Bloomberg’s Stop-and-Frisk Explosion Looks Ineffective As Well As Unconstitutional

A
new report
from the New York Civil Liberties Union (NYCLU)
suggests that the massive increase in street stops by the NYPD
during Michael Bloomberg’s administration had little, if any,
impact on violent crime. The number of stop-and-frisk encounters
septupled between 2002 and 2011, when it peaked at nearly
700,000, then fell sharply to less than 200,000 in 2013. Meanwhile,
the number of murders, which peaked at 597 in 2003, bobbed up and
down, then fell sharply after 2011, reaching a low of 335 last
year. The number of shootings followed a similar pattern. In both
cases the biggest declines coincided with the dramatic reduction in
street stops during the last two years under Bloomberg.

The NYCLU’s analysis of street stops during the 11 years for
which detailed information is available (2003 through 2013)
confirms patterns that are by now familiar: The vast majority of
the people stopped by police (86 percent) were black or Latino, the
vast majority of the stops (88 percent) ended without an arrest or
a summons, and most (52 percent) included pat-downs, only 2
percent of which discovered weapons. These numbers are striking
because the Supreme Court has said police may stop someone only if
they reasonably suspect he is involved in criminal activity and may
pat him down only if they reasonably suspect he is armed. Yet
police wrongly suspected criminal activity nine times out 10 and
were almost never right when they supposedly suspected someone was
carrying a weapon. Given this record, it is not surprising that a
federal judge
concluded
the NYPD was routinely violating New Yorkers’ Fourth
Amendment rights.

In defending the stop-and-frisk program, Bloomberg did not argue
that it was constitutional. Instead he argued that it was
effective. Specifically, he maintained that
stopping and searching lots of young black and Latino men more or
less at random discouraged them from carrying guns. The beauty of
that argument was that it allowed Bloomberg to turn what looked
like failure into success. Although getting guns off the street was
one of the program’s main justifications, only 0.02 percent of
stops resulted in gun seizures. Bloomberg cited the remarkably low
gun recovery rate as evidence that the stops were having the
intended deterrent effect. But if so, and if that effect resulted
in fewer shootings and murders, it is hard to explain why the
downward trend in violent crime not only continued but accelerated
when the number of stops dropped dramatically.

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Russia Releases Video Of Massive Army Drill To “Contain Armed Conflict In Imaginary State”; Schedules 2 More

Two weeks ago today, on Friday, August 8, the “market” seemingly desperate for any excuse to soar, did just that when Russia, tongue-in-cheek, announced that a Russian military drill, which everyone knew in advance would end that day, and which “worried the US department of state” finished. So by that logic the announcement of a new, and even more massive, military drill by Russia should send stocks crashing, right? We are joking of course: there is no news in this world that could possibly send stocks lower as good news is great but bad news only means even more intervention of various central banks, however Russia did indeed announce that it will take part in counter- terrorism exercise called Peace Mission in China with other members of Shanghai Cooperation Organization, RIA Novosti reports, citing unidentified Defense Ministry official.

The main part of drill is set to run from August 24 until the 29, so next Friday when the market soars on “news” that the drill has ended you know that algos once again failed to read anything beside the headline.

According to Bloomberg, Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan to deploy total of 7,000 military personnel, the largest ever for SCO.

And just in case stocks need more catalysts to soar (if not drop), Russia announced it would hold another exercise, called East-2014, some time in mid-September, which would involves multiple branches of armed forces.  The scenario for that particular exercise is not yet disclosed.

Finally, all this is happening as Russia is currently taking part in a third exercise, called Interaction-2014, located in Kazakhstan with members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization. The purpose of this particular drill: “seek to contain armed conflict in imaginary state.”

Yes… imaginary.

Below is a just released clip from this drill as well as RT’s description: joint military drills of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) were conducted in the Karaganda region of Kazakhstan, Friday. About 3,000 soldiers, 200 vehicles and about 30 planes took part in the drills. Military units from the Air Assault Brigade of the Russian Airborne Troops, the Air Forces of Kazakhstan, the mobile team from the Special Operations Forces of Belarus, the Special Forces of the Armed Forces of Kyrgyz Republic and a commando squadron from Tajikistan participated in the exercises.




