Is A Gas War Between The U.S. And Canada About To Start?

Submitted by Colin Chilcoat via OilPrice.com,

The United States and Canada work well together. The countries share the world’s largest and most comprehensive trade relationship, exchanging more than $2 billion per day in goods and services; the U.S. is Canada’s largest foreign investor and Canada is the third-largest foreign investor in the U.S. The partnership clearly isn’t broken, but it may need some mending as bilateral and international gas trade stands to complicate matters in short order.

As with most current global natural gas issues, we must first look back to the shale gas revolution. In 2005 – just as hydraulic fracturing was finding its feet in the Barnett shale – piped supplies from Canada met nearly 17 percent of total U.S. natural gas demand. By year’s end 2015 – with U.S. production some 50 percent higher – imports from Canada dipped below 10 percent of consumption.

For Canadian producers, rising U.S. production is just one of a series of issues in what is a multifaceted and evolving problem: they struggle to compete. Of course, the resulting, and thus far persistent low prices are another. Canadian natural gas deliverability has taken a large hit as prices have moved below the supply cost of most new natural gas developments. Total production dipped slightly in 2015, though Alberta and British Columbia (BC) provinces – the Montney and Duvernay shales – proved resilient.

While non-core plays will continue to struggle, the NGL-rich and relatively low-cost gas from the Montney looks to drive a rebound in 2016. Led by Petronas (Progress Energy Canada), Canadian Natural Resources, ARC Resources, and Encana as well as smaller-cap producers like Painted Pony Petroleum, marketed production from Alberta and BC is projected to grow approximately 2 and 6 percent respectively this year. Across all provinces and territories, Canadian production is slated to rise nearly 2.5 percent, to just over 15.3 billion cubic feet per day (Bcf/d).

For its part, U.S. producers have their own Montney – or six. The colossal Marcellus shale, which stretches across much of the Appalachian Basin, outputs more than 17.3 Bcf/d and counting. The neighboring Utica shale is no slouch either; production is up to 3.6 Bcf/d, 88 percent higher than a year ago. What’s more, they’re moving north.

Positioned mere miles away from Canada’s hungrier eastern markets, cheap gas from the Marcellus and Utica shales is increasingly replacing supplies from Western Canada. Gas shipments to eastern Canada from western Canadian drillers are down more than 50 percent since 2005; U.S. cargoes have doubled in that time. Over the next decade, the flow is likely to more than double again.

Spectra Energy’s Atlantic Bridge and NEXUS projects will soon (2017) deliver over 1.6 Bcf/d of U.S. shale to high-demand markets including Chicago, Ohio, New England, Ontario, and Atlantic Canada. TransCanada’s South-to-North project plans to reverse the flow of the Iroquois line by late-2017, sending 0.65 Bcf/d to Canada’s eastern provinces. Energy Transfer’s $4.2 billion Rover pipeline will carry 3.25 Bcf/d of Marcellus and Utica gas through the Midwest to Enbridge and DTE’s Vector pipeline, where it will cross the border into Ontario.

With its domestic eastern and U.S. Midwest markets shrinking or altogether disappearing, Canada’s slow-footed attempts to join the growing ranks of LNG exporters are all the more damaging. Canada’s federal government recently further delayed its decision on the $36 billion Pacific Northwest LNG facility. The Petronas project – while not alone – is make or break for Canada’s LNG hopes; prospective Asian buyers are running short on patience, and high on options.

‘Gas war’ is perhaps a misnomer – interconnectivity is increasing and the U.S. stands to remain a net importer of Canadian gas through 2040 – but continental and international competition will certainly re-characterize what was a largely humdrum relationship.


via Zero Hedge http://ift.tt/1V6cxie Tyler Durden

Attention President Obama: One Third Of U.S. Households Can No Longer Afford Food, Rent And Transportation

While the Fed has long been focusing on the revenue part of the household income statement (which unfortunately has not been rising nearly fast enough to stimulate benign inflation in the form of nominal wages rising at the Fed’s preferred clip of 3.5% or higher), one largely ignored aspect of said balance sheet has been the expense side: after all, for any money to be left over and saved, expenses have to surpass income. However, according to a striking new Pew study while household spending has returned to pre-recession levels (the average household spent $36,800 in 2014) incomes have not. 

Specifically, while the median income had fallen by 13% from 2004 levels over the next decade, expenditures had increased by nearly 14%. But nobody was more impacted than the one-third of households which the study defines as “low-income.” Pew finds that while all households had less slack in their budgets in 2014 than in 2004, lower-income households went into the red by over $2,300.

