America’s Aging Baby Boomers, Forced To Work Until Death, Blamed For Collapsing US Productivity

The graying of America’s workforce will come as no surprise to regular readers. Just earlier this month, we wrote that in a little noticed aspect of the “stellar” June jobs report, the vast majority – or 90% of all new jobs – went to workers 55 and older.

 

Hardly an outlier, this was the latest confirmation of a very troubling trend: all jobs created since the recession started in December 2007 have gone to workers 55 and older.

 

In fact, in the latest month, there was a record 34.5 million workers in this age group: the only one that has seen persistent growth this century (and with the concurrent surge in waiters and bartender jobs in recent years, we even have a sense of what they are doing).

 

We won’t go into the reasons for this dramatic divergence (we have covered it extensively in the past); instead we bring up these observations because according to a new NBER paper, this stunning trend is what is being used to scapegoat the accelerating collapse in US productivity. As Bloomberg reports, “population aging is expected to drag on U.S. growth, and the hit could be substantial.”

According to the National Bureau of Economic Research, the retirement of baby-boomers in the decade between 2010 and 2020 will lower GDP growth per capita by 1.2% a year from what would have been the case if the nation’s demographics had held steady, while slamming productivity.

The thinking behind the study is simple: population aging is already long underway and by looking at variations in state population aging, authors Nicole Maestas at Harvard Medical School, and Kathleen Mullen and David Powell at policy research group RAND Corporation, are able to estimate how a graying workforce affects output, participation rates and productivity.

Now America’s deteriorating productivity trend is nothing new; however for the first time it has been blamed on the demographic shift of the US workforce and specifically the vast preponderance of baby boomers stuck in the labor force, instead of – say – half the population of the US and Canada using Facebook on a daily basis. As Bloomberg adds, what’s surprising is the composition of the slowdown: one-third is driven by slowing workforce expansion and the rest by a drop in productivity gains. The productivity slump isn’t reserved to older workers: it takes place across age groups, the researchers find.

The authors suggest a few theories about why that’s the case. It could simply be that younger and older workers complement one another. Or the most productive older workers might be leaving the workforce,  while less-productive old timers stay on the job.

This is another way of saying that employers keep hiring old, experienced workers at the expense of younger Millennials who are unable to find jobs due to bottlenecking as a result of the same older workers who refuse to retire for no other reason but simply because their savings no longer generate a cash flow.

“How much of it is that relatively productive workers are the ones who are choosing to retire? It’s very hard to say,” Maestas told Bloomberg. 

Regardless of what’s behind it, the discovery that the aging workforce could be weighing on productivity comes in contrast to other guesses, is important. The Fed has long been pondering over the issue of sliding US productivity. As Bloomberg adds “it’s not clear why productivity growth has dropped off, and the change has real-world implications: it’s one factor that caused Fed officials to lower their projections for where interest rates will settle in the longer-run, based on meeting minutes from their June meeting.

What’s worse about the new findings is the suggestion that already slumping productivity is set to get even worse. If growth over the next 20 years otherwise held near its average for the 1960-2010 period — about 1.9 percent — adjusting for the demographic shift would lower per-capita GDP gains to 0.7 percent this decade and 1.3 percent next, based on the estimates.

It also means that the natural rate of growth is likely at or below zero, which also confirms that any attempts to hike rates will be doomed to failure as the US economy simply can not sustain a rising cost of money, thus forcing the Fed to ease after every single rate hike.

But while we agree that the relentless aging of the US workforce will have dire implications for the future of the US productivity, as well as economic growth, it is clear that the study never got to the fundamental culprit, which is the Fed itself.

Because the glaringly obvious tangent is that old workers are stuck in what now seem to be “lifetime” jobs, with no hope of retirement, for one overarching reason: the interest income generated by savings is zero (and negative in real terms). This means that as an entire generation of workers has found out the hard way it will never have the planned cash flow from savings parked in the bank; it is therefore doomed to work until death. By implication, it also means that the entire younger generation, in this case the biggest one in US history, the Millennials, will be stuck unable to enter the workforce and to build critical labor skills, as a result of lack of hiring as employers retain their old, experienced, and thus much more cost-effective workers for as long as they possibly can.

