlier to the Bill of Rights.

There’s a lot more that’s interesting about the debate, from Stassen’s endorsement of the draft to the ways the fear of Soviet subversion was wrapped up with fears of labor unrest. A good deal of the hour was spent arguing about whether or not a particular bill that Stassen supported would in fact outlaw the party. Here’s the whole thing:

Taft, for the record, shared Dewey’s opposition to banning the Communist Party. And since Stassen brought up peacetime conscription, I should note that Taft was opposed to that too. If you reflexively associate conservatives with the excesses of the Cold War and liberals with the defense of dissent, the 1948 primaries should add a little nuance to those stereotypes.

Dewey went on to win both the primary and the nomination, then lost to Harry Truman in November. Stassen became a perennial presidential candidate and Mad magazine gag. And the Communists provided the final footnote to the show. According to the website Our Campaigns, “William Z. Foster of the Communist Party asked for equal time to set forth his party’s views on the Dewey-Stassen debate. [The Mutual Broadcasting System] set up a debate between Foster and Norman Thomas, the Socialist Party candidate for President. Foster refused to hold a joint debate with Thomas, so MBS backed out.”

(For past editions of the Friday A/V Club, go here. For a radio debate between Norman Thomas and a different communist, go here.)

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Obama To Push Passage Of TPP Trade Deal Despite Rising Public Opposition

Submitted by Mike Krieger via Liberty Blitzkrieg blog,

The United States is in the final stages of negotiating the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a massive free-trade agreement with Mexico, Canada, Japan, Singapore and seven other countries. Who will benefit from the TPP? American workers? Consumers? Small businesses? Taxpayers? Or the biggest multinational corporations in the world?

 

One strong hint is buried in the fine print of the closely guarded draft. The provision, an increasingly common feature of trade agreements, is called “Investor-State Dispute Settlement,” or ISDS. The name may sound mild, but don’t be fooled. Agreeing to ISDS in this enormous new treaty would tilt the playing field in the United States further in favor of big multinational corporations. Worse, it would undermine U.S. sovereignty.

 

ISDS would allow foreign companies to challenge U.S. laws – and potentially to pick up huge payouts from taxpayers – without ever stepping foot in a U.S. court. Here’s how it would work. Imagine that the United States bans a toxic chemical that is often added to gasoline because of its health and environmental consequences. If a foreign company that makes the toxic chemical opposes the law, it would normally have to challenge it in a U.S. court. But with ISDS, the company could skip the U.S. courts and go before an international panel of arbitrators. If the company won, the ruling couldn’t be challenged in U.S. courts, and the arbitration panel could require American taxpayers to cough up millions – and even billions – of dollars in damages.

 

If that seems shocking, buckle your seat belt. ISDS could lead to gigantic fines, but it wouldn’t employ independent judges. Instead, highly paid corporate lawyers would go back and forth between representing corporations one day and sitting in judgment the next. Maybe that makes sense in an arbitration between two corporations, but not in cases between corporations and governments. If you’re a lawyer looking to maintain or attract high-paying corporate clients, how likely are you to rule against those corporations when it’s your turn in the judge’s seat?

 

–  From the 2015 post: As the Senate Prepares to Vote on “Fast Track,” Here’s a Quick Primer on the Dangers of the TPP

Public opposition to the sovereignty killing corporate giveaway marketed as a free trade deal known as the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) has become so widespread that all the leading candidates for the U.S. Presidency are publicly against it. Specifically, Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders are virulently opposed, while Hillary Clinton is pretending to be against it in order to harvest votes.

Essentially, the more time the American public has to learn about this scam, the more they are against it. Which is precisely why the Obama administration wants to push it through as quickly as possible.

Reuters reports:

 

U.S. President Barack Obama is fully committed to pushing for Congress to ratify the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) deal despite anti-trade sentiment gaining steam on the presidential election campaign trail, National Security Adviser Susan Rice said on Wednesday.

 

Voter anxiety and anger over international trade and the 12-nation Pacific trade pact have helped propel the campaign of Donald Trump, the Republican front-runner, as well as Senator Bernie Sanders, who is running against Hillary Clinton for the Democratic nomination.

 

“The president remains fully committed to working to achieve ratification on the U.S. side and encouraging all of our TPP partners to move through their domestic processes to do the same,” Rice told Reuters in an interview on Wednesday. 

