SCOTUS Weighs ‘Geofence Warrants’ and the Future of Digital Privacy


Cell phone surveillance | Credit: Midjourney

Greetings and welcome to the latest edition of the Injustice System newsletter. It was a big day yesterday at the U.S. Supreme Court for Fourth Amendment buffs, as the justices heard nearly two-and-a-half hours of oral arguments in a case that pits digital privacy and the right to be free from unreasonable search and seizure against a cutting-edge technology that can tell law enforcement officials about the unique location histories of millions of cell phone users.

At issue in Chatrie v. United States is a law enforcement tool known as a “geofence warrant.” In this case, the police told Google to search the location histories of every one of its users in order to determine which users were present in the vicinity of a bank robbery.

Adam Unikowsky, the lawyer for Okello Chatrie, whose conviction stemmed from that geofence warrant, told the justices that the government’s tactics should be viewed as an illegal “general warrant,” the sort of all-compassing search that the Fourth Amendment was originally written to prevent. “There was not probable cause to search the virtual private papers of every single person within the geofence merely because of their proximity to the crime,” he argued.

By contrast, Deputy Solicitor General Eric Feigin told the justices that Chatrie’s position, if adopted, would result in an “unprecedented transformation of the Fourth Amendment into an impregnable fortress around records of his public movements that he affirmatively consented to allow Google to create, maintain, and use.”

Judging by their questions and statements during yesterday’s arguments, a number of justices may share the government’s concerns about ruling too broadly in Chatrie’s favor. For example, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson told Chatrie’s lawyer that, “I see you as making maximalist arguments about this that I’m trying to understand if they’re necessary to get to the point that you want to go.” “Setting aside your general warrant point,” Jackson pressed him, why shouldn’t the standard be that a presiding judge at the outset simply focuses on whether the initial geofence warrant was reasonable? In other words, why should the Supreme Court make this into a bigger Fourth Amendment dispute than it needs to be?

But the federal government’s “maximalist” position also came under plenty of judicial fire. For instance, Chief Justice John Roberts asked the deputy solicitor, “what’s to prevent the government from using this [tool] to find out the identities of everybody at a particular church, a particular political organization?”

“I don’t think there’s any kind of categorical protection around something like a church,” Feigin said. That’s not exactly what you want to hear from a government lawyer if you happen to care about robust digital privacy rights.

“So you don’t think there’s any constitutional protection from such organizations to be subject to focused surveillance that would cover everybody in a particular location?” Roberts retorted, with a note of what sounded like disapproval in his voice.

Justice Neil Gorsuch interjected with his own clearly disapproving summary of Feigin’s position. In your view, Gorsuch told the deputy solicitor general, “you don’t think it’s a Fourth Amendment search at all. You don’t need a warrant.” And if the government wants “to determine everybody who is at a church, or a political rally, or the abortion clinic, or anything else like that, we [the government] can do that as long as we can get Google to comply. Oh, and we might have a few tools besides warrants to get social media companies to comply with governmental requests.”

“So I do think that effectively is our answer,” Feigin told Gorsuch. Once again, not a pleasant thing to hear from the government if you happen to be a civil libertarian.

The exact outcome of this case is probably too close to predict based on the oral arguments. Hopefully, the Supreme Court will, at the very least, reject the lamentable view that geofence warrants should not count as a search for Fourth Amendment purposes. But we’ll have to wait and see about that.

The post SCOTUS Weighs 'Geofence Warrants' and the Future of Digital Privacy appeared first on Reason.com.

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Why the Federal Government Can’t Charge Anyone With ‘Domestic Terrorism’


Marimar Martinez | Photo: Sipa-USA_Alamy

Vice President J.D. Vance and outgoing Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Kristi Noem both said Renée Good, an activist shot three times in her car by a federal immigration officer, was engaged in “domestic terrorism.” Two weeks later, after officers shot Alex Pretti at least 10 times, White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller called Pretti “a domestic terrorist [who] tried to assassinate federal law enforcement.”

And in October 2025, a Border Patrol officer shot Marimar Martinez five times in her car; unlike Good and Pretti, Martinez survived. DHS deemed her a “domestic terrorist” who had “rammed” the officers’ vehicle while it was “boxed in.” Even after Martinez demonstrated in court that officers had sideswiped her before opening fire, DHS refused to retract its characterization of her as a terrorist.