In other words, approximately one third of American households were no longer able to cover the core necessities – food, housing and transportation – with average income. 

According to Pew, households spent more in 2014 than they did in 1996, after adjusting for inflation; this holds whether the figures are based on averages (means) or medians. The typical household saw its expenditures grow by more than 25 percent, from $29,400 in 1996 to $36,800 in 2014. Mean expenditures grew 27 percent since 1996, rising from $43,200 to $54,800.

The problem is that incomes have not kept up: from 2004 to 2008, median household income grew by only 1.5 percent, while median expenditures increased by about 11 percent. During that period, the expenditure-to-income ratio (the percentage of a household’s budget used for spending) jumped by 9 percent. As the recovery began, median household expenditures returned to pre-crisis levels, but median household income continued to contract. By 2014, median income had fallen by 13 percent from 2004 levels, while expenditures had increased by nearly 14 percent. This change in the expenditure-to-income ratio in the years following the financial crisis is a clear indication of why and how households feel financially strained.  


 

Worse, as the chart below shows, in 2004, typical households at the bottom had $1,500 of income left over after expenses. By 2014, this figure had decreased by $3,800, putting them $2,300 in the red. As Pew notes, “the lack of financial flexibility threatens low-income households’ financial security in the short term and their economic mobility in the long term”, and as we would add, this makes them effective wards of the state to be manipulated by demagogue politicians with promises of free handouts.  

But perhaps worst of all is that typical U.S. households in the center of the income distribution range, aka America’s true middle class, have seen their income after meeting all expenses (aka leftover savings) plunge from $17,000 in real terms a decade ago to a paltry $6,000 as of 2014, a plunge of 65%!


 

What was the reason for this big drop in residual income and jump in expenses? According to Erin Currier, project director at Pew Charitable Trusts, “over time, [lower-income groups] consistently spend more on transportation and considerably more on housing.”

However, the biggest culprit by far, are soaring rental costs: “Lower income renters are spending nearly half their income on rent, while upper-income groups spend about 15% on rent. The disparity really shows that lower income families don’t have much slack in their budgets for mobility-enhancing investments like savings and wealth building.”

 

What is particularly notable is the substantial jump in median expenditures in just 2014. This was mostly due to an odd spike in rents:

For a typical family of four (two earners and two children), while median household income increased by about $10,000 between 1996 and 2014, annual expenditures also increased by about the same amount, driven largely by higher spending for core needs: housing, food, and transportation. Although the absolute change in income and expenditures was similar, this family had less slack in its budget in 2014 than in 1996, as its expenditure-to-income ratio grew from 71 percent to 75 percent.

The reason for record high asking rents has been extensively covered here before; here is Pew’s take:

Since the start of the housing crisis in 2007, homeownership rates have declined among households in the middle- and upper-income tiers. These decreases have affected the rental market, as former owners became renters, leading to rental vacancy rates at historical lows below 7 percent. The diminished supply of rental properties increased the cost of rental housing dramatically; in 2014, renters at each rung of the income ladder spent a higher share of their income on housing than they had in any year since 2004. Although both renters and homeowners spent more for housing in 2014, notable differences in the proportion of household resources going to shelter were evident across income groups, with lower-income renter households spending close to half of their pretax income on rent.

This, together with our previous report that increasingly more US households are unable to afford to purchase a home, should put to rest any speculation whether those who point out the chronic deterioration of the economy for everyone, not just the 1% who truly are doing better than ever, are “peddling fiction.” 

Pew’s conclusion confirms just that.

The amount of slack that families had in their budgets declined for all income groups between 2004 and 2014. This means households had less income to devote to wealth-building investments, such as short- and long-term savings, education, and life insurance. In 2004, the typical household in the lower third had a little less than $1,500 left over after accounting for annual outlays. Just 10 years later, this amount had fallen to negative $2,300, a $3,800 decline. These households may have had to use savings, get help from family and friends, or use credit to meet regular annual household expenditures. The typical household in the middle third saw its slack drop from $17,000 in 2004 to $6,000 in 2014. Of note, because income is measured before taxes, some families will have had even less slack in their budgets than this figure implies.

One final note: in the paragraph above replace “slack” with “savings” for an accurate description of what is going on.

Source: Pew Trusts


via Zero Hedge http://ift.tt/21TZ0KX Tyler Durden

Are We Becoming A Nation Of Silver-Haired Crooks?

Submitted by Bill Bonner of Bonner & Partners (annotated by Acting-Man.com's Pater Tenebrarum),

A Salutary Effect

“Ike and Dick Sure to Click” was an exciting election slogan. Their Democratic opponents, Adlai Stevenson and Estes Kefauver, had their snazzy campaign jingle, too: “Adlai and Estes… They’re the Bestes.”