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Alleged Sex Predator Cop to Hit the Streets of Philly Again: “I’m stuck with a guy who shouldn’t be a cop” Says Police Commissioner

Thomas Tolstoy in surveillance videoThe Philadelphia Inquirer

reports
on Officer Thomas Tolstoy, who was accused by three
women of sexually assaulting them in similar but separate
incidents, while acting as a police officer, and how he may be
close to returning to patrol the streets of Philaldephia. Tolstoy
was pulled from duty, with pay, after a woman who landed in a
hospital after her encounter with Tolstoy in October 2008. She only
knew his first name, Tom, but he had given her his phone number as
well.  

Six years later, there has been no prosecution of Tolstoy. The
Inquirer explains the details, including accusations that
media reporting tainted the case and what made the woman accusing
Tolstoy an unreliable witness in the eyes of prosecutors. The
article is titled “Why an accused Phila. officer is still on the
force” but actually only provides an explanation of why he may not
have been prosecuted despite being investigated by local and
federal authorities.

Why his return to the force was guaranteed when the statute of
limitations on the alleged crimes ran out wasn’t explained.

Via the Inquirer:

Police Commissioner Charles H. Ramsey said he believed that –
lack of prosecution notwithstanding – there might be truth to the
accusations against Tolstoy. But the absence of corroborating
evidence and the role allegedly played by the reporters meant that
“the likelihood of being able to do anything with the case is very,
very remote.”

If the allegations against Tolstoy are true but the
investigation itself became compromised, Ramsey said, an officer
who should have been removed from the force will still patrol the
streets.

“The odds are, I’m stuck with a guy who shouldn’t be a cop,”
Ramsey said.

Ramsey is stuck with an alleged sex predator who could’ve easily
been expelled had the same accusations been made against him as an

undergraduate
at an American college because Ramsey does not
have the power to fire Tolstoy. The police commissioner of the
Philadelphia Police Department can not summarily dismiss someone
accused of multiple sexual assaults who is permitted by law to use
violence to gain compliance from the residents of Philadelphia.
Even when Ramsey tries to fire problem cops, he usually fails. A
cop caught on camera hitting a woman for no reason
got his job back
after an arbitration hearing last year. Union
protections
prevent
Ramsey and police chiefs and city leaders around the
country from being able to effectively discipline and terminate
problem cops.

With no guarantee the cop you encounter on the street isn’t like
this one, how can you be asked
to blindly comply
? People who encounter cops deserve to get
home safe at night too.

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California Government Bans Itself from Flying Confederate Flag

The California legislature
yesterday approved A.B.
2444
, which restricts the state government’s use of the
Confederate flag.

From the bill, which now heads to the desk of Gov. Jery
Brown:

This bill would prohibit the State of California from selling or
displaying the Battle Flag of the Confederacy, or a similar image,
or tangible personal property inscribed with those images, unless
the image appears in a book, digital medium, or state museum
that serves an educational or historical purpose.

Brown will almost certainly sign it, since the measure passed
the assembly 71-1. The senate approved it 33-2 earlier in the
week.

The only dissenting voice in the assembly was Tim Donnelly
(R-Twin Peaks), who previously
explained
on Facebook, “I abhor racism but this bill is
antithetical to the first amendment, which was designed to protect
controversial forms of speech.”

He also
stated
to the Los Angeles Times, “I’m a strict
Constitutionalist. It’s painful and lonely.”

 Isadore Hall III (D-Compton), who introduced the
legislation, says that it is not a free speech violation, and is
intended to limit government. The bill “respects Constitutional
protections by restricting government speech, not individual
speech, and will send a strong message that California and its
taxpayers will not be in the business of promoting racism,
exclusion, oppression or violence towards others.”

In a press release, he
said
:

The Confederate Flag is a symbol of racism, exclusion,
oppression and violence towards many Americans. Its symbolism and
history is directly linked to the enslavement, torture and murder
of millions of Americans through the mid-19th Century. Even today,
its public display is designed only to instill fear, intimidation
and a direct threat of violence towards others.

The Huffington Post
notes
that “last month, Brown had all Confederate flag
materials swiftly removed from the California State Fair after
Hall brought their increased presence to his attention.”

