Did Mamdani Win Because of Halal Cart Socialism?

There are a lot of reasons why Zohran Mamdani surged to a surprise victory in the Democratic primary race for New York City mayor. His opponent was former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, a tired, old, corrupt, creepy symbol of the feckless Democratic establishment. The cost of living and, in particular, housing, in New York City is absurdly high. Mamdani himself is young, energetic, and charming, even if you don’t support his worldview. 

But in some ways you can capture Mamdani’s appeal in a single, simple image: halal food carts. Halal food carts are a staple of New York’s working-class food culture. But in recent years, as food prices have soared nationwide, they have become increasingly expensive. And as Republican pollster Kristen Soltis Anderson pointed out on this week’s Reason Roundtable, Mamdani was able to channel public frustration with halal cart price increases effectively into a zippy, viral video

Here’s what Anderson said on Roundtable when discussing the causes of Mamdani’s win. 

I think that populist viewpoints blended with real communications savvy and an understanding of how to reach voters in the year of our Lord 2025 is a pretty unbeatable combination these days. Not too many politicians have it, but he’s clearly one of them. 

I’ve been thinking a lot over the last couple of days about the video of him going around to halal carts, talking about how the cost of a plate of chicken and rice is too high and we need to make it cheaper. I would argue that most of his policies are not necessarily going to achieve those reduced cost of living type ends, or at least not do so without enormous government subsidies and intervention. But he was focused on the right issue. He was doing so in a way that is very smart communication strategy. 

So I would take his victory less as an endorsement of the far left on the part of the New York Democratic primary electorate and more that establishment politicians should take nothing for granted and populism. That focus on cost of living is extremely politically potent these days. 

It wasn’t just food carts. Mamdani embraced narrowly targeted new media, appearing on the niche menswear and culture podcast Throwing Fits to talk about, among other things, his favorite trashy reality television. He worked with a publicist well known to New York “cool kids”—the New York Times‘ description—to target hip younger voters. And he ultimately won on the strength of the support of younger voters. 

Anderson is the author of The Selfie Vote, a book about young voters. And as she noted elsewhere in the pod, she was rather stunned by a ballot analysis showing that toward the end of the final week, “the biggest group of voters, just in terms of raw numbers, were young voters in this primary. As someone who’s written about young voters a lot, that doesn’t happen. It just doesn’t happen.” But thanks to a combination of halal carts, niche media, and a relentless focus on cost of living, in this case, well, it did. 

As we talk about on the podcast, that doesn’t mean Mamdani’s policies are good ideas, or that they will work to bring down prices. There are plenty of reasons to think his approach—to subsidize, regulate, and impose price controls on just about everything—will, if anything, make things even worse. 

Halal cart socialism won’t work as policy. But in New York, it worked as politics. And Mamdani’s appeal to young voters is real, and other politicians, especially on the left, are no doubt watching.

If there’s good news for libertarians and others who oppose socialist policies, it’s that Mamdani’s win doesn’t necessarily signal strong support for his brand of full-bore socialism. Rather, Mamdani rode to victory on a combination of frustration with affordability—especially housing—and exhaustion with an establishment that has repeatedly failed to deliver, plus some social media savvy. So other policy agendas aimed at solving those problems might have a chance. Who’s ready for halal cart libertarianism? 

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The Supreme Court, Martians, Justice Jackson, and Chief Justice Roberts

Justice Jackson’s dissent in the universal injunction case (CASA, Inc. v. Trump) includes this line:

A Martian arriving here from another planet would see these circumstances and surely wonder: “what good is the Constitution, then?” What, really, is this system for protecting people’s rights if it amounts to this—placing the onus on the victims to invoke the law’s protection, and rendering the very institution that has the singular function of ensuring compliance with the Constitution powerless to prevent the Government from violating it? “Those things Americans call constitutional rights seem hardly worth the paper they are written on!”

Some people have suggested there’s something strange or inappropriate about bringing Martians into it, but it seems a pretty familiar locution. Here, for instance, is Chief Justice Roberts from Riley v. California (2014), which labels it familiar enough to be “proverbial”:

These cases require us to decide how the search incident to arrest doctrine applies to modern cell phones, which are now such a pervasive and insistent part of daily life that the proverbial visitor from Mars might conclude they were an important feature of human anatomy.

Justice Thomas used a similar phrase in Foster v. Chatman (2016) and Justice O’Connor in Engle v. Isaac (1982), both quoting Judge Henry Friendly, Is Innocence Irrelevant? Collateral Attack on Criminal Judgments, 38 U. Chi. L. Rev. 142, 145 (1970):

The proverbial man from Mars would surely think we must consider our system of criminal justice terribly bad if we are willing to tolerate such efforts at undoing judgments of conviction.