Our advice to the Harvard authors of the study: in the next part of the study, the one looking at why the US finds itself in this situation, please look at the Fed’s monetary policy. Because with over $10 trillion in savings generating no income, and thus crushing the velocity of money, the real reason why the US is facing a productivity crisis of epic proportions is because the central planners in the Marriner Eccles building have destroyed an entire generation’s hopes of being able to retire.

As for those elderly Americans stuck in menial jobs until their dying day, our condolences.

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The Real Motive Behind Al-Nusra “Split” From Al Qaeda

Submitted by Nauman Sadiq is an Islamabad-based attorney, columnist and geopolitical analyst focused on the politics of Af-Pak and MENA regions, energy politics and Petroimperialism.

Since the beginning of the Syrian civil war, in August 2011, to April 2013, Islamic State and al-Nusra Front were a single organization that chose the banner of “Jabhat al Nusra.” Although, the current al-Nusra Front is led by Abu Mohammad al Jolani but he was appointed as the Emir of al-Nusra Front by Abu Bakr al Baghdadi, the leader of Islamic State, in January 2012. The current Al-Nusra Front is only a splinter group of Islamic State which split away from its parent organization in April 2013 over a dispute between the leaders of two organizations.


Abu Mohammad al Jolani

In March 2011, protests began in Syria against the government of Bashar al-Assad. In the following months violence between demonstrators and security forces led to a gradual militarization of the conflict. In August 2011, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi began sending Syrian and Iraqi jihadists, experienced in guerilla warfare, across the border into Syria to establish an organization inside the country.
Led by a Syrian known as Abu Muhammad al-Jolani, the group began to recruit fighters and establish cells throughout the country. On 23 January 2012, the group announced its formation as Jabhat al-Nusra. Al-Nusra rapidly expanded into a capable fighting force with a level of popular support among opposition supporters in Syria.

In April 2013, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi released an audio statement in which he announced that Al-Nusra Front had been established, financed and supported by the Islamic State of Iraq. Al-Baghdadi declared that the two groups were merging under the name "Islamic State of Iraq and Syria.” The leader of al-Nusra Front, Abu Muhammad al-Jolani, issued a statement denying the merger and complaining that neither he nor anyone else in al-Nusra's leadership had been consulted about it.

Al Qaeda Central’s leader, Ayman al Zawahiri, tried to mediate the dispute between al-Baghdadi and al-Jolani but eventually, in October 2013, he endorsed al-Nusra Front as the official franchise of al Qaeda Central in Syria. Abu Bakr al Baghdadi, however, defied the nominal authority of al Qaeda Central and declared himself as the Caliph of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria.

Keeping this background in mind, it becomes amply clear that a single organization operated in Syria and Iraq under the leadership of al-Baghdadi until April 2013, which chose the banner of al-Nusra Front. For the sake of clarity, let’s call this pre-April 2013 organization al-Nusra-I; and the subsequent breakaway faction of al-Nusra-I under the leadership of al-Jolani, post-April 2013, as al-Nusra-II. Also bear in mind that Islamic State of Iraq and Syria operated in the Syrian theater since the beginning of the Syrian civil war, in August 2011, but it chose the banner of al-Nusra-I. And it rebranded itself as “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” only in April 2013.

Many biased political commentators of the mainstream media deliberately try to muddle the reality in order to link the emergence of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria to the ill-conceived invasion of Iraq in 2003 by the Bush Administration. Their motive behind this chicanery is to absolve the Obama Administration’s policy of supporting the Syrian opposition against the Syrian regime since the beginning of the Syrian civil war until June 2014 when Islamic State overran Mosul and Obama Administration made an about-face on its previous policy of indiscriminate support to the Syrian opposition and declared a war against a faction of Syrian opposition: that is, the Islamic State.

Moreover, such spin-doctors also try to find the roots of Islamic State in al-Qaeda in Iraq; however, the insurgency in Iraq died down after “the Iraq surge” of 2007. Al-Qaeda in Iraq became an impotent organization after the death of Abu Musab al Zarqawi and the subsequent surge of troops in Iraq. The re-eruption of insurgency in Iraq has been the spillover effect of nurturing militants in Syria against the Assad regime, when Islamic State overran Fallujah and parts of Ramadi in January 2014 and subsequently captured Mosul in June 2014.