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See Doherty, Hear Doherty Explain that Tech Money Hasn’t Ruined Burning Man

As
I blogged yesterday
, I’ve been being asked by such august
places as the
New York Times
and
ABC News
to discuss whether the (long-lasting, but perhaps
growing) presence of rich tech industry folk “gentrifying” the
Burning Man festival of arts and community is ruining it. 

I think not, for reasons explained in yesterday’s blog post.

I’ll be discussing that on BloombergTV’s Bloomberg
West
program (which aired once already at 10:30 a.m.
pacific but will be re-airing at 3:30 pm pacific and 8:30 pm
pacific) and also on Los Angeles’s NPR station
KCRW-FM 89.9
at 12:10 p.m.

Prepare for the wonderment by reading my book This is Burning Man,
available freshly this week in a special 10th anniversary ebook
edition with a new afterword, for the special Burning Man-is-coming
price of $4.99. What everyone should be reading on their Kindle as
they are driven into Black Rock City on Sunday.

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Mario Draghi’s “Still, Whatever It Takes” Jackson Hole Speech

With Yellen’s speech a bit of a letdown for the doves – she did not go full-dovish – markets anxiously await Mario Draghi to promise whetever for ever and ever… While financial markets don’t expect bombshells, his speech is an opportunity to underscore that ECB policy will stay looser for longer than that of the Fed and the Bank of England.

  • DRAGHI SAYS FISCAL POLICY SHOULD PLAY GREATER ROLE IN RECOVERY
  • DRAGHI SAYS HE’S ‘CONFIDENT’ JUNE STIMULUS WILL BOOST DEMAND
  • DRAGHI URGES BETTER USE OF FISCAL FLEXIBILITY WITHIN EU RULES
  • DRAGHI SEES ‘REAL RISK’ MONETARY POLICY LOSES EFFECTIVENESS
  • DRAGHI CALLS FOR STRONGER EURO-AREA FISCAL COORDINATION
  • DRAGHI SAYS EUROPE STRUCTURAL REFORMS CAN NO LONGER BE DELAYED

Full speech to follow:

Here is The Wall Street Journal’s 5 Key Things to watch for…

LABOR MARKETS
This is the topic of the conference. Euro-zone unemployment is far higher than in the U.S., giving Mr. Draghi a chance to stress that there’s much more economic slack in Europe than other regions, meaning the ECB can maintain ultra-loose policies.

INTEREST RATES
ECB officials have signaled that rates will likely stay near zero far longer than in other developed economies. With euro-zone labor markets weak and slack high, Mr. Draghi has a chance to cement that view. “If he wants to be dovish he certainly has the ammunition,” said analysts at Jefferies International.

QUANTITATIVE EASING
Mr. Draghi isn’t expected to break new ground here. But given the grim economic and inflation backdrop, he may want to at least reiterate that it is an option. It can’t hurt, and the threat of QE would help keep European bond yields low and maintain some downward pressure on the euro.

THE EURO
At his August press conference, Mr. Draghi appeared to endorse the euro’s recent slide, which boosts exports and inflation. The more dovish he sounds in Jackson Hole, the greater are the chances that this trend will continue.

GOVERNMENT SCOLDING
Mr. Draghi took European governments to task this month for the slow pace of structural reforms in some countries. The conference’s labor-markets theme gives him a chance to spotlight the role of governments—and not central banks–in making labor markets more flexible.

And the full Draghi speech below:

Speech by Mario Draghi, President of the ECB,
Annual central bank symposium in Jackson Hole,
22 August 2014

No one in society remains untouched by a situation of high unemployment. For the unemployed themselves, it is often a tragedy which has lasting effects on their lifetime income. For those in work, it raises job insecurity and undermines social cohesion. For governments, it weighs on public finances and harms election prospects. And unemployment is at the heart of the macro dynamics that shape short- and medium-term inflation, meaning it also affects central banks. Indeed, even when there are no risks to price stability, but unemployment is high and social cohesion at threat, pressure on the central bank to respond invariably increases.

1. The causes of unemployment in the euro area

The key issue, however, is how much we can really sustainably affect unemployment, which in turn is a question – as has been much discussed at this conference – of whether the drivers are predominantly cyclical or structural. As we are an 18 country monetary union this is necessarily a complex question in the euro area, but let me nonetheless give a brief overview of how the ECB currently assesses the situation.