Despite officials’ proclivity for the phrase, there is no federal statute to charge someone with domestic terrorism. Federal law does define domestic terrorism—criminal acts “dangerous to human life,” intended to intimidate civilians or influence government policy. But as the FBI noted in a November 2020 memo, “This is a definitional statute, not a charging statute.” The bureau prefers the term domestic violent extremism “because the underlying ideology itself and the advocacy of such beliefs is not prohibited by US law.”

Federal sentencing guidelines already allow for an “enhanced penalty….if the offense involves international or domestic terrorism,” and it’s easy to see its potential for abuse. When leaders of the far-right Proud Boys were convicted for organizing the U.S. Capitol riot on January 6, 2021, prosecutors alleged the mob violence that day was “no different” than blowing up a building.

U.S. District Judge Timothy J. Kelly disagreed but still felt “the constitutional moment we were in that day is something that is so sensitive that it deserves a significant sentence.” Kelly applied terrorism enhancements and sentenced them each to over a decade in prison. (All participants received a presidential pardon in 2025.)

Over the past 25 years, we’ve learned the government won’t waste an opportunity to increase its power in the name of fighting “terror,” whether at home or abroad. The Trump administration already claims the authority to label people “domestic terrorists” based on such perceived offenses as “anti-Americanism, anti-capitalism, and anti-Christianity.” The FBI cited January 6 as justification to dramatically increase surveillance of American citizens who opposed then-President Joe Biden. We should look skeptically at any further expansion of power that will supposedly fight “terror.”

The post Why the Federal Government Can't Charge Anyone With 'Domestic Terrorism' appeared first on Reason.com.

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Brickbat: Miami Vice


Local 10 News reporter Jeff Weinsier holds a microphone up to Miami-Dade Sheriff's Deputy Lester Aguilar. | WPLG Local 10 via YouTube

A Miami–Dade County sheriff’s deputy threatened to arrest a local TV reporter for asking Mayor Daniella Levine Cava a question at a beach and bay cleanup event in a public park. Jeff Weinsier of WPLG Local 10 News wanted to ask the mayor about a series of electric buses that cost taxpayers more than $60 million were taken out of service because they kept breaking down. But as Weinsier approached the mayor, Deputy Lester Aguilar stepped in and pushed him, saying if he didn’t back off, “You will go to jail.” Weinsier said he approached the mayor at the event because her office had refused to respond to interview requests about the buses.

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40,000 U.S. Retail Stores Could Close By 2030

40,000 U.S. Retail Stores Could Close By 2030

UBS consumer analyst Michael Lasser told clients that a further rise in e-commerce penetration, from about 22% today to as high as 27%, could force the closure of 40,000 U.S. retail stores by 2030.

The warning comes as more than 10,000 stores have closed since late 2023, and shows how the shift to e-commerce is pressuring brick-and-mortar retail footprints nationwide.

Lasser’s forecast is that e-commerce penetration rates in the U.S. will top 27% by the end of the decade, up from the current 22%.

Many of the projected closures will be across clothing, consumer electronics, home furnishings, office supplies, and sporting goods.

The advent of the internet and e-commerce has certainly put pressure on retail stores over the last two decades.

Also, the analysts point out the population winter that Elon Musk has warned about. The lack of a robust new consumer segment will put pressure on the consumer economy in the decades ahead. 

However, stores will continue to play a central role in retail ecosystems.

Big-box retailers have accounted for much of the growth in retail footprint.

The forecasted loss of 40,000 retail stores by the end of the decade would have a meaningful impact on the labor market and commercial real estate. Also, this is yet more evidence that the death of mom-and-pop retailing will accelerate. 

Professional subscribers can read the full U.S. Retail note at our new Marketdesk.ai portal.

Tyler Durden
Tue, 04/28/2026 – 06:55

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/pHYv3uO Tyler Durden

Iran Already Scrambling For Oil Storage After Two Weeks Of US Blockade

Iran Already Scrambling For Oil Storage After Two Weeks Of US Blockade

Trump’s blockade is having a predictable effect on Iran’s economy and oil industry, with reports that the regime is scrambling to repurpose old and rusty tankers as floating storage.  Kharg Island is hitting capacity and the results could lead to disaster for Iran’s oil wells. 