Surely, the men behind these slogans had their private hungers and perversions. But they kept them to themselves. The 1956 presidential election campaign was a dull affair.

Google “Adlai Stevenson’s wife,” and you will get only the barest biographical information. But Google “Melania Trump” or “Heidi Cruz”… oh la la! Just be sure there are no children around.

 

melania-trump-1-800

Mirror, mirror on the wall, who’s the fairest of them all? The reality TV election is here!

 

It’s all out in the open now. This is the most entertaining election in U.S. history… and the first episode of Reality Democracy, in which the only apparent goal – or effect – is to get the ratings up.

When we were in grammar school, the teacher told us that “anybody in this classroom could grow up to be president.” We looked around the room with dread and foreboding. But now it looks as though she was right.

But this election ought to have a very salutary effect on the public: No one will ever take an election seriously again.

 

Silver-Haired Crooks

On Easter Sunday, we met a smart man who confessed to having voted for Donald Trump in the Florida primary. Of course, we wanted to know: What was he thinking? More on that in a moment…

A headline in yesterday’s paper jolted us away from the election. “Japan’s hard-up retirees turn to crime,” begins the headline in the Financial Times.

 

recidivist pensioners in Japan

A gang of elderly recidivists in a Japanese jail. We apologize for using a kind of tinny word here.

 

After years of QE (quantitative easing), ZIRP (zero-interest-rate policy), NIRP (negative-interest-rate policy), and Abenomics (Japanese prime minister Shinz? Abe’s stimulus-focused economic policies) – which is to say, all the standard deviations of modern central banking – older Japanese people must now break the law… to get “free board and lodging behind bars.”

Is this what is coming to the U.S.? “Yes,” is the safe answer. Japan has been ahead of us on this entire trip. Its stock market crashed in 1989. That led to a Great Recession, which the authorities fought like the Imperial Army defending Okinawa. Japanese policymakers invented QE… and for 26 years, they’ve held interest rates near zero.

 

Japan, rates and Nikkei

Japanese interest rates and the Nikkei – the former are now at or below zero, the latter remains about 60% below its all time high made more than 26 years ago – click to enlarge.

 

Shinz? Abe became prime minister specifically to end Japan’s quarter-century-long slump. He failed. The “three arrows” of his Abenomics platform – fiscal stimulus, monetary easing, and structural reform – seem to have driven the defenders even further to ground.

 

Hard Choices

It should, by now, be obvious to everyone that William McChesney Martin was right. As the ninth chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve, he was the man on duty during the election cycle of 1956.

And he was the man responsible for “normalizing” interest rates, after the Fed’s war-time deal with the Treasury to help fund the deficit with ultra-low rates. Some feared this would trigger economic calamity. But Martin saw clearly what his homologues of the 21st century would rather go blind than see:

“Under the hard choices left to us in wartime, we had to dictate even some of the smallest details of our economic life, but that strait jacketing of the economy is wholly inconsistent with democratic institutions and a private enterprise system…

 

In a Free Market, rates can go down as well as up and thus perform their proper function in the price mechanism. Dictated money rates breed dictated prices all across the board.”

He then described the consequences of what would become the Bernanke-Yellen Money Dictatorship:

[W]e would have no reliable safeguard against the erosion of our savings, our pensions, our life insurance policies – the capital upon which the institutions of private enterprise rest…

 

15 Mar 1951, Washington, DC, USA --- Original caption: 3/15/1951-Washington, DC- William McChesney Martin, Jr., above, has been named to succeed Thomas B. McCabe as Chairman and member of the Federal Reserve Board. Martin, now Assistant Treasury Secretary, was recomissioned by McCabe, who has resigned.

William McChesney Martin, old school central banker (this species is reportedly extinct).

Photo credit: Bettmann / Corbis

 

So far, Mr. Bernanke and Ms. Yellen seem to have the matter under control. We see no erosion of the value of our financial assets. Instead, stocks and bonds have gone up in price.

But the companies behind them are now encrusted with crony barnacles like an old boat. The boat slows… and rides lower and lower in the water. Real capital formation declines… productivity sinks… wages stagnate…

And then, you have people who get poorer, not richer… and silver-haired crooks… desperate to be behind bars, where they find warm beds and old friends. Mr. Martin, who lived to be 91 years old and died in 1998, would have understood it.

 

The Genius of Trump

But let’s return to our intelligent friend, casting his vote in the primaries for Donald J. Trump:

“I know him well. He’s a friend of mine,” he began.