In case you aren’t up to speed with how much of a corporate coup this trade deal is, see:

How the TPP Could Lead to Worldwide Internet Censorship

U.S. State Department Upgrades Serial Human Rights Abuser Malaysia to Include it in the TPP

Julian Assange on the TPP – “Deal Isn’t About Trade, It’s About Corporate Control”

Trade Expert and TPP Whistleblower – “We Should Be Very Concerned about What’s Hidden in This Trade Deal”

As the Senate Prepares to Vote on “Fast Track,” Here’s a Quick Primer on the Dangers of the TPP

You didn’t think Obama was gonna let some angry plebs prevent him from ensuring huge speaking fees upon leaving office, did you?


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Six Percent of Americans Have Accepted Payment for Sex

In a new nationwide poll from YouGov, six percent of respondents said they have been paid for sex in the past, and seven percent have paid someone else for sex. Men and women were equally likely to have accepted payment for sex, but just one percent of the women said they had paid for it themselves, while 12 percent of the men said as much.

The findings were part of a broader survey about American attitudes toward prostitution and how society should handle it. YouGov interviewed 1,000 American adults between March 5-7, 2016, with results that get particularly interesting when broken down by demographics. One of the most notable findings is that twenty-somethings are much more likely than their elders to think buying and selling sex should be illegal and to recommend prison as an appropriate punishment. 

Overall, slightly more people say getting paid for sex should be illegal (43 percent) than say that it should be legal (40 percent)—although with a 4.5 percent of margin of error on the study, the opposite could just as well be true. Seventeen percent weren’t sure. A somewhat larger number of respondents were in favor of criminalizing the purchase of sex, with 45 percent in favor, 39 opposed, and 17 percent again unsure. 

Among the youngest cohort, however, a full 50 percent of respondents said it should be illegal to pay for sex and 46 percent said it should be illegal to accept payment for it. 

The gender divide in prostitution views was also stark, with men significantly more likely than women to say that both buying and selling sex should be legal. Half of male respondents said paying for sex should be legal, a position shared by just 29 percent of female respondents. Just 37 percent of male respondents said it should be criminalized, while 52 of the women surveyed did. 

The breakdown was similar for accepting payment for sex: 51 percent of men said it should be legal and 36 percent said it should be illegal, while just 30 percent of women said it should be legal and 50 percent said it should be illegal.

Those who thought paying for sex should be illegal were asked about appropriate punishments. The largest block were in favor of community service (42 percent), followed by “small fines” (22 percent) and prison (20 percent); 16 percent weren’t sure. Answers were nearly identical on desired punishments for people selling sex. 

Ideas about punishments for prostitution were not strongly gendered, but those under 30 were much more likely to say prison was appropriate. Thirty-three percent of 20-somethings want to throw people in jail for paying for sex, a sentiment shared by just 24 percent of the next oldest group, 11 percent of 45- to 64-year-olds, and 12 percent of those over age 65.

Twenty-somethings were also the most likely to say prison was an appropriate punishment for sex workers, with 24 percent in favor. Just 15 percent of the oldest cohort believed prison was the answer. 

And the kids were only slightly more likely than those 65+ to view buying or paying for sex as “morally acceptable,” too. Those in the 30- to 44-year-old range, meanwhile, were least likely to see a problem with it. Overall, 57 and 56 percent of people said it was “morally wrong” to offer or receive money for sex. 

Republicans were more likely than Democrats to have paid for sex (seven percent versus four percent), but also much more likely to say that doing so was immoral (70 percent versus 54 percent). Democrats were also more supportive of legalizing the buying and selling of sex, with around 40 percent of them in favor, compared to just 30-32 percent of Republicans.

Democrats were also more likely than Republicans to have been paid for sex, at eight percent versus five percent. Overall, people in their thirties and early 40s were the most likely to have accepted payment for sex, at nine percent, while eight percent of 45- to 64-year-old respondents had been paid for it. 

Unsurprisingly, those in the lowest and middle-income brackets were the most likely to have been paid for sex, but they were also more likely than richer respondents to have paid for sex themselves. The regional split was pretty even for sex buyers, although there were more people who had been paid for sex in the Midwest. 

Whites were more likely than blacks to say they had purchased sex (7 percent versus 5 percent), but less likely to say they had been paid for it (four percent versus 10 percent). Blacks outpaced whites in support for the criminalizaiton of prostitution but were less likely to see prison as an appropriate punishment, especially for those on the selling end. Just eight percent of blacks supported prison time for those who sell sex, compared 23 percent of whites and 25 percent of Hispanics. 