The “proverbial man from Mars” refers to someone who looks at things afresh, without focusing on the social conventions or legal frameworks that (the speaker suggests) might blind us to what’s actually going on. You can agree or disagree with Justice Jackson’s substantive argument about universal injunctions, but judges and Justices have been using the Martian thought experiment for generations.

(The pedant in me does agree, though, that “Martian arriving here from another planet” is redundant, in a way that “proverbial visitor from Mars” is not. But that really is pedantry.)

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Social Media: The Biggest Threat To Teens’ Mental Health?

Social Media: The Biggest Threat To Teens’ Mental Health?

In 2010, Mashable declared June 30 as Social Media Day, intended to celebrate the impact of social media on communication, connection and culture.

Originally launched to recognize the positive impact that platforms like Facebook, Twitter (now X) or Instagram have on human interaction around the world, we’re marking the occasion by acknowledging some of the downsides of social media’s unstoppable rise over the past two decades.

Specifically, we’re looking at its impact on children and teens, whose lives have changed fundamentally since social media platforms became ubiquitous.

As Statista’s Felix Richter reports, according to a survey of U.S. teens conducted by the Pew Research Center in the fall of 2024, 48 percent of Americans aged 13 to 17 now say that social media has a mostly negative effect on people of their age, up from just 32 percent two years earlier.

Infographic: Social Media: The Biggest Threat to Teens' Mental Health? | Statista

You will find more infographics at Statista

Only 11 percent of teenagers in the U.S. now describe the impact of social media as mostly positive, with mental health a key concern for both teens and their parents.

55 percent of surveyed parents said that they’re extremely or very concerned about the mental health of teenagers these days, while 35 percent of teens said the same about their own generation.

When asked to name the single biggest threat to their own/their children’s mental health, teens and parents were both most likely to name social media as the one thing that impacts teens’ mental health most negatively.

While 44 percent of parents saw social media as the number one threat to their children’s mental wellbeing, 22 percent of teenagers said the same, with bullying and outside pressure/expectations also high on their minds.

“They live in a fake world of social media that limits them as human beings, distancing them from their family,” one concerned mother said about today’s teenagers, while a teenage boy said that constantly being exposed to other people’s opinions on social media was a big problem for his generation and that overuse of social media appeared to be the main cause of depression among people of his age.

Tyler Durden
Mon, 06/30/2025 – 15:45

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The 5th Circuit Rejects Qualified Immunity for a Child-Snatching Texas Cop Who Falsely Alleged Abandonment

Around 10 a.m. on a Friday in October 2018, 14-year-old Jade McMurry was confronted by two police officers, Kevin Brunner and Alexandra Weaver, at the door to the apartment in Midland, Texas, that she shared with her parents and her 12-year-old brother. Jade, who was homeschooled and in the midst of her online studies, did not understand what the officers, both of whom worked for the Midland Independent School District, were doing there. But within a minute, they had decided she needed to be rescued.

Brunner told Jade to put on warmer clothing so she could leave the apartment. As Jade began to follow Brunner’s instructions, body camera video showed, he asked her, “Do you mind if she [Weaver] comes in the house with you?” Jade’s response was ambiguous: “Mm-hmm.” Then she burst into tears, saying, “I’m scared.”

Taking that as an invitation, Weaver entered the apartment and began poking around. She inspected the living room and the kitchen, opening the pantry, the refrigerator, and the freezer. Her search found no evidence that Jade was in any danger. She and Brunner nevertheless removed Jade from her home, grilled her, prevented her from communicating with her parents, and took her to Abell Junior High School. Jade was detained until that afternoon, when the cops finally let her go after Texas Child Protective Services (CPS) concluded there was no evidence of abuse or neglect.

That bizarre episode, Jade’s parents argued in a federal civil rights lawsuit they filed in October 2020, violated the Fourth Amendment’s ban on unreasonable searches and seizures. Megan and Adam McMurry also cited the 14th Amendment’s guarantee of due process, which they said the officers had violated by snatching Jade without notifying her parents or giving them an opportunity to contest that intervention. But Weaver argued that she could not reasonably have been expected to know her actions were unconstitutional—a claim that an appeals court panel unanimously rejected last Friday.

That ruling by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit is the latest development in a case that began after Megan McMurry, who was then employed as a special education teacher at Abell Junior High School, left on a five-day trip to Kuwait. Her husband had been deployed to Kuwait with the National Guard, and she was looking into a potential job that would have allowed the family to relocate there. Weaver, who worked at Abell, knew about the trip because McMurry had emailed all of the school’s employees about it.