“A lot of the things he says you can’t take literally,” he replied under cross examination.

“Like that wall. He’s not going to build a wall. The Mexicans aren’t going to pay for it. But it’s a great image. It’s one that sticks in your mind.

 

trumpswall

Pardon us for sticking images into your mind…

“You get lost when you talk about trade policies and export account deficits. People don’t know what you are talking about. And they take you for another Hillary Clinton or some other Beltway Insider. Blah, blah, blah… more of the same.

“But the wall is a strong image. It announces that Trump is different. And he’s going to protect the American people. That’s all it’s meant to do. It’s not meant to be taken literally.

“That’s why Donald Trump is a genius. He’s able to communicate in a different way. The wall image tells people what they really want to know, without getting lost in details.

“He’ll do things differently. And that’s why the cronies and the Deep State are so afraid of him.”


via Zero Hedge http://ift.tt/232eUp0 Tyler Durden

Donald Trump Has Wrecked the Republican Party. Here’s What a Better GOP Could Look Like.

Donald Trump has broken the Republican party.

At a presidential townhall last night hosted by CNN, Trump refused to say that he would support the GOP nominee, whoever he is, insisting that he had been “treated very unfairly.” Ted Cruz and John Kasich, the other two GOP candidates still in the race, also declined to make the promise.

The joint refusal signaled the death of the pledge to support the nominee, which was pushed on the candidates by the Republican National Committee, and something more than that as well. It’s a sign that the Republican party is no longer functioning as a coherent unit—that the party, which is supposed to be a vehicle for unifying and channeling political energy, is no longer capable of doing so. It has become a force for disorganization and disunity. The party, which has long struggled with dysfunction, has totally fallen apart. So now the question is: What’s next?

One possibility is that nothing much will change, that GOP leadership will continue as planned, treating Trump as a storm to be weathered rather than a structural problem to be addressed. But as New York Times columnist Ross Douthat writes in a retort to an unsigned piece by The Wall Street Journal’s editorial board, that is not so much a strategy as a willful blindness to reality, a refusal not only to reckon with the party’s problems, but to admit that they exist, and to continue on the path of George W. Bush and Ronald Reagan and income tax cuts and hawkish maximalism.  

But if things are to change, then the question is how. Trump does not offer much in the way of specific guidance. His campaign is not animated by specific policy proposals, but by an inchoate anger and frustration, a brooding sense of economic anxiety and cultural dislocation that he absorbs and channels into support for him, and whatever it is he does and says on any given day. What Trump’s success suggests, however, is that candidates need not stick strictly to the GOP playbook in order to be successful. He has ripped up the rulebook, but he has not provided a new one.

What the GOP needs, then, are new political models—candidates who embody what the Republican party could be, and whose attitudes and emphases suggest possible paths forward. For that, there are worse places to start than a trio of GOP senators: Jeff Flake of Arizona, Mike Lee of Utah, and Rand Paul of Kentucky, each of whom embodies a distinct kind of Republicanism, and a possible response to the problems facing the party.

The Republican party of today faces three main pressures, broadly speaking: an external demographic and cultural pressure to be more open and inclusive, a (mostly) internal economic pressure to be more sensitive to the needs and interests of the working class, and an ideological pressure, driven by parts of the party’s base, to be more rigorous in its adherence to limited government principle.

The careers of Flake, Lee, and Paul each offer possible responses to at least one of these challenges. Flake is a former conservative think tank chief and one of the GOP’s leading voices in favor of trade and immigration, a sun-belt fiscal conservative who has fought party orthodoxy on U.S. relations with Cuba. Lee is arguably the Senate GOP’s most effective policy entrepreneur, the backer of a tax reform plan the merits of which are debatable but which is at least intended to prioritize easing the tax burden on middle class families as well as one of the Republican party’s most prominent voices on sentencing and criminal justice reform. And, setting aside the mistakes and compromises of his presidential campaign, Paul is perhaps the party’s most effective internal critic, a spokesperson for a more humble foreign policy and an advocate for personal privacy, as well as one of the few GOP leaders who has at least attempted, however awkwardly, to expand the GOP’s demographic base.

None of these candidates fully and perfectly addresses all of the GOP’s current pressure points, of course. And all of them certainly frustrate both conservatives and libertarians in any number of ways, both for their deviations from the party line, and for the ways they continue to adhere to it.

Ideally, the party would combine attributes of all three, becoming both more libertarian and more populist, more focused on its working class base and more inclusive and open to outsiders at home and abroad, more ideologically consistent and more friendly to policy experimentation.