The regime is reportedly moving to expand crude storage at the island, where around 90% of their energy exports are processed, by reactivating a 30-year-old crude carrier called M/T Nasha.  It’s a bad sign for Iran, indicating that the country’s main oil hub is nearing its onshore storage limit.  Maritime analysts say the vessel, which had been anchored empty for years, is being repositioned as floating storage to absorb crude that still has to move out of the system. 

But how much time will decommissioned tankers buy Iran?  Current estimates indicate Kharg Island has roughly 13 million barrels of spare onshore storage remaining at the terminal, while net inflows are running at about 1.0 million to 1.1 million barrels per day.  At that pace, storage could be filled in about 12 to 13 days, which places the saturation point in late April to early May if current flows hold.  A large tanker gives them another potential 2 million barrels of capacity.  In other words, not much. 

This data is a near match to JP Morgan’s recent assessment that Iran has between 20 – 26 days of capacity (including emergency measures) before they hit the wall and are forced to shut down their oil fields. 

Trump’s assertion on Sunday that Iran’s oil infrastructure may “explode in three days” due to the blockade might be a bit optimistic, but with the threat of overcapacity it is likely that the Iranians will be forced to the negotiating table in the near term.

The regime’s only other option is to divert the oil away from Kharg to the Jask Oil Terminal at Kooh Mobarak using the Goreh-Jask pipeline.  But this storage is limited and may already be full.

There are also limited reports that Iran is increasing “flaring” at wells to burn off excess.  To keep wells operating safely (avoiding sudden shutdowns that can cause permanent geological issues), operators are flaring off excess associated gas (and possibly some liquid byproducts) at a heightened rate.

If wells are forced to shut down due to lack of storage, this could cause permanent damage and render the wells unusable in the future.  Recovery is expensive and difficult. 

If the current data is accurate, then Iran has approximately two more weeks before their economy is destroyed.  Loss of $430 million per day in export revenues aside, permanent damage to their oil fields would result in a long term economic disaster. 

The danger of well shutdowns is probably the reason why the regime has offered new proposals every few days to open the Strait of Hormuz, though, they continue to call for a separate negotiation on their estimated 970 pounds of enriched Uranium stockpile. 

There is little incentive for Trump to lift the blockade at this time, given the amount of leverage he will have over the Iranian economy if he maintains restrictions on their oil exports for another two weeks.  The regime is trapped between a rock and a hard place, and will have to decide soon if their oil wells are more important to them than their Uranium.      

Tyler Durden
Tue, 04/28/2026 – 05:45

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/SVR7dUy Tyler Durden

SCOTUS Weighs ‘Geofence Warrants’ and the Future of Digital Privacy


Cell phone surveillance | Credit: Midjourney

Greetings and welcome to the latest edition of the Injustice System newsletter. It was a big day yesterday at the U.S. Supreme Court for Fourth Amendment buffs, as the justices heard nearly two-and-a-half hours of oral arguments in a case that pits digital privacy and the right to be free from unreasonable search and seizure against a cutting-edge technology that can tell law enforcement officials about the unique location histories of millions of cell phone users.

At issue in Chatrie v. United States is a law enforcement tool known as a “geofence warrant.” In this case, the police told Google to search the location histories of every one of its users in order to determine which users were present in the vicinity of a bank robbery.

Adam Unikowsky, the lawyer for Okello Chatrie, whose conviction stemmed from that geofence warrant, told the justices that the government’s tactics should be viewed as an illegal “general warrant,” the sort of all-compassing search that the Fourth Amendment was originally written to prevent. “There was not probable cause to search the virtual private papers of every single person within the geofence merely because of their proximity to the crime,” he argued.

By contrast, Deputy Solicitor General Eric Feigin told the justices that Chatrie’s position, if adopted, would result in an “unprecedented transformation of the Fourth Amendment into an impregnable fortress around records of his public movements that he affirmatively consented to allow Google to create, maintain, and use.”