McMurry’s colleagues also knew she had asked a neighbor, Vanessa Vallejos, to keep an eye on Jade and her younger brother, Connor, during the trip. Vallejos and her husband knew Jade well because she would often babysit their 6-year-old son. McMurry had also arranged for co-workers to transport Connor, a student at Abell, to and from school. But on October 26, 2018, Abell’s guidance counselor, who had agreed to bring Connor to school, was unable to do so because she was sick. So she texted Weaver, who lived in the neighborhood, asking if she could give Connor a ride. Although another Abell employee ended up bringing Connor to school, Weaver’s involvement did not end there.

Weaver somehow got it into her head that Jade had been “abandoned” and was in urgent need of a “welfare check.” Brunner, her supervisor, agreed, which is how they both ended up at the McMurrys’ apartment that morning. Although Jade reiterated that Vallejos was checking in on her and Connor, offering to put the officers in touch with her, they were unfazed. They had already filed a CPS complaint, and they were determined to act on their unfounded suspicions.

Brunner and Weaver were so sure of themselves, in fact, that they pursued criminal charges against McMurry even after CPS decided there was no case to be made. In January 2020, a jury, after deliberating for five minutes, acquitted McMurry of abandoning or endangering her children.

That prompt acquittal suggested the jurors did not think Weaver and Brunner’s avowed concern for Jade’s welfare was reasonable. Nor did U.S. District Judge David Counts, who in September 2021 rejected the officers’ motion to dismiss the McMurrys’ lawsuit.

Weaver and Brunner argued that they were shielded by qualified immunity, a doctrine that bars federal civil rights lawsuits unless they allege misconduct that violated “clearly established” law. After Counts rejected that claim, Brunner appealed to the 5th Circuit, which affirmed Counts’ decision in December 2022.

“The facts here are particularly egregious,” Judge Andrew Oldham noted in a concurring opinion. He elaborated:

Weaver performed an illegal search in front of her supervisor (Brunner). And instead of settling for one constitutional violation (the search), Brunner went on to commit two more (unlawfully seizing [Jade] and violating the McMurrys’ due-process rights). And after taking custody of [Jade], Brunner prevented [her] from talking to her father and the Vallejos for a significant amount of time. All while [Jade] was crying and confused. Then CPS told Brunner that his safety concerns were baseless. And still, inexplicably, Brunner persisted and pushed for criminal charges against Mrs. McMurry. Like CPS, a jury of Mrs. McMurry’s peers squarely rejected Brunner’s charges. But the damage was already done: Mrs. McMurry was already fired, was already prevented from teaching again, and had already spent 19 hours in jail.

After that resounding defeat, Brunner unsuccessfully asked the 5th Circuit to reconsider the case and unsuccessfully sought Supreme Court review. Then Brunner and Weaver filed motions for summary judgment with the district court, reasserting their qualified immunity claims. Unsurprisingly, Counts was no more impressed by their arguments the second time around.

The 5th Circuit “has already held in this case that [Jade] was unlawfully seized ‘in violation of the Fourth Amendment as a reasonable fourteen-year-old would not have believed she was free to leave when an officer removed [her] from her home for questioning while instructing her not to respond to calls from her father,'” Counts noted in June 2024. “Defendants’ motions even confirm the facts underlying that holding. So no, this was not ‘a consensual act of transportation’; [Jade] was unlawfully seized in violation of her Fourth Amendment rights.”

Were those rights “clearly established”? As Counts noted, the 5th Circuit had already said they were “under these exact facts.”

As for the due process claim, Jade “was following her parents’ instruction to continue her homeschooling in the family apartment during school hours,” Counts wrote. “Defendants then overruled that parental instruction by unlawfully removing [Jade] without a court order or exigent circumstances. Thus, Defendants ‘obviously deprived the McMurrys of their liberty interest’ in the care, custody, and management of their child.”

The McMurrys “did not receive the process they were due,” the 5th Circuit had noted. “In fact, they received no process whatsoever. No ex parte court order, no warrant, no notice, no hearing. Nothing. Surely, the McMurrys had a right to at least some predeprivation process before their child was snatched from their home.”

You might think those unambiguous decisions would clear the way for the McMurrys to finally present their claims to a jury. But after Counts reiterated that Weaver was not entitled to qualified immunity, she appealed that ruling to the 5th Circuit, which upheld it last week.

“The parties do not dispute that Weaver searched the refrigerator without a court order or consent,” Judge Carolyn King writes in an opinion joined by the two other members of the 5th Circuit panel. “To comply with the Fourth Amendment, the search must be justified by exigent circumstances. But Weaver does not argue that there were exigent circumstances, and the district court found that there were none. Instead, Weaver relies on a ‘special needs’ or ‘community caretaking’ exception to the warrant requirement. Neither applies here.”