That would require compromise, of course. The party would certainly be more socially conservative than most libertarians would like, and would probably be more open on immigration than many of the conservative rank-and-file would prefer. But it could also offer something to both, and, with some effort, channel some of the rage and alienation that is currently fueling Trump’s campaign into something more productive and more unifying.

What these candidates share, broadly speaking, is an openness to bipartisan cooperation that is not conventionally centrist, a staunch and serious conservatism that is not entirely rigid when it comes to policy, and a focus on openness and inclusion, on expanding the party’s appeal beyond its base—or, the very least, on opening up the lines of communication with people the party tends to ignore. And while all of them favor tax cuts of some form or another (they are, in the end, still Republicans), they do no see tax policy—and in particular cuts to marginal income tax rates—as the be-all, end-all of domestic policy. And yet they are all also staunch fiscal hawks, at least relative to the typical GOP Senator.

All of them, in other words, are at least partially untethered from the Republican party’s past. And as a result, all of them offer at least a glimpse at what a revived GOP could look like—models for a post-Trump party, and, critically, a post-Bush and post-Reagan party as well, one that might even challenge Democrats (who have their own issues) in new and interesting ways too.

If there is a single saving grace to Donald Trump’s ugly, embarassing, wrecking ball run through the GOP, this may be it. He’s wrecked the party, but he’s also provided an opportunity—maybe—to save it from itself.

from Hit & Run http://ift.tt/1pL3Tty
via IFTTT

Meanwhile In San Francisco – $400/Month To Live In A Box In Someone’s Living Room

We’ve spent quite a lot of time documenting the inexorable rise in housing prices across some of the world’s red hot markets.

Take Vancouver, for instance, where according to National Bank, one third of all homes sold in 2015 went to Chinese buyers whose voracious demand has driven prices into the stratosphere in both British Columbia and Ontario. Here’s what $2.5 million will get you in Point Grey:

Or how about London, where things are so out of control that it will cost you £500 to live under someone’s stairs:

Then there’s San Francisco, where the median home price is now well over $1 million. Indeed, as we noted just yesterday, San Francisco home prices rose 10.5% in January and, along with properties in Seattle and Portland, have now surpassed their housing bubble highs:

And when last we checked in on Silicon Valley, a tent in someone’s backyard goes for $46 a night (you get an extension cord, one shower a day, and wi-fi).

But if you aren’t the camping type, there’s another option: you can always build yourself a wooden box and put it in someone’s living room. “The median rent for a one bedroom apartment in San Francisco is a stunning $3,670 a month, and a bedroom in a shared apartment will set you back at least $1,500 for a decent location on the peninsula,” Gizmodo writes, on the way to recounting the story of Peter Berkowitz, a 25-year-old illustrator who devised an innovative way to save on rent in the Bay Area’s lunatic market. Here’s more:

Peter Berkowitz is my new favorite guy. The 25-year-old illustrator recently moved to San Francisco and instead of settling for some landlord’s price-gouging, he found some other cool kids who let him build a box in their living room. Peter’s rent is just $400 a month.

 

This box-in-the-living room idea, now that’s something I can get behind. You’re lucky to have any space at all to yourself in San Francisco’s housing shortage, but it’s damn near impossible to find such a cozy little sleep pod like this. Peter built the thing with his bare hands for only $1,300 and even included a little window and some fairy lights so that it feels less like coffin and more like a magical escape from the dystopia that is the city by the bay. It’s eight feet by 3.5 feet (a little longer and wider than a coffin). The real perk though is that it’s 4.5 feet tall (much taller than a coffin). And look, there’s a cute little shelf for his MacBook.

 


 

One time I lived in a closet in London for £250 a month, roughly the same as what Peter’s paying for his box. I was able to stand up straight in my closet, but I was not able to stretch my arms out in both directions. It was no problem, though, because I was broke as hell and got to use the living room from time-to-time. I even had a girlfriend for a little while.

 

In all seriousness, it’s absurd that Frisco living has come to this. It’s bad for everyone who’s not some overpaid Facebook employee, and it’s bad for America. The housing crisis also isn’t entirely the tech companies’ fault, although they could be doing a lot more to fix it. Take a hint from Peter. He seems like a real get-up-and-go guy. Well, more like get-up-slightly-hunched-over-and-crawl-out-of-your-box-and-into-a-living-room kind of guy. I like this guy.

It may be cliché, but this is one time where you really can blame China and if Beijing really does intend to liberalize the capital account while simultaneously orchestrating a far deeper devaluation of the RMB, you can bet things are going to get even crazier in the world’s hottest housing markets. 