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CRISPR Critters and the New Gene Revolution in Agriculture: New at Reason

GiantBroccoli“For better or for worse, CRISPR–Cas9 is transforming biology,” the editors of Nature Genetics observe in the current issue. “We are now at the dawn of the gene-editing age.” The amazing CRISPR gene-editing technology, which has been likened to a genetic word processor, allows researchers to make specific changes ranging from tweaking a single DNA base pair to revising whole paragraphs of genetic information. CRISPR enables plant breeders to add or subtract basically any trait to crops and livestock. CRISPR can safely endow crops with resistance to pests, disease, salt, heat, and drought. Livestock can be made healthier and meatier. CRISPR will enable farmers to grow more, better, and safer food while sparing more land for nature—but only if regulators will stay out of the way.

View this article.

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GOP Candidates (Except Trump) Promise Not to Kill Families of Terrorism Suspects (Intentionally)

The Republican candidates at last night’s debate went on the record on the issue of targeting the families of terrorism suspects, an idea first floated by Donald Trump, who defended it at the debate. The other candidates opposed it.

This is what the debate on the war on terror looks like 15 years after 9/11—with the Republican frontrunner promising he will order the military to commit war crimes.

Well, first, Trump insists, he’ll make such actions legal.

“Now, we have to obey the laws,” Trump told the debate audience in Miami. “But we have to expand those laws, because we have to be able to fight on at least somewhat of an equal footing or we will never ever knock out ISIS and all of the others that are so bad.”

Trump continued: “We better expand our laws or we’re being a bunch of suckers, and they are laughing at us. They are laughing at us, believe me.”

Asked whether he would pursue a policy of targeting the families of terrorism suspects, Marco Rubio said it wasn’t necessary. Instead, he claimed U.S. intelligence agencies had been “hamstrung” and that unleashing them, as well as spending more money on the military, would “defeat terrorists.” No specifics on what that would entail from Rubio.

Ted Cruz also rejected the idea of targeting families of terrorism suspects. “We’ve never targeted innocent civilians and we’re not going to start now,” he said, before offering empathy for the people who support such a position.

“But listen, Jake, I understand,” Cruz said, referring to debate moderator CNN’s Jake Tapper. “People are scared and for seven years, we’ve faced terrorist attacks and President Obama lectures Americans on Islamophobia. That is maddening.”

Cruz then pivoted to the Iran deal, claiming Trump supported Hillary Clinton and John Kerry’s efforts, and finally to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, claiming Trump comments about being “neutral” in the conflict were actually anti-Israeli.

Unfortunately, Cruz wasn’t asked how rejecting the idea of targeting families comports with his “make the sand glow” approach to destroying ISIS. Carpet bombing can catch plenty of innocent civilians with or without explicit acknowledgement of that.

Last week, Glenn Greenwald observed that many of Trump’s “policy proposals” aren’t contradictory to the U.S. mainstream but an “uncomfortable reflection of it.” Trump’s desire to kill the families of terrorism suspects fits into that—drone strikes are estimated to have killed about 5,000 people, and up to 1,000 of them may have been civilians. The numbers could be even higher, with the Obama administration working on releasing kill numbers for the drone only in the twilight of its term.

The U.S. often doesn’t know the identity of who its killing; “signature strikes” rely on profiling. The U.S. has bombed wedding parties and emergency responders arriving at the scene of earlier strikes. Plenty of families have been killed already. These realities even inform our action movies. London Has Fallen revolves around a Paris-style terrorist attack targeting Western leaders over a drone strike that killed the family of a gun-running terrorist but not the terrorist himself. It includes a scene where the vice president (played by Morgan Freeman) and the terrorist leader exchange accusations over who sells weapons to bad guys. The U.S. is the number one arms merchant in the world.

Ted Cruz bemoans the president’s rhetoric on Islamophobia because people are scared of terrorist attacks. Yet Obama’s rhetoric on Islamophobia is also maddening because it doesn’t acknowledge the role U.S. counterterrorism policies play in encouraging Islamophobia by overstating the threat of Islamist terror.

When the U.S. killed 150 Somalis last weekend, the military insisted they posed an “imminent threat” to U.S. forces in Somalia. U.S. foreign policy often contributes to the metastization of terrorist threats around the world. That contributes to Islamophobia and acclimates Americans to the idea of killing the families of terrorism suspects, creating the room for Donald Trump. When the U.S. killed 16-year-old Abdulrahman Al-Awlaki, the son of Anwar Al-Awlaki, both U.S. citizens, Robert Gibbs, a former Obama White House press secretary, said the boy should’ve had “a more responsible father.”

Of course, President Obama says he has nothing to do with the rise of Trump either.

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Donald Trump’s Plan to Preserve Social Security by Eliminating Waste, Fraud, and Abuse Doesn’t Even Come Close to Adding Up

Donald Trump has staked out a position as the GOP primary’s most ardent defender of Social Security. He has promised not to change the benefit in any way, and insisted that he will both defend the program, which is on track to insolvency, from any cuts or changes and reduce annual deficits and the national debt at the same time.