Judging by their questions and statements during yesterday’s arguments, a number of justices may share the government’s concerns about ruling too broadly in Chatrie’s favor. For example, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson told Chatrie’s lawyer that, “I see you as making maximalist arguments about this that I’m trying to understand if they’re necessary to get to the point that you want to go.” “Setting aside your general warrant point,” Jackson pressed him, why shouldn’t the standard be that a presiding judge at the outset simply focuses on whether the initial geofence warrant was reasonable? In other words, why should the Supreme Court make this into a bigger Fourth Amendment dispute than it needs to be?

But the federal government’s “maximalist” position also came under plenty of judicial fire. For instance, Chief Justice John Roberts asked the deputy solicitor, “what’s to prevent the government from using this [tool] to find out the identities of everybody at a particular church, a particular political organization?”

“I don’t think there’s any kind of categorical protection around something like a church,” Feigin said. That’s not exactly what you want to hear from a government lawyer if you happen to care about robust digital privacy rights.

“So you don’t think there’s any constitutional protection from such organizations to be subject to focused surveillance that would cover everybody in a particular location?” Roberts retorted, with a note of what sounded like disapproval in his voice.

Justice Neil Gorsuch interjected with his own clearly disapproving summary of Feigin’s position. In your view, Gorsuch told the deputy solicitor general, “you don’t think it’s a Fourth Amendment search at all. You don’t need a warrant.” And if the government wants “to determine everybody who is at a church, or a political rally, or the abortion clinic, or anything else like that, we [the government] can do that as long as we can get Google to comply. Oh, and we might have a few tools besides warrants to get social media companies to comply with governmental requests.”

“So I do think that effectively is our answer,” Feigin told Gorsuch. Once again, not a pleasant thing to hear from the government if you happen to be a civil libertarian.

The exact outcome of this case is probably too close to predict based on the oral arguments. Hopefully, the Supreme Court will, at the very least, reject the lamentable view that geofence warrants should not count as a search for Fourth Amendment purposes. But we’ll have to wait and see about that.

The post SCOTUS Weighs 'Geofence Warrants' and the Future of Digital Privacy appeared first on Reason.com.

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Why the Federal Government Can’t Charge Anyone With ‘Domestic Terrorism’


Marimar Martinez | Photo: Sipa-USA_Alamy

Vice President J.D. Vance and outgoing Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Kristi Noem both said Renée Good, an activist shot three times in her car by a federal immigration officer, was engaged in “domestic terrorism.” Two weeks later, after officers shot Alex Pretti at least 10 times, White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller called Pretti “a domestic terrorist [who] tried to assassinate federal law enforcement.”

And in October 2025, a Border Patrol officer shot Marimar Martinez five times in her car; unlike Good and Pretti, Martinez survived. DHS deemed her a “domestic terrorist” who had “rammed” the officers’ vehicle while it was “boxed in.” Even after Martinez demonstrated in court that officers had sideswiped her before opening fire, DHS refused to retract its characterization of her as a terrorist.

Despite officials’ proclivity for the phrase, there is no federal statute to charge someone with domestic terrorism. Federal law does define domestic terrorism—criminal acts “dangerous to human life,” intended to intimidate civilians or influence government policy. But as the FBI noted in a November 2020 memo, “This is a definitional statute, not a charging statute.” The bureau prefers the term domestic violent extremism “because the underlying ideology itself and the advocacy of such beliefs is not prohibited by US law.”

Federal sentencing guidelines already allow for an “enhanced penalty….if the offense involves international or domestic terrorism,” and it’s easy to see its potential for abuse. When leaders of the far-right Proud Boys were convicted for organizing the U.S. Capitol riot on January 6, 2021, prosecutors alleged the mob violence that day was “no different” than blowing up a building.

U.S. District Judge Timothy J. Kelly disagreed but still felt “the constitutional moment we were in that day is something that is so sensitive that it deserves a significant sentence.” Kelly applied terrorism enhancements and sentenced them each to over a decade in prison. (All participants received a presidential pardon in 2025.)

Over the past 25 years, we’ve learned the government won’t waste an opportunity to increase its power in the name of fighting “terror,” whether at home or abroad. The Trump administration already claims the authority to label people “domestic terrorists” based on such perceived offenses as “anti-Americanism, anti-capitalism, and anti-Christianity.” The FBI cited January 6 as justification to dramatically increase surveillance of American citizens who opposed then-President Joe Biden. We should look skeptically at any further expansion of power that will supposedly fight “terror.”

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