Figure 1: Change in the unemployment rate since 2008 – the euro area and the US

The long recession in the euro area

The first point to make is that the euro area has suffered a large and particularly sustained negative shock to GDP, with serious consequences for employment. This is visible in Figure 1, which shows the evolution of unemployment in the euro area and the US since 2008. Whereas the US experienced a sharp and immediate rise in unemployment in the aftermath of the Great Recession, the euro area has endured two rises in unemployment associated with two sequential recessions.

From the start of 2008 to early 2011 the picture in both regions is similar: unemployment rates increase steeply, level off and then begin to gradually fall. This reflects the common sources of the shock: the synchronisation of the financial cycle across advanced economies, the contraction in global trade following the Lehman failure, coupled with a strong correction of asset prices – notably houses – in certain jurisdictions.

From 2011 onwards, however, developments in the two regions diverge. Unemployment in the US continues to fall at more or less the same rate. [1] In the euro area, on the other hand, it begins a second rise that does not peak until April 2013. This divergence reflects a second, euro area-specific shock emanating from the sovereign debt crisis, which resulted in a six quarter recession for the euro area economy. Unlike the post-Lehman shock, however, which affected all euro area economies, virtually all of the job losses observed in this second period were concentrated in countries that were adversely affected by government bond market tensions (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Relationship between financial stress and unemployment

The sovereign debt crisis operated through various channels, but one of its most important effects was to disable in part the tools of macroeconomic stabilisation.

On the fiscal side, non-market services – including public administration, education and healthcare – had contributed positively to employment in virtually all countries during the first phase of the crisis, thus somewhat cushioning the shock. In the second phase, however, fiscal policy was constrained by concerns over debt sustainability and the lack of a common backstop, especially as discussions related to sovereign debt restructuring began. The necessary fiscal consolidation had to be frontloaded to restore investor confidence, creating a fiscal drag and a downturn in public sector employment which added to the ongoing contraction in employment in other sectors.

Sovereign pressures also interrupted the homogenous transmission of monetary policy across the euro area. Despite very low policy rates, the cost of capital actually rose in stressed countries in this period, meaning monetary and fiscal policy effectively tightened in tandem. Hence, an important focus of our monetary policy in this period was – and still is – to repair the monetary transmission mechanism. Establishing a precise link between these impairments and unemployment performance is not straightforward. However, ECB staff estimates of the “credit gap” for stressed countries – the difference between the actual and normal volumes of credit in the absence of crisis effects – suggest that that credit supply conditions are exerting a significant drag on economic activity. [2]

Cyclical and structural factors

Cyclical factors have therefore certainly contributed to the rise in unemployment. And the economic situation in the euro area suggests they are still playing a role. The most recent GDP data confirm that the recovery in the euro area remains uniformly weak, with subdued wage growth even in non-stressed countries suggesting lacklustre demand. In these circumstances, it seems likely that uncertainty over the strength of the recovery is weighing on business investment and slowing the rate at which workers are being rehired.

That being said, there are signs that, in some countries at least, a significant share of unemployment is also structural.

For example, the euro area Beveridge curve – which summarises unemployment developments at a given level of labour demand (or vacancies) – suggests the emergence of a structural mismatch across euro area labour markets (Figure 3). In the first phase of the crisis strong declines in labour demand resulted in a steep rise in euro area unemployment, with a movement down along the Beveridge curve. The second recessionary episode, however, led to a further strong increase in the unemployment rate even though aggregate vacancy rates showed marked signs of improvement. This may imply a more permanent outward shift.

Figure 3: Evolution of the euro area Beveridge curve over the crisis

Part of the explanation for the movement of the Beveridge curve seems to be the sheer magnitude of the job destruction in some countries, which has led to reduced job-finding rates, extended durations of unemployment spells and a higher share of long-term unemployment. This reflects, in particular, the strong sectoral downsizing of the previously overblown construction sector (Figure 4), which, consistent with experience in the US, tends to lower match efficiency. [3] By the end of 2013, the stock of long-term unemployed (those unemployed for a year or more) accounted for over 6% of the total euro area labour force – more than double the pre-crisis level.