Trump repeated this pledge at last night’s GOP debate, saying that he “will do everything within my power not to touch Social Security, to leave it the way it is; to make this country rich again; to bring back our jobs; to get rid of deficits; to get rid of waste, fraud and abuse, which is rampant in this country, rampant, totally rampant.”

As is so often the case when Trump talks policy, his response makes clear that he has no idea what he’s talking about.

Let’s start with “waste, fraud, and abuse.” Eliminating waste, fraud, and abuse is one of Trump’s favorite talking point solutions for covering budget gaps. It’s not a bad idea, exactly, but getting rid of all improper payments in the Social Security system—assuming this could even be done, which is exceedingly unlikely if you otherwise leave Social Security in its current form—would only net about $3 billion in savings annually.

That might sound like a lot, but relative to the overall size of the program, it’s not. As the Center for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB) points out, that only represents about 0.4 percent of the program’s $900 billion a year in benefit payments. To put Social Security on the track to solvency, you’d need to come up with savings on the order of $150 billion every year.

To her credit, debate moderator Dana Bash followed up with Trump by pointing this out. Trump’s response was to claim that he’s not just talking about waste, fraud, and abuse in Social Security. And then he changed the subject to suggest—well, it’s not clearly exactly what, but something to do with cutting back on foreign military involvement.

Because they don’t cover most of the subjects. We’re the policemen of the world. We take care of the entire world. We’re going to have a stronger military, much stronger. Our military is depleted. But we take care of Germany, we take care of Saudi Arabia, we take care of Japan, we take care of South Korea. We take — every time this maniac from North Korea does anything, we immediately send our ships. We get virtually nothing.

We have 28,000 soldiers on the line, on the border between North and South Korea. We have so many places. Saudi Arabia was making a billion dollars a day, and we were getting virtually nothing to protect them. We are going to be in a different world. We’re going to negotiate real deals now, and we’re going to bring the wealth back to our country. We owe $19 trillion. We’re going to bring wealth back to our country.

The most generous reading here is that Trump wants to save money by reducing the U.S. global military presence. And you could save money—perhaps a lot—by cutting back on the Defense Department’s global footprint through base closures and troop reductions.

But it’s hard to square this with Trump’s repeated declarations on the campaign trail that he would make a big effort to increase America’s military strength and power.

“I want to build up the military so nobody messes with us,” he said last year, a promise he’s repeated in some variation many times since. “I would bring it back to where it was at the height because we’re in such trouble.” That doesn’t sound like a plan for savings. It sounds like a plan for a significant increase in military spending. And Trump’s idea that he would do this and create savings at the same time by making better “deals”—a word he waves around like an all-purpose magic wand for political solutions—is just nonsense hand-waving.

Still, let’s assume for a moment that Trump somehow or another finds a way to fund Social Security using military savings. That still leaves the problem of national debt, which Trump says he would reduce. The evidence of his actual plans strongly suggests otherwise. 

As Trump says himself, in a figure he manages not to totally mangle, national debt stands around $19 trillion right now. And the rest of Trump’s plans—in particular his proposed tax cuts—would increase national debt by anywhere from $12 to $15 trillion, according to a CRFB estimate.

Trump has no plan whatsoever to offset this massive increase in the debt. Indeed, no such plan would be remotely plausible, politically or economically. As CRFB president Maya MacGuineas said in a statement last night, “no reasonable amount of spending cuts or economic growth could cover” the overall cost of his plans.

None of this appears to matter to Trump, though. He isn’t just sloppy with some details. He doesn’t have the slightest clue what he’s talking about.

In defending his refusal to touch Social Security last night, he also said he wanted to do things “that will bring back GDP. I mean, as an example, GDP was zero essentially for the last two quarters.” GDP was not zero for the last two quarters. That’s not how GDP—which stands for Gross Domestic Product and is a measure of a country’s total economic output—works. U.S. GDP is close to $18 trillion. Maybe he meant GDP growth, but even if so, he was still wrong. GDP grew at 1.9 percent in the fourth quarter of last year, and 2.1 percent in the quarter before that. 

Trump is just not serious about any of this. At a previous GOP debate, he suggested that he would cut $300 billion in spending from a $78 billion program. His health care plan is mostly a demonstration of how little he or anyone associated with his campaign understands, or even cares to understand, health care policy. 

Trump’s plans when it comes to debt and deficits, to taxes and entitlements, to health care and trade, are total fantasy, driven by disregard for even the most basic understanding of policy detail. Every time he insists he has some sort of policy or plan, what he ends up making clear that he has no such thing. 

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