A warrant “may not be required where there is a ‘special need’ that is ‘divorced from the State’s general interest in law enforcement,'” King notes. Likewise “when the police perform ‘community caretaking functions’ that are ‘totally divorced from the detection, investigation, or acquisition of evidence relating to the violation of a criminal statute.'” But the search in this case was obviously related to a criminal investigation, as confirmed by the charges that McMurry later faced.

Was Weaver on notice that her search was unconstitutional? King thinks so, noting that the 5th Circuit, in a case decided a decade before Weaver perused the McMurrys’ kitchen, had “held that government officials conducting home visits ‘to investigate possible child abuse’ must satisfy ‘the typical Fourth Amendment standards of a court order, consent, or exigent circumstances.'”

That precedent, Gates v. Texas Department of Protective and Regulatory Services, also established that “the government may not seize a child from his or her parents absent a court order, parental consent, or exigent circumstances,” King notes. “Again, Weaver does not argue there were exigent circumstances, and a jury could find that Weaver did not have reasonable cause to believe that fourteen-year old [Jade] faced any ‘immediate danger’ at home alone in a gated apartment complex in the middle of the day.”

The due process claim against Weaver “is premised on [Jade’s] Fourth Amendment claim for unreasonable seizure,” King adds. “Accordingly, the McMurrys have established a constitutional violation sufficient to survive summary judgment for the same reasons: [Jade] was seized without a court order or exigent circumstances.”

In a concurring opinion, Judge James Ho highlights one of the arguments offered by Weaver’s appellate lawyer. Because Jade was studying at home, the lawyer suggested during oral argument in February, the apartment may have qualified as a school, a setting in which Fourth Amendment requirements are relaxed. “Was she taken from an apartment or was she taken from her school?” he said. “There’s no case law whatsoever that establishes that an apartment stays an apartment when you’re going to school.”

That position is “obviously wrong as a matter of rudimentary constitutional principle,” Ho writes. “The Fourth Amendment expressly assures every one of us—including families who homeschool—that ‘[t]he right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated.’ To justify intrusions on this bedrock liberty based on the educational choices parents make for their children does not evade the constitutional objection—it exacerbates it.”

Ho also takes the opportunity to reiterate his dismay at the 5th Circuit’s repeated rejection of the First Amendment lawsuit that Priscilla Villarreal, an independent journalist in Laredo, filed after she was arrested for asking a police officer questions about a public suicide and a fatal car crash. Villarreal cited Supreme Court decisions recognizing that qualified immunity does not require highly fact-specific precedents in cases involving conduct that is “obviously unconstitutional.” But the appeals court “waved away those decisions on the ground that they’re ‘Eighth Amendment cases,'” Ho writes, “and that they establish only a ‘narrow[] obviousness exception’ that should not apply to obvious violations of the First Amendment.”

Ho thinks that decision, along with a 2011 precedent involving religious freedom, may have encouraged Weaver’s lawyers to argue that she deserved qualified immunity even though her conduct was plainly outrageous. “It seems absurd to suggest that the most egregious constitutional violations imaginable are somehow immune from liability precisely because they’re so egregious,” he writes. “It would make a mockery of our rights to grant qualified immunity just because no one in government has yet to be abusive enough to commit that particular violation—and then stubborn enough to litigate it, not only before a district court, but also in the court of appeals.”

Although “I’m of course duty bound to follow en banc precedent,” Ho adds, “I’m not obliged to extend it….I will not make things worse by extending this mistaken body of precedent and refusing to protect citizens from obvious violations of the Fourth Amendment as well as the First.”

Ho also questions the application of qualified immunity to cases that do not involve “split-second” decisions. “It’s one thing to grant qualified immunity when it comes to police officers who are forced to make split-second judgment calls in life-and-death situations,” he says. “It’s quite another thing to immunize public officials who make a deliberate and calculated decision to violate one’s constitutional rights.”

Although the McMurrys so far have beaten back every challenge to their lawsuit, their case illustrates how difficult in can be to vindicate your constitutional rights. “A lot of cops, like these two, think they can do whatever they want and search whatever they want and make up their own rules because they believe nobody will hold them accountable,” Megan McMurry told me last year. “It has been almost six years [now almost seven], but I want to change that narrative. Our system is broken. Our rights were violated and our lives have been constantly trampled through as we have fought to defend those rights.”

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Did Mamdani Win Because of Halal Cart Socialism?

There are a lot of reasons why Zohran Mamdani surged to a surprise victory in the Democratic primary race for New York City mayor. His opponent was former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, a tired, old, corrupt, creepy symbol of the feckless Democratic establishment. The cost of living and, in particular, housing, in New York City is absurdly high. Mamdani himself is young, energetic, and charming, even if you don’t support his worldview. 