Figure 4: Evolution of euro area employment by sector and educational level

Another important explanation seems to be a lack of redeployment opportunities for displaced low-skilled workers, as evidenced by the growing disparity between the skills of the labour force and the skills required by employers. Analysis of the evolution of skill mismatch [4] suggests a notable increase in mismatch at regional, country and euro area level (Figure 5). As the previous figure shows, employment losses in the euro area are strongly concentrated among low skilled workers

Figure 5: Skill mismatch indices for the euro area

All in all, estimates provided by international organisations – in particular, the European Commission, the OECD and the IMF – suggest that the crisis has resulted in an increase in structural unemployment across the euro area, rising from an average (across the three institutions) of 8.8% in 2008 to 10.3% by 2013. [5]

Nuancing the picture

There are nevertheless two important qualifications to make here.

The first is that estimates of structural unemployment are surrounded by considerable uncertainty, in particular in real time. For example, research by the European Commission suggests that estimates of the Non-Accelerating Wage Rate of Unemployment (NAWRU) in the current situation are likely to overstate the magnitude of unemployment linked to structural factors, notably in the countries most severely hit by the crisis. [6]

The second qualification is that behind the aggregate data lies a very heterogeneous picture. The current unemployment rate in the euro area of 11.5% is the (weighted) average of unemployment rates close to 5% in Germany and 25% in Spain. Structural developments also differ: analysis of the Beveridge curve at the country level reveals, for example, a pronounced inward shift in Germany, whereas in France, Italy and in particular Spain, the curves move outward.

This heterogeneity reflects different initial conditions, such as varying sectoral compositions of employment (in particular the share employed in construction), as well as the fact that unemployment rates have historically been persistently higher in some euro area countries than others. [7] But it also reflects the relationship between labour market institutions and the impact of shocks on employment. [8] The economies that have weathered the crisis best in terms of employment tend also to be those with more flexibility in the labour market to adjust to economic conditions.

In Germany, for example, the inward shift in the Beveridge curve seen over the course of the crisis follows a trend that began in the mid-2000s after the introduction of the Hartz labour market reforms. Its relatively stronger employment performance was also linked to the fact that German firms had instruments available to reduce employees’ working time at reasonable costs – i.e. the intensive margin – including reducing overtime hours, greater working time flexibility at the firm level, and extensive use of short-time work schemes. [9]

Even within the group of countries that experienced the sovereign debt crisis most acutely, we can see a differential impact of labour market institutions on employment. Ireland and Spain, for example, both experienced a large destruction of employment in the construction sector after the Lehman shock, but fared quite differently during the sovereign debt crisis. Unemployment in Ireland stabilised and then fell, whereas in Spain it increased until January 2013 (Figure 6). From 2011 to 2013 structural unemployment is estimated to have risen by around 0.5 percentages points in Ireland, whereas it increased by more than 2.5 percentages points in Spain. [10]

This diverging performance can in part be accounted for by emigration, especially of foreign-born labour [11], which was much higher in Ireland. But it also reflects the fact that Ireland entered the crisis with a relatively flexible labour market and adopted further labour market reforms under its EU-IMF programme beginning in November 2010. Spain, on the other hand, entered the crisis with strong labour market rigidities and reform only started meaningfully in 2012.

Importantly, until then, the capacity of firms to adjust to the new economic conditions was hampered in Spain by sectoral and regional collective bargaining agreements and wage indexation. Survey evidence indicates that Spain was among the countries where indexation was more frequent – covering about 70% of firms. [12] As a result, as Figure 6 shows, nominal compensation per employee continued to rise in Spain until the third quarter of 2011, despite a more than 12 percentage point increase in unemployment in that time. In Ireland, by contrast, downward wage adjustment began already in the fourth quarter of 2008 and proceeded more quickly.

The upshot was that, whereas the Irish labour market facilitated some adjustment through prices, the Spanish labour market adjusted primarily through quantities: firms were forced to reduce labour costs by reducing employment. And due to a high degree of duality in the Spanish labour market, this burden of adjustment was concentrated in particular on a less protected group – those on temporary contracts. These had been particularly prevalent in Spain in advance of the crisis, accounting for around one third of all employment contracts. [13]

In Spain, as in other stressed countries, a number of these labour market rigidities have since been addressed through structural reforms with positive effects. For example, the OECD estimates that the 2012 labour market reform in Spain has improved transitions out of unemployment and into employment at all unemployment durations. [14]

Figure 6: Unemployment and nominal compensation developments in Ireland and Spain

To sum up, unemployment in the euro area is characterised by relatively complex interactions. There have been differentiated demand shocks across countries. These shocks have interacted with initial conditions and national labour market institutions in different ways – and the interactions have changed as new reforms have been adopted. Consequently, estimates of the degree of cyclical and structural unemployment have to be made with quite some caution. But it is clear that such heterogeneity in labour market institutions is a source of fragility for the monetary union.