Trade idea: long prefab living room cubicles.


via Zero Hedge http://ift.tt/1qjBdse Tyler Durden

The Demise of the Republican Party, and Duverger’s Law

RepublicanDemiseThe Republican Party is falling apart. Last night during a townhall in Wisconsin, the three remaining Republican presidential candidates essentially refused to say that they would support whoever turns out to be the party’s nominee. In addition, the spat over state legislation in Georgia and North Carolina aiming to salve the wounds of social conservatives over gay marriage went in opposite directions. In Georgia, at the behest of the business community, the Republican governor vetoed such legislation. In contrast, as a sop to social conservatives the Republican governor of North Carolina signed similar legislation into law. With the business wing of the Republican Party fighting with the party’s social conservatives, can it long endure? If not, what happens next?

French sociologist Maurice Duverger formulated in 1951 the principle that “the simple-majority single-ballot [plurality or first-past-the-post rule] system favours the two-party system.” Of course, Duverger’s law has been challenged many times by other researchers, but others have found strong evidence that the law holds in the main. In other words, in such electoral systems citizens tend to vote strategically rather than sincerely. (Proportional voting or run-off electoral schemes tend toward multi-party systems.)

The last time the death of a major American political party—the Whigs—led to the creation of new party with the ability to capture the presidency and significant numbers of seats in Congress was in the 1850s. The Whig Party emerged in opposition to Andrew Jackson’s populism in the 1830s and attracted support from the economically dynamic sectors of the U.S. economy. It died by 1854 when its northern and southern wings split over slavery. Duverger’s law held sway and lots of northern Whigs went on to found the Republican Party.

It is perilous to try to compare disparate political eras, but are the current splits among Republicans enough to bring about its demise and give birth to a new party with national scope? A recent poll finds that Gary Johnson who may be the Libertarian Party’s presidential candidate this year pulled double digit support from both Clinton and Trump. If the GOP shatters at its national convention in July, are there any political entrepreneurs who have the vision to replace it with a coalition of socially liberal business-oriented Republicans, non-warmongering Democrats, and the 20 percent of Americans who are self-consciously libertarian? Stay tuned.

from Hit & Run http://ift.tt/1UCONUC
via IFTTT

Are Housing Stocks Putting Up A Roof?

Via Dana Lyons' Tumblr,

A key index of housing stocks is hitting several layers of overhead resistance.

We’ve noted over the past few weeks that the post-February stock rally has brought many of the major indices into areas of significant resistance on their charts. The same goes for some of the sector averages. Included among them, in our view, is the PHLX Housing Index, or HGX. The impressive list of factors posing as potential resistance nearby on the HGX chart includes:

  1. The broken post-2011 Up trendline
  2. The 200-Day Simple Moving Average
  3. The 61.8% Fibonacci Retracement of the August-February decline
  4. The breakdown gap emanating from the December 31, 2015 close

 

image

 

Here is a close-up shot at the multiple resistance layers:

image

 

We will say the pace of the recovery in the HGX has been impressive, up some 25% from its February basement levels. However, the move has produced a very overbought status in the index in the short-term, just as it has reached this critical confluence of resistance levels. That should make for tough sledding in the near-term, regardless of the fate of the index in the longer-term.

That said, thanks to another central bank kick-save, this time from Fed Chair Janet Yellen, a host of indices including the HGX made a late-day run at hurdling key resistance today. The jury is still out on which, if any, were successful in overcoming their potential resistance. Furthermore, they will have to sustain their position above such levels in order to claim victory. However, after having been temporarily halted precisely at suspected resistance over the past week, and appearing vulnerable to further weakness, today’s move certainly brightens the picture a bit.

In the case of the HGX, despite today’s move, a clear-cut breakout above resistance is far from a done deal. In other words, this one is still listed as contingent as the housing sector still has work to do before it gets its “clear to close”.

*  *  *

More from Dana Lyons, JLFMI and My401kPro.


via Zero Hedge http://ift.tt/1pKYbYG Tyler Durden

Iran’s Future Is In Missiles, Not Dialogue, And Anyone Who Says Otherwise Is “Ignorant Traitor”: Ayatollah

The ink on the Iran nuclear deal wasn’t even dry yet when Tehran tested a next generation, surface-to-surface ballistic missile with the range to hit archrival Israel.

The Emad, as the new weapon is called, expands upon Iran’s already impressive arsenal of missiles which the IRGC insists are paramount to securing the country against regional threats. The country’s missile program, Tehran says, is purely defensive in nature.