But in some ways you can capture Mamdani’s appeal in a single, simple image: halal food carts. Halal food carts are a staple of New York’s working-class food culture. But in recent years, as food prices have soared nationwide, they have become increasingly expensive. And as Republican pollster Kristen Soltis Anderson pointed out on this week’s Reason Roundtable, Mamdani was able to channel public frustration with halal cart price increases effectively into a zippy, viral video

Here’s what Anderson said on Roundtable when discussing the causes of Mamdani’s win. 

I think that populist viewpoints blended with real communications savvy and an understanding of how to reach voters in the year of our Lord 2025 is a pretty unbeatable combination these days. Not too many politicians have it, but he’s clearly one of them. 

I’ve been thinking a lot over the last couple of days about the video of him going around to halal carts, talking about how the cost of a plate of chicken and rice is too high and we need to make it cheaper. I would argue that most of his policies are not necessarily going to achieve those reduced cost of living type ends, or at least not do so without enormous government subsidies and intervention. But he was focused on the right issue. He was doing so in a way that is very smart communication strategy. 

So I would take his victory less as an endorsement of the far left on the part of the New York Democratic primary electorate and more that establishment politicians should take nothing for granted and populism. That focus on cost of living is extremely politically potent these days. 

It wasn’t just food carts. Mamdani embraced narrowly targeted new media, appearing on the niche menswear and culture podcast Throwing Fits to talk about, among other things, his favorite trashy reality television. He worked with a publicist well known to New York “cool kids”—the New York Times‘ description—to target hip younger voters. And he ultimately won on the strength of the support of younger voters. 

Anderson is the author of The Selfie Vote, a book about young voters. And as she noted elsewhere in the pod, she was rather stunned by a ballot analysis showing that toward the end of the final week, “the biggest group of voters, just in terms of raw numbers, were young voters in this primary. As someone who’s written about young voters a lot, that doesn’t happen. It just doesn’t happen.” But thanks to a combination of halal carts, niche media, and a relentless focus on cost of living, in this case, well, it did. 

As we talk about on the podcast, that doesn’t mean Mamdani’s policies are good ideas, or that they will work to bring down prices. There are plenty of reasons to think his approach—to subsidize, regulate, and impose price controls on just about everything—will, if anything, make things even worse. 

Halal cart socialism won’t work as policy. But in New York, it worked as politics. And Mamdani’s appeal to young voters is real, and other politicians, especially on the left, are no doubt watching.

If there’s good news for libertarians and others who oppose socialist policies, it’s that Mamdani’s win doesn’t necessarily signal strong support for his brand of full-bore socialism. Rather, Mamdani rode to victory on a combination of frustration with affordability—especially housing—and exhaustion with an establishment that has repeatedly failed to deliver, plus some social media savvy. So other policy agendas aimed at solving those problems might have a chance. Who’s ready for halal cart libertarianism? 

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The Supreme Court, Martians, Justice Jackson, and Chief Justice Roberts

Justice Jackson’s dissent in the universal injunction case (CASA, Inc. v. Trump) includes this line:

A Martian arriving here from another planet would see these circumstances and surely wonder: “what good is the Constitution, then?” What, really, is this system for protecting people’s rights if it amounts to this—placing the onus on the victims to invoke the law’s protection, and rendering the very institution that has the singular function of ensuring compliance with the Constitution powerless to prevent the Government from violating it? “Those things Americans call constitutional rights seem hardly worth the paper they are written on!”

Some people have suggested there’s something strange or inappropriate about bringing Martians into it, but it seems a pretty familiar locution. Here, for instance, is Chief Justice Roberts from Riley v. California (2014), which labels it familiar enough to be “proverbial”:

These cases require us to decide how the search incident to arrest doctrine applies to modern cell phones, which are now such a pervasive and insistent part of daily life that the proverbial visitor from Mars might conclude they were an important feature of human anatomy.

Justice Thomas used a similar phrase in Foster v. Chatman (2016) and Justice O’Connor in Engle v. Isaac (1982), both quoting Judge Henry Friendly, Is Innocence Irrelevant? Collateral Attack on Criminal Judgments, 38 U. Chi. L. Rev. 142, 145 (1970):

The proverbial man from Mars would surely think we must consider our system of criminal justice terribly bad if we are willing to tolerate such efforts at undoing judgments of conviction.

The “proverbial man from Mars” refers to someone who looks at things afresh, without focusing on the social conventions or legal frameworks that (the speaker suggests) might blind us to what’s actually going on. You can agree or disagree with Justice Jackson’s substantive argument about universal injunctions, but judges and Justices have been using the Martian thought experiment for generations.

(The pedant in me does agree, though, that “Martian arriving here from another planet” is redundant, in a way that “proverbial visitor from Mars” is not. But that really is pedantry.)