2. Responding to high unemployment

So what conclusions can we draw from this as policymakers? The only conclusion we can safely draw, in my view, is that we need action on both sides of the economy: aggregate demand policies have to be accompanied by national structural policies.

Demand side policies are not only justified by the significant cyclical component in unemployment. They are also relevant because, given prevailing uncertainty, they help insure against the risk that a weak economy is contributing to hysteresis effects. Indeed, while in normal conditions uncertainty would imply a higher degree of caution for fear of over-shooting, at present the situation is different. The risks of “doing too little” – i.e. that cyclical unemployment becomes structural – outweigh those of “doing too much” – that is, excessive upward wage and price pressures.

At the same time, such aggregate demand policies will ultimately not be effective without action in parallel on the supply side. Like all advanced economies, we are operating in a set of initial conditions determined by the last financial cycle, which include low inflation, low interest rates and a large debt overhang in the private and public sectors. In such circumstances, due to the zero lower bound constraint, there is a real risk that monetary policy loses some effectiveness in generating aggregate demand. The debt overhang also inevitably reduces fiscal space.

In this context, engineering a higher level and trend of potential growth – and thereby also government income – can help recover a margin for manoeuvre and allow both policies regain traction over the economic cycle. Reducing structural unemployment and raising labour participation is a key part of that. This is also particularly relevant for the euro area as, to list just one channel, higher unemployment in certain countries could lead to elevated loan losses, less resilient banks and hence a more fragmented transmission of monetary policy.

Boosting aggregate demand

On the demand side, monetary policy can and should play a central role, which currently means an accommodative monetary policy for an extended period of time. I am confident that the package of measures we announced in June will indeed provide the intended boost to demand, and we stand ready to adjust our policy stance further.

We have already seen exchange rate movements that should support both aggregate demand and inflation, which we expect to be sustained by the diverging expected paths of policy in the US and the euro area (Figure 7). We will launch our first Targeted Long-Term Refinancing Operation in September, which has so far garnered significant interest from banks. And our preparation for outright purchases in asset-backed security (ABS) markets is fast moving forward and we expect that it should contribute to further credit easing. Indeed, such outright purchases would meaningfully contribute to diversifying the channels for us to generate liquidity.

Figure 7: Expected real interest rate path in the euro area and the US

Inflation has been on a downward path from around 2.5% in the summer of 2012 to 0.4% most recently. Acknowledging this, the Governing Council would use also unconventional instruments to safeguard the firm anchoring of inflation expectations over the medium- to long -term.

Turning to fiscal policy, since 2010 the euro area has suffered from fiscal policy being less available and effective, especially compared with other large advanced economies. This is not so much a consequence of high initial debt ratios – public debt is in aggregate not higher in the euro area than in the US or Japan. It reflects the fact that the central bank in those countries could act and has acted as a backstop for government funding. This is an important reason why markets spared their fiscal authorities the loss of confidence that constrained many euro area governments’ market access. This has in turn allowed fiscal consolidation in the US and Japan to be more backloaded.

Thus, it would be helpful for the overall stance of policy if fiscal policy could play a greater role alongside monetary policy, and I believe there is scope for this, while taking into account our specific initial conditions and legal constraints. These initial conditions include levels of government expenditure and taxation in the euro area that are, in relation to GDP, already among the highest in the world. And we are operating within a set of fiscal rules – the Stability and Growth Pact – which acts as an anchor for confidence and that would be self-defeating to break.

Let me in this context emphasise four elements.

First, the existing flexibility within the rules could be used to better address the weak recovery and to make room for the cost of needed structural reforms.