The borders between Syria and Iraq are quite porous and it’s impossible to contain the flow of militants and arms between the two countries. The Obama Administration’s policy of providing money, arms and training to the Syrian militants in the training camps located at the border regions of Turkey and Jordan was bound to backfire sooner or later.

As I have mentioned before that Islamic State of Iraq and Syria had operated in Syria since August 2011 under the label of al-Nusra-I and it subsequently changed its name to Islamic State of Iraq and Syria in April 2013; after which it overran al-Raqqa in the summer of 2013, then it captured parts of Deir el-Zor and fought battles against the alliance of Kurds and Syrian regime in Qamishli. And in January 2014 it overran Fallujah and parts of Ramadi in Iraq and reached the zenith of its power when it captured Mosul in June 2014.

Regarding the recent rebranding of al-Jolani’s Nusra Front to “Jabhat Fateh al Sham” and the supposed severing of ties with al-Qaeda Central, it’s only a nominal difference because al-Nusra Front never had any organizational and operational link with al-Qaeda Central and even their ideologies are poles apart.

Al-Qaeda Central is basically a transnational terrorist organization which targets the Western countries; while al-Nusra Front, Islamic State and many other Syrian militant organizations only have regional ambitions and their ideology is anti-Shi’a and sectarian, rather than anti-West or anti-Zionist, as such. In fact, al-Nusra Front has not only received medical aid and material support from Israel, but some of its operations against the Shi’a Assad regime in southern Syria were fully coordinated with Israel’s Air Force.

The purpose behind this rebranding of al-Nusra Front seems to be to legitimize itself and make it easier for its patrons to send money and arms. The US blacklisted al-Nusra Front in December 2012 and pressurized Saudi Arabia and Turkey to ban it too. Though, al-Nusra Front’s name has been in the list of proscribed organizations of Saudi Arabia and Turkey since 2014, but it kept receiving money and arms from Saudi Arabia.

After this rebranding, the reaction from the US has been: "We're gonna have to wait and see," State Department spokesman John Kirby said. "We judge a group by what they do, not by what they call themselves." In any case, Saudi Arabia and Turkey might not be willing to add the name of a militant organization, which only has local ambitions of fighting the Syrian regime and which has severed its nominal ties with al Qaeda Central.

It should be remembered that in a May 2015 interview with al-Jazeera, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani took a public pledge on the behest of his Gulf-based patrons that his organization only has local ambitions limited to Syria and that it does not intends to strike targets in the Western countries. Thus, this rebranding exercise has been going on for almost an year and al-Jolani finally announced the split from al-Qaeda in a video statement yesterday. Instead of al-Qaeda Central, the real affiliation of al-Jolani’s Nusra Front has always been to Saudi Arabia, which controls the flow of money and arms to al-Jolani’s organization.

In order to simplify the Syrian quagmire for the sake of readers, I would divide it into three separate and distinct zones of influence. Firstly, the northern and northwestern zone, in and around Aleppo, which is under the influence of Turkey and Qatar. Both of these countries share the ideology of Muslim Brotherhood and they provide money, training and arms to the militant organizations like al-Tawhid Brigade and Ahrar al-Sham at the training camps located in the border regions of Turkey.

Secondly, the southern zone of influence, in Daraa and Quneitra and as far away as Homs and Damascus. It is controlled by the Saudi-Jordanian camp and they provide money, weapons and training to the militant groups such as al-Nusra Front and the Southern Front of the so-called “moderate” Free Syria Army in Daraa and Quneitra, and Jaysh al-Islam in the suburbs of Damascus. Their military strategy is directed by a Military Operations Center (MOC) and training camps located in the border regions of Jordan. Here let me clarify that this distinction is quite overlapping and heuristic at best, because al-Nusra’s militants have taken part in battles as far away as Idlib and Aleppo.