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How Texas Beat California on Housing

San Francisco and Austin are both known for their trendsetting tech sectors and cultural scenes. But while Austin is enjoying the best of times, for San Francisco, it’s starting to feel like the worst.

San Francisco’s population has dropped for the fourth year in a row. It saw one of the largest percentage declines among major U.S. cities during the pandemic. Meanwhile, Austin’s population is exploding while rental prices continue to get cheaper and cheaper.

In Austin, you can rent a gorgeous apartment for about half the price of a similar place in San Francisco that only has about half of the amenities.

“I had a one-bedroom in San Francisco, a lot smaller. I didn’t have an in-unit washer-dryer,” says Alim Virani, an engineering manager at Etsy who moved from San Francisco to Austin during the pandemic. “Here, I’m living in the heart of downtown. Wonderful views; [a] two-bedroom; really sprawling, modern building. I’m getting way more for a little bit more.”

Virani isn’t the only one making the cross-country move. The greater Austin area grew by 11 percent between 2020 and 2024. Yet despite the influx of people, prices haven’t gone up—they’ve actually dropped.

Jake Wegmann, a professor at the University of Texas at Austin who specializes in housing affordability and real estate development, says there are several reasons why Austin’s rents are falling even as more people move to the capital of the Lone Star State. But there’s one key reason: In Texas, counties can’t zone outside city limits.

That opens the floodgates for new construction. Developers outside Austin’s city limits can simply decide to build 100 new units.

“There are some regulations,” Wegmann explains. “It’s just a whole lot less regulated than probably just about any other state in the country.”

Compare that to San Francisco, which, along with New York City, has one of the most regulated housing markets in the country.

“There’s something that’s gone awry when you’ve got prices that only allow for millionaires to access the American dream of home ownership,” says Nicole Nosek, a Berkeley transplant who moved to Austin in 2019. She now leads a nonprofit aimed at cutting red tape to make building easier. 

In Austin, she says, “after 45 days of waiting for the city department to give your permits back, you can then go to an engineer or you can go to an inspector to work on the permits to be able to speed up some of that backlog.”

In San Francisco, it can take over 627 days to get a simple permit, explains Nosek. That’s part of the reason the city added around 1,800 new units in 2023—about 13 times fewer than Austin.

San Francisco also has a supply problem rooted in rent control. More than two-thirds of tenants live in rent-controlled units, often priced well below the market rate. The result? People stay put and new housing doesn’t get built. Texas, on the other hand, gets to avoid this scenario entirely.

“Austin has a vibrant community that is building more housing, that is advocating for more housing. So you don’t have rent stabilization,” says Virani. “But what you do have is rents [that] are stabilizing naturally through the influx of more units and responding to people’s demands for those units.”

The idea is simple: A lightly regulated housing market benefits everyone. And in Texas, support for this approach transcends party lines.

Liberal Austin has embraced YIMBY-ism (“yes in my backyard”), and it’s part of what drew Virani to move there. In San Francisco, however, the movement has struggled.

“I was actually quite involved in the YIMBY movement in San Francisco…but it’s just been really hard to get liftoff in terms of getting new development,” Virani says.

“You often saw people being like ‘Well, what are you coming to San Francisco for? You’re gentrifying the city,'” he adds. In Austin, “there is much less of that. There’s almost like an enthusiasm of ‘Come to Austin….We actually need you to come rent from us.'”

With new buildings popping up across the Texas landscape, landlords are fiercely competing for tenants.

“We have a lot of inventory and not enough population to fill that inventory,” says Austin realtor Yasmine Acebo, who explains that Austin landlords are offering everything from several weeks of free rent to gift cards, cash bonuses, free Wi-Fi, and paid utilities to get tenants to move in. “It really just depends [on] what that property itself has to offer.”

Acebo explains that Austin is evolving into a more walkable, amenity-rich lifestyle. “I really think that Austin wants to be at the top with the rest of the big, trendy cities, such as Los Angeles, Miami, Chicago, New York. So having living that’s walkable to so many restaurants, gyms, community centers, I think that’s the step that they’re trying to take in that direction.”

San Francisco and Austin represent two distinct paths: growth vs. stagnation, markets vs. government, and welcoming newcomers vs. protecting the status quo.

Austin proves what economists have known for centuries: Build more housing and prices will come down. The question is, will older, more established cities like San Francisco catch up, or will they continue to hemorrhage talent and turn away the very people who want to call them home?

 

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The Absurdity of Government Grocery Stores Exposes the Flaws of Public Schools

Zohran Mamdani won New York City’s Democratic mayoral primary partly on his plan to open five city-owned grocery stores—one in each of New York’s boroughs. The idea is as absurd as it sounds, but it’s a useful lens through which to view another government-run institution we’ve accepted for far too long: the public school system.