Second, there is leeway to achieve a more growth-friendly composition of fiscal policies. As a start, it should be possible to lower the tax burden in a budget-neutral way. [15] This strategy could have positive effects even in the short-term if taxes are lowered in those areas where the short-term fiscal multiplier is higher, and expenditures cut in unproductive areas where the multiplier is lower. Research suggests positive second-round effects on business confidence and private investment could also be achieved in the short-term. [16]

Third, in parallel it may be useful to have a discussion on the overall fiscal stance of the euro area. Unlike in other major advanced economies, our fiscal stance is not based on a single budget voted for by a single parliament, but on the aggregation of eighteen national budgets and the EU budget. Stronger coordination among the different national fiscal stances should in principle allow us to achieve a more growth-friendly overall fiscal stance for the euro area.

Fourth, complementary action at the EU level would also seem to be necessary to ensure both an appropriate aggregate position and a large public investment programme – which is consistent with proposals by the incoming President of the European Commission. [17]

Reforming structural policies

No amount of fiscal or monetary accommodation, however, can compensate for the necessary structural reforms in the euro area. As I said, structural unemployment was already estimated to be very high coming into the crisis (around 9%). Indeed, some research suggests it has been high since the 1970s. [18] And given the interactions I described, there are important reasons why national structural reforms that tackle this problem can no longer be delayed.

This reform agenda spans labour markets, product markets and actions to improve the business environment. I will however focus here on labour markets, where there are two cross-cutting themes that I see as a priority.

The first is policies that allow workers to redeploy quickly to new job opportunities and hence lower unemployment duration. Such policies include enabling firm-level agreements that allow wages to better reflect local labour market conditions and productivity developments; allowing for greater wage differentiation across workers and between sectors; reductions in employment adjustment rigidities and especially labour market dualities; and product market reforms which help to speed up the reallocation of resources and employment to more productive sectors.

The second theme is raising the skill intensity of the workforce. We have already seen the disproportionate effect of the crisis on low skilled workers, which implies a period of re-skilling will be necessary to get people back into work. The longer-term effects of high youth unemployment also point to this conclusion. The number of unemployed aged between 15 and 24, relative to the labour force of the same age group, increased from an already high level of around 15% in 2007 to 24% in 2013. This has most likely left significant “scarring” as the young have lost access to a crucial step of on-the-job training.

The issue of skill intensity is also very relevant for potential growth. While raising labour participation is crucial, demographic prospects imply that it will provide a diminishing contribution to future potential. Lifting trend growth will have to come mainly through raising labour productivity. Thus, we need to ensure that, to the extent possible, employment is concentrated in high-value added, high-productivity sectors, which in turn is a function of skills.

What is more, in the global economy the euro area cannot compete on costs alone with emerging countries, if only because of our social model. Our comparative advantage therefore has to come from combining cost competitiveness with specialisation in high-value added activities – a business model that countries such as Germany have successfully demonstrated. Seen from this perspective, insufficient skill levels will effectively raise the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU) by causing more workers to drop out of the ‘competitiveness zone’ and become unemployable.

Raising skills is clearly first and foremost about education, where there is much that could still be done. The percentage of the working age population that has completed upper secondary or tertiary education in the euro area ranges from a high of more than 90% in some countries to a low of around 40% in others. But there is also an important role for active labour market policies, such as lifelong learning, and for eradicating distortions such labour market duality. The latter would, among other things, help reduce inefficient worker turnover and increase incentives for employers and employees to invest in developing job-specific skills.

3. Conclusion

Let me conclude.

Unemployment in the euro area is a complex phenomenon, but the solution is not overly complicated to understand. A coherent strategy to reduce unemployment has to involve both demand and supply side policies, at both the euro area and the national levels. And only if the strategy is truly coherent can it be successful.

Without higher aggregate demand, we risk higher structural unemployment, and governments that introduce structural reforms could end up running just to stand still. But without determined structural reforms, aggregate demand measures will quickly run out of steam and may ultimately become less effective. The way back to higher employment, in other words, is a policy mix that combines monetary, fiscal and structural measures at the union level and at the national level. This will allow each member of our union to achieve a sustainably high level of employment.

We should not forget that the stakes for our monetary union are high. It is not unusual to have regional disparities in unemployment within countries, but the euro area is not a formal political union and hence does not have permanent mechanisms to share risk, namely through fiscal transfers. [19] Cross-country migration flows are relatively small and are unlikely to ever become a key driver of labour market adjustment after large shocks. [20]

Thus, the long-term cohesion of the euro area depends on each country in the union achieving a sustainably high level of employment. And given the very high costs if the cohesion of the union is threatened, all countries should have an interest in achieving this.