And finally, the eastern and central zone of influence, in al-Raqqa and Deir al-Zor, which have been controlled by a relatively maverick Iraq-based outfit, Islamic State, and its Baathist military apparatus. According to credible reports, hundreds of ex-Baathists constitute the top and mid-tier command structure of Islamic State who plan all the operations and direct its military strategy.
Moreover, it should be remembered that Saudi Arabia was staunchly against the invasion of Iraq back in 2003, because it regarded Saddam as a bulwark against the Iranian influence in the Arab World. After the invasion, when Iraq formed a Shi’a dominated government, the Gulf Arab states have consistently supported the Sunnis of Iraq against the Shi’a government. Therefore, the possibility that Islamic State has also received Gulf’s money and arms in the past in their battles against the Syrian regime cannot be ruled out.

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Hillbilly Elegy Review: New at Reason

HatfieldswikimediaThis remarkable book is by turns tender and funny, bleak and depressing, and thanks to Mamaw, always wildly, wildly profane. An elegy is a lament for the dead, and with Hillbilly Elegy Vance mourns the demise of the mostly Scots-Irish working class from which he springs. I teared up more than once as I read this beautiful and painful memoir of his hillbilly family and their struggles to cope with the modern world.

Today hillbilly culture is scarred by spectacular rates of joblessness, single motherhood, drug addiction, crime, and incarceration. Vance places most of the blame for this on the hillbillies’ own shoulders. Globalization and automation decimated the manufacturing jobs that many low-skilled workers leveraged into a middle-class lives in the mid-20th century, he argues, but that’s no excuse for fatalistic victimhood now. Do yourself a favor and read this book.

View this article.

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How Would You Detect a War on Cops?

If a war on cops broke out, how would you detect it? Pretty much any cluster of cop-killings can set off the war-on-police alarm; over the last decade, voices ranging from the New York tabloids to Eric Holder have periodically warned that such a war is underway. They’ve always turned out to be crying wolf, but that doesn’t mean a wolf can’t eventually show up. So now that the war-on-cops talk is bubbling again, how do you evaluate the evidence?

It’s a tricky task, because people who start searching for a pattern tend to start imagining it everywhere. In the wake of the cop-killings in Dallas and Baton Rouge, just about any act of violence against a police officer can be misconstrued as a political assault. Incidents in Michigan, Maryland, and Kansas were initially mistaken for Dallas-style attacks but then turned out to be something else. The same thing probably happened in Missouri, where someone shot and paralyzed a policeman during a traffic stop; his motive still isn’t clear, but given his long criminal history and the fact that the attack doesn’t seem to have been preplanned, it’s unlikely to turn out to be political. And then there are the stories that turn out to be completely untrue. During the Republican National Convention, a rumor circulated that protesters were stabbing cops with syringes. That turned out to be an urban legend, but the authorities banned syringes from the protest area anyway.

Still, it’s not every month that you have two ideologically driven ambushes against the police. And there were a couple other incidents in the last few weeks that may turn out to be political too. In Baton Rouge, a group of young people was arrested for allegedly plotting to kill cops. In Tennessee, a man murdered a Days Inn clerk, shot apparently randomly at some cars, and then fired on the officers who arrived at the scene of the crime; the guy just sounds unhinged to me, but the authorities have “preliminarily” suggested that he was angry about police abuses. We’ll see.

In the meantime, we can try to compare the recent violence to the risks that cops ordinarily face. But that raises another issue: Just which risks should we be looking at? Much as arguments about whether mass shootings are becoming more common keep turning into battles over how you define “mass shootings” in the first place, the meaning of “war on cops” has a habit of shifting around. Here are five different ways of approaching the issue:

1. How common are violent police deaths? My colleague Ed Krayewski tackled this question last week. You should read his post for the details, but the upshot is that fatal police shootings have been more common this year than last year but are still below where they were half a decade ago. That second comparison is important, because the intervening period includes the two safest years on record for American law enforcement. The long-term trend has been for far fewer officers to be killed on the job, and so far 2016 hasn’t been out of line with that.