The case against government grocery stores is straightforward. Government providers have no incentive to spend money wisely or respond to customers’ needs. Unlike private businesses, which must compete for customers by offering quality goods at reasonable prices, government entities get paid regardless of performance. Tax dollars flow into the system whether the shelves are stocked or empty, whether the service is stellar or abysmal.

This lack of accountability breeds inefficiency and waste. Government employees, shielded by bureaucratic inertia and powerful unions, often see more tax dollars as the solution to every problem, rather than innovation or better management.

In the early days of the Soviet Union, state-controlled grocery stores and food distribution systems led to catastrophic mismanagement, with millions dying during the Russian famine of 1921 to 1922. Those weren’t just government-run, of course; unlike Mamdani’s proposed shops, they were government monopolies. But Venezuela’s recent experiment with government-controlled grocery stores has been a disaster, even with a degree of private competition allowed: Chronic shortages have left shelves empty and citizens queuing for hours for basic goods like bread and milk.

These disasters highlight how government control stifles competition, kills innovation, and leaves citizens with fewer alternatives when the system fails.

Now consider the public school system. It operates under the same flawed principles. Like Mamdani’s hypothetical grocery stores, public schools are funded by tax dollars regardless of their outcomes. In New York City, for example, public schools spend about $40,000 per student annually, yet the 2024 Nation’s Report Card shows less than a quarter of their 8th graders are proficient in math.

They face little pressure to improve because families are trapped by residential assignment, forced to send their children to the school dictated by their ZIP code. This setup gives government schools more monopoly power than a state-run grocery store would have. At least with grocery stores, you could drive to another one. With public schools, families without the means to relocate or afford private alternatives are left with limited options.

Mamdani’s campaign website calls for “public money” for “public” grocery stores, echoing the tired mantra of teachers’ unions, who argue that “public money” should fund only “public schools.” This rhetoric is a deliberate tactic to protect their monopoly, blocking school choice reforms that would allow parents to direct education funds to better options. The unions’ stance, like Mamdani’s, prioritizes government control over outcomes, ignoring the reality that too many public schools fail to deliver.

Teachers’ unions, like the grocery store unions Mamdani might envision, prioritize their members’ interests over those of students or families. They fight for higher salaries, better benefits, and less work, consistently resisting reforms such as merit pay or school choice that would introduce more competition or accountability. The National Education Association spent $66 million on political activities in 2021, largely to protect the status quo. This entrenched power structure ensures that the system serves adults, not children.

Government-run systems, whether they’re distributing food or education, are insulated from the consequences of failure. Private grocery stores innovate because they must compete. Public schools face no such pressure. Residential assignment and compulsory schooling laws guarantee these institutions a steady flow of students and tax dollars.

The solution is to empower people with options. School choice programs allow parents to direct education funds to the places that best meet their children’s needs. These programs introduce competition, forcing schools to innovate and improve.

If we recoil at the idea of government controlling our food supply, we should be even more skeptical of its stranglehold on education. It’s time to give families the freedom to shop for education the way they shop for groceries—based on quality, not government mandate.

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Yes, You Could Be Both Openly Gay and Conservative in the ’80s

The Very Heart of It: New York Diaries, 1983–1994, by Thomas Mallon, Knopf, 592 pages, $40

Writing in 1985, arguably the worst year of the AIDS crisis, the leftist columnist Christopher Hitchens attacked closeted gays who preached right-wing politics. Once “out” (or in many cases “outed”), Hitchens argued, these onetime conservatives would “evolve politically” and renounce the Moral Majority and President Ronald Reagan’s foreign policy. Opening up about their sex lives meant veering to the left.

But openly gay and right-wing were not always mutually exclusive in this era. Thomas Mallon—acclaimed novelist, prolific essayist, professor of English literature, and self-described “gay neoconservative”—provides a perfect example. On coming out, he didn’t evolve politically so much as become more of what he already was.

The Very Heart of It: New York Diaries, 1983–1994 is compiled from 30 notebooks written at a time when the world in general and New York City in particular were witnessing “the relentless spread of AIDS.” It might be difficult to recall the climate of this era. About 30,000 people died of AIDS in America from 1981 to 1987. Many social conservatives regarded the disease as a Biblical plague for the sin of homosexuality: In 1983, Pat Buchanan—soon to be hired as White House communications director—wrote, “The poor homosexuals. They have declared war on nature and now nature is exacting an awful retribution.” The conservative columnist William F. Buckley called for tattooing people with AIDS.