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More Scaremongery: Inhofe Warns ISIS “Developing A Method To Blow Up A Major US City”

Last night it was SecDef Chuck Hagel who warned ISIS was a bigger threat to America than 9/11 and primed the narrative for the next round of defense-spending (and this deficit-boosting, QE-enabling money printing). Today it is Senate Armed Services Committee member Jim Inhofe who told Fox that “we’re in the most dangerous position we’ve ever been in as a nation.” While that seems a little bit of stretch (oh and hasn’t the Senator seen stocks?) he adds – rather ominously, “they’re crazy out there and they’re rapidly developing a method of blowing up a major U.S. city and people just can’t believe that’s happening.” But then again, when have we ever needed to ‘believe’ anything anyway (especially without YouTube clips to prove it).

 

Senator Inhofe explains…

 

As Fox notes,

ISIS, they are really bad terrorists, they’re so bad even Al Qaida is afraid of them,” Inhofe said reflecting on the recent beheading of American journalist James Foley. Beyond the beheading, Inhofe said the current terror organizations are not going to stay contained to the Middle East. “They’re crazy out there and they’re rapidly developing a method of blowing up a major U.S. city and people just can’t believe that’s happening.”

 

Inhofe blames policy decisions from the Obama administration and cuts in defense spending for putting the country in what he calls a dangerous situation.

 

He’s [President Obama] going to have to come up with something that we’re going to do because they’re holding another hostage in place and the problem is, the President says all these things and he never does them,” Inhofe said.

 

Inhofe said he hopes after the mid-term elections there will be more Republicans in the Senate and more of a willingness for both parties to work on restoring cuts to defense spending.

*  *  *

So – to confirm – this is a massive threat that needs a solution, that is Obama’s fault because he cut spending, but we need to cut spending more? Okeydokey then…




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Jeffrey Tucker on Liberty.me and How the Internet Undermines the Nation-State

“I really think the nation-state’s not relevant anymore in a
digital age,” says Jeffrey
Tucker
, publisher of Laissez Faire Books and the creator
and CEO of Liberty.me, a
“social network and online publishing platform for the liberty
minded.”

For nine dollars a month, participants of the website can access
a library of libertarian classics, privately message members
without interference from the National Security Agency, learn from
professors teaching classes on everything from Bitcoin to firearm
safety, and more. 

“We are so fortunate in this generation to have access to tools
our forebearers didn’t have. We have the digital cloud. That’s a
place where we can migrate… a zone of freedom that unleashes
creativity.”

Tucker recently sat down with Reason TV’s Nick Gillespie to
discuss Liberty.me, how the site embraces “spontaneous order,” and
the benefits to providing both public and private spaces on the
platform.

6 minutes. Edited by Joshua Swain. Shot by Swain and Todd
Krainin.

View this article.

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NY City Councilman Wants to Ban Toys in Happy Meals

McDonaldsNew York City Councilman—and
Bloomberg-in-training
—Ben Kallos has proposed legislation to
stop fast food restaurants from putting toys in Happy Meals that
contain too many calories. From
CBS New York
:

Kallos has now introduced a bill Thursday that would put an end
to putting toys in kids’ meals that are often unhealthy.

The measure, dubbed “Healthy Happy Meals,” would ban fast food
restaurants from offering free toys and other incentives with kids’
meals, like a McDonald’s Happy Meal, if the food in the children’s
meal contains more than 500 calories and more than 600 milligrams
of sodium.

“We’re trying to make sure that any happy meal is a healthy
happy meal, and making sure that any incentives, be they toys or
anything else, are tied to healthy meal choices and healthy
eating,” Kallos said.

It would also require the inclusion of a fruit, a vegetable or a
whole grain serving.

Good luck getting through that entire article without choking on
the nanny statism being shoved down your throat (the accompanying
video is unwatchable—freedom lovers will vomit).

Readers will remember that this kind of thing was tried in San
Francisco a few years ago. The law was
mocked by all
and eventually food chains found ways around it.
And a few months ago, a court invalidated New York City’s attempt
to
police sugary beverage consumption
. With any hope, Kallo’s
proposal won’t even get that far.

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