Be that as it may, October’s Emad launch ruffled more than a few feathers in Washington and Jerusalem. As we wrote at the time, it violated the spirit of the nuclear accord if not the letter and subsequently, there were questions as to whether the new missile also ran afoul of a UN Security Council resolution governing the test-firing of missiles capable of delivering nuclear warheads.

Fast forward to March and Iran once again moved to show off its fire power, this time by test-firing a handful of medium-range Qiam-1s from silos across the country.

(an image from the March 9 exercises)

The missiles hit targets some 700 km away. “Our main enemies are imposing new sanctions on Iran to weaken our missile capabilities,” Brigadier General Amir Ali Hajizadeh, commander of the IRGC’s aerospace arm said, in a statement. “But they should know that the children of the Iranian nation in the Revolutionary Guards and other armed forces refuse to bow to their excessive demands,” he added, for emphasis.

Washington has run into problems when it comes to applying new sanctions to the Iranian government in connection with the missiles program. “The U.S. Treasury Department blacklisted [last week] two Iranian companies, cutting them off from international finance over their connection to the missile program,” Reuters writes, before reminding us that “Washington imposed similar sanctions on 11 businesses and individuals in January over” last October’s Emad launch. 

Hajizadeh was ready with more bombast: “Even if they build a wall around Iran, our missile program will not stop. They are trying to frighten our officials with sanctions and invasion. This fear is our biggest threat.” 

Meanwhile, Russia is set to block any further efforts to impose UN sanctions on Tehran in connection with the missile program. “The White House insists it has all the unilateral authorities it needs to slap new sanctions on Iran for defying the spirit — if perhaps not the letter — of the UN Security Council resolution implementing the nuclear deal which ‘called upon’ Iran ‘not to undertake any activity related to ballistic missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons,'” Al-Monitor writes. “Russia insists that language is not a legal prohibition, in effect ruling out more missile-related UN sanctions.”

You may like it or not that Iran launches ballistic missiles – but that is a different story,” said Mikhail Ulyanov, head of the Russian ministry’s department for non-proliferation and arms control. “The truth is that in the 2231 resolution there are no such bans.”

And it wouldn’t matter if there were, because as the Ayatollah made abundantly clear on Wednesday, any moderate Iranian politicians who believe that Iran’s future will rely more on diplomacy and less on “defensive” weapons are sorely mistaken. 

In an apparent response to former President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani who last week tweeted that Iran’s “future is in dialogue, not missiles,” Khamenei said the following today: “Those who say the future is in negotiations, not in missiles, are either ignorant or traitors. If the Islamic Republic seeks negotiations but has no defensive power, it would have to back down against threats from any weak country.”

Clear enough Mr. Rafsanjani? You are either stupid or hell bent on treason and either way, the Ayatollah doesn’t have any patience for it.

All humor aside, it’s hard to blame Khamenei and the IRGC for their hard line stance on Tehran’s missile program. Yes, the Ayatollah takes great pleasure in trolling Washington and he very often uses his own special brand of absurd hyperbole to intentionally whip the masses into an anti-American frenzy. But when it comes to Iran’s right as a sovereign country to defend itself, it’s not at all clear why Tehran should be held to a different standard than the Israelis or the Saudis -both states that are heavily armed and pose a very real threat to Iran and its people. 

Indeed, Israel and Saudi Arabia have proven time and again that they aren’t interested in having any kind of honest “dialogue” with Iran whatsoever and there are plenty of people on Capitol Hill who take the same approach. Given that, it seems entirely reasonable for Khamenei to suggest that as long as the current geopolitical dynamic persists, Iran’s future will indeed be tied more closely to missiles than to negotiations.


via Zero Hedge http://ift.tt/1pKYbIj Tyler Durden

How I’m trying to help a desperate family member

Yesterday I received a rather desperate phone call from a relative of mine named Sam.

I used to spend a LOT of time with Sam growing up. And back then he was an amazing guy.

Sam was the kind of person who was so charismatic that you felt happy and excited just being around him.

He was an incredibly positive person with a keen interest in helping others.

I remember how frequently he used to start some meaningful project to benefit his community, or quite often less-fortunate people thousands of miles away that he had never met.

Sam was also incredibly successful. He was just one of those people who always seemed to be able to make money. And over the course of his life he amassed substantial wealth.

Sam was constantly learning and creating; he was in to art, science, technology… a real Renaissance man.

Most of all, Sam was a person of rock-solid integrity. He stood up for his values, and the rest of us deeply respected him.

I’m really grateful to have had his mentorship for so long, and I know that I’m a better person as a result of his influence.

But starting around 15 years ago, Sam started to change.