Mallon’s diaries capture the nightmarish flavor of an era when gay sex could kill you. (“My mind…keeps running towards the Ultimate Horror, Killer AIDS,” he wrote.) His diaries are replete with times he inspected his body for signs of the disease: Swollen glands, bruises, even freckles could be cause for alarm. Every day he lived in fear and was emotionally devastated by it: “I had my worst AIDS scare in months. I saw a reddish patch on my leg….I was convinced it was a sarcoma and I began to cry. I walked around outside…and resigned myself to death. This is the way we live now.”

It is this emotional fragility that keeps him from being tested for six years: “Part of me would love to gamble & take the test & rejoice if it came back negative. But I can’t risk what would happen to my mind if it came back positive. I can’t do it…[Sex] doesn’t kill you, it gives you nervous breakdowns.” When he was finally tested negative in 1990, he fell to his knees and thanked a God the Catholic-raised Mallon never renounced.

Despite that faith, it’s hard to paint Mallon as a social conservative. He disliked the religious right—the “religious crazies,” he called them—and could not bring himself to vote for Reagan in 1984. “There are limits,” he wrote, “to what one can do for one’s anti-Communism and country.”

But he also couldn’t bring himself to vote for the alternative, Walter Mondale. Mallon was very much a neocon, and over the course of these pages his identification with the right does not fade at all. Indeed, it arguably does the opposite. As friends and lovers died painful, protracted deaths from a disease the Reagan administration was widely accused of failing to prioritize, Mallon became more supportive, even defensive of the president. “My conservatism grows stronger as the years go by,” he wrote in 1985.

Much of this came from Mallon’s anti-Communism. He endorsed the 1983 invasion of Grenada and backed the Strategic Defense Initiative. (“If Star Wars is such a will-of-the-wisp, as the TV boys keep saying, then why are the Russians so dead set vs. our having it?”) He argued that Soviet dictator Mikhail Gorbachev “never granted one reform he knew he wouldn’t have to,” and he complained that Reagan wasn’t getting enough credit for predicting “less than a decade ago” that communism was nearing its end (“Has one network or newspaper quoted that remark today?”).

“I want to be in a world where one can hate [leftist Nicaraguan leader Daniel] Ortega and not be a fag-basher,” Mallon wrote in 1987. “I believe in God and believes He wants me to make love to men. Why should that be so hard?”

Mallon’s roster of political enemies certainly could have been composed by countless conservatives. He loathed President Jimmy Carter (“a mean little man” with a foreign policy team of “mediocrities”), Vice President Al Gore (“robotic and condescending”), and Democratic presidential nominee Micheal Dukakis (“a mushed mouth McGovern”). In these diaries, the leftist playwright Lillian Hellman is a fabricator, Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan is a Hitlerite who wants to put Jews and gays in the “gas chamber,” and civil rights leader Al Sharpton is “a gangster.” The United Nations is a “sinister place” that spouts “agitprop” and “Newspeak.” New York union leaders want “to milk the city dry.” During the 1992 presidential campaign, when he read Bill Clinton’s 1969 letter to the draft board, Mallon concluded that the Democratic candidate was “trying to convince himself that he has been mostly making moral choices rather than career calculations.”

And Mallon made sure to note that it wasn’t just Republicans who could be heartless and repressive toward homosexuals. New York Gov. Mario Cuomo, he pointed out, wanted “to put in jail people who pass the virus on to others.”

He even blasted New York’s annual Gay Pride Parade, deriding it as a day when “my people evolve backwards and drag their knuckles along the ground in that colorless parade.” He felt, he wrote, “no more pride in being gay than I do in being Irish.” He lamented that gays “swallowed so much of the leftwing hog and forgot that privacy was one of the things they were striving to protect in the first place.” At the same time, he praised the previous generation of gays and connects their victories to his politics: “My own conservatism…will never to me feel incompatible with the fight they fought and achieved.”

In other contexts, Mallon has called himself “a libertarian conservative.” But one would be hard-pressed to find much libertarianism in these diaries. Apart from privacy rights, there is little here about big government; he had nothing to say in these journals about free markets. This book is valuable not because you will agree with all of it—or even, for some readers, with most of it—but because it reflects the hidden ideological diversity not just of gays in general but of gays who weren’t conventional liberals or leftists. Other possible paths in that era ranged from the libertarianism of Duke Armstrong, a gay Republican lawyer who fought the San Francisco Democrats’ effort to close the city’s bathhouses, to the moderate conservatism of Andrew Sullivan, who argued against outing on the grounds that it violated people’s privacy.

Like all good diarists, Mallon has a persona: He emerges in these pages as hard-working, opinionated, angry, pessimistic, and laugh-out-loud funny. So it’s not as though this book is valuable only as a historical document. But it’s fascinating as history too. These diaries, with their blizzards of editorial lunches, faculty meetings, and gay barhopping, reveal a side of the ’80s that both the standard gay histories and the standard conservative histories tend to ignore.

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