He went through a major personal crisis… the kind of thing you hope to never have to experience in life.

It was absolutely terrible. And the entire family rallied around him in support.

I personally spent several years of my life going to bat for Sam, and I sacrificed a lot for him. The whole family did.

But Sam never recovered. In fact he just got worse.

He started making the most incredibly bizarre financial decisions, squandering away his wealth in ways that just seemed completely crazy to the rest of the family.

He had dozens of businesses at that point, and ALL of them were losing money.

But he refused to make any changes. He refused to tighten the business spending. In fact he started spending even more, squandering what little wealth he had left.

We tried to help. Some of his accountants approached us at one point and gave us a snapshot of Sam’s finances. It was gruesome.

This guy had easily been the wealthiest person we had all known. But he had been reduced, at least on paper, to poverty.

His debts were astronomical, and he hardly had any savings or assets left other than his house and a few fancy antiques.

But Sam refused to believe it; he insisted on living like the multi-millionaire he had always been, even though he no longer had any income to support his lifestyle.

It was so bad that the entire family had to chip in and start putting money into his bank account on a monthly basis.

But whatever amount we could muster was barely enough to cover Sam’s most basic living expenses, let alone all the luxury he was accustomed to.

And we couldn’t even begin to make a dent in Sam’s debt burden, which was growing by the day. We found out later that he had even gone into debt with some pretty shady characters.

We tried intervening again and again. But Sam wouldn’t listen.

And despite all the help and support we had extended him, Sam ultimately turned on his own family, attacking the people who loved him most.

He used to ring us up, and sometimes even show up on our doorsteps in the middle of the night, demanding money… screaming that we had an obligation as a family to pay him.

He even got violent with some of my relatives; with others he broke into their houses and stole from them.

At some point there was a complete mental breakdown, and he became totally paranoid. He started taking letters from the mailbox and reading our mail.

And he even ratted out a few of my relatives to the authorities for some petty violations of the municipal code.

A few members of the family started to distance themselves from Sam; at that point the guy was a loose cannon and becoming dangerous.

We found out later that he started embezzling funds from his companies. He’d taken money out of his employees’ pension accounts for his own personal use.

And he’d leaned heavily on his reputation in the business community to build a giant fraudulent pyramid scheme.

It was really sad.

Sam had changed. There were always good days and bad days, and sometimes I would occasionally see flashes of the old Sam.

But for the most part his desperation had made him petty, deceitful, and abusive, even with his own family.

And the man I had once known– that strong, honorable Sam who always stood up for what was right– was long gone.

He and I had once been so close, and he was such an important mentor in my life.

But at a certain point I had to recognize that there were too many things about another person’s life that were beyond my ability to fix.

I will always love my Uncle Sam and be grateful for his life lessons and the fond memories of our time together.

But I finally had to move on with my own life and become free of his destructive behavior.

It was a hard decision. But I know it was the right one.

It’s natural to want to help family; but to continue enabling someone so abusive only makes his problem worse.

And I realized that the old Sam still exists. He’s within me. And all the rest of the family.

The best thing I can really do for him is to emulate all the good qualities he used to have… and continue to live by most important values that Sam once stood for.

PS-

Sam may be your Uncle too… because Sam is America.

from Sovereign Man http://ift.tt/1q2CRyv
via IFTTT

Solid Sale Of 7 Year Paper Ends Streak Of Poor Treasury Auctions

Following two disappointing auctions earlier this week when first the 2Y and then the 5Y auctions either demonstrated a substantial drop off in bid-side interest or priced wildly through the when issued, we said to await today’s 7Y auction for the true picture of demand for primary paper, as the first auction took place when Europe was out for Easter vacation, and the second one took place just as Yellen speaking at the Economic Club yesterday.

And indeed, if the 7Y is an indication, the demand for US paper remains quite solid, especially at the belly of the curve where moments ago the US Treasury sold $28 billion in Cusip Q29, at a yield of 1.606%, stopped inside the 1.61% When Issued.

The internals were also solid, with the Bid to Cover of 2.51, rebounding from last month’s 2.46, and also above the 12TTM average 2.45. The Indirect bid also picked up, with foreign official entities taking down 57.8% vs 53.48% last and also above the 12 month average of 55.5%, while Direct bidders ended up with 15.5% of the final allotment, the highest since August 2014. This means Dealers ended up with just 26.7% of the auction, down from the 32.3% in February and also below the 12 month average, confirming perhaps that any weakness seen in the past few days’ auctions was merely a fluke.


via Zero Hedge http://ift.tt/1UUNy2z Tyler Durden