When you make this argument, it usually provokes two responses. The first is that attacks on police might be increasing without the death count going up. Maybe better medical technology is saving more officers’ lives; maybe bullet-proof vests have gotten more effective; maybe this generation of cop-haters can’t shoot straight. That brings us to approach number two:

2. How common are all assaults on the police, whether or not the victims die? We do not yet have the data for such assaults in 2016. But police assaults per capita have been falling in recent years, just like cop-killings per capita; the two trends don’t march in lockstep, but they’ve been moving in the same direction. So I’ll be surprised if this turns out to be far out of line with measurement #1.

3. How many cop-killers have clear-cut political motives? The second response is more substantive. It argues that the number to focus on isn’t how many police people kill or try to kill; it’s how many people kill or try to kill cops for ideological reasons. Put differently, it says a war on cops would look like the recent shootings in Dallas and Baton Rouge, not the ones in Michigan and Kansas.

Instantly we run into a problem: We don’t always know why someone decided to kill a cop. But before we try to figure out a way around that, let’s see what happens if we just look at cases where it’s clear that something political was going on. Here’s a chart that FiveThirtyEight recently ran, drawing mostly on data from the Global Terrorism Database:

The first thing that jumps out about this chart is how low these numbers are. Needless to say, any murder is one too many, but when eight deaths are a huge leap you’re in the realm where it’s easy to find imaginary patterns in statistical noise. This is especially true when you look at the number of incidents rather than the number of fatalities—that makes the last three years a crooked ramble from five to zero to two. (Or seven to zero to two, if you include a couple of cases in the database where the perps didn’t manage to kill anyone.) That isn’t a surge; it’s a zig-zag.

That long gap without any deaths also raises the question of how we’re defining “attacks targeting the police.” The database, for example, leaves out the much-discussed 2010 clash where a pair of sovereign citizens shot two cops during a traffic stop in Arkansas. This is presumably because those shooters were reacting in the spur of the moment rather than setting out to shoot someone. (To be included in the Global Terrorism Database, a killing must be “intended to deliver a message to people other than its victims.”) I’m guessing that the database will also leave out an incident this year that FiveThirtyEight doesn’t mention, in which an officer was shot while trying to evict an Occupy Denver activist who had been refusing to pay his mortgage for political reasons. (“If you give criminals money and you know they are committing crimes,” he argued, “you are an accomplice to those crimes.”) These exclusions may make sense if you’re looking for people specifically targeting the police, but they show how difficult this issue of definitions can be.

But the big problem, again, is that we often don’t know why someone decided to kill an officer. If you only look at shooters who announce their motives, you might miss something. And so, as a proxy, people often focus on cops who were killed in ambushes or shot execution-style—methods that suggest a shooter set out to kill a cop.

4. How many police officers are killed in ambushes or shot execution-style? This, of course, leads to the opposite problem, since some of these slayings will be apolitical. When Sgt. Miguel Perez-Rios was murdered in an ambush in Puerto Rico late last year, for example, the motive was probably revenge for past arrests. This isn’t unusual: According to a report from the International Association of Chiefs of Police, looking at both fatal and nonfatal American ambushes from 1990 to 2012, about one in four of the assailants “have some sort of prior relationship with the officer.” Clearly, there will be a lot of false positives here.

But all measurements are imperfect. What does this one show?

Basically, it’s not all that different from the last measurement. As of July 20, according to the National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund, 14 police have been killed in ambushes; at the same point last year, the figure was three. That’s a big leap in the number of victims, but not in the number of actual incidents—remember, one man acting alone killed five officers in Dallas, and another man killed three in Baton Rouge. So what we’re seeing isn’t a substantial increase in fatal ambushes; it’s a couple of shooters who were more lethally effective than the average cop-killer. (That may reflect the fact that both were veterans, and thus had military training.)

That leaves one last approach:

5. How many police officers are assaulted in ambushes? Not every casualty is fatal. How does the number of officers attacked in ambushes this year stack up against the numbers attacked in previous years if you include the cops who didn’t die?

Here I have to give you an unsatisfying answer: I don’t know. The FBI posts annual statistics for the number of law enforcement officers killed and assaulted in the line of duty, and that includes a breakdown of how the assaults happened. But right now its assault data only goes as far as 2014. For the record, the number of assaults the FBI classified as “ambush situations” was 167 in 2014, 234 in 2013, 267 in 2012, 212 in 2011, and 248 in 2010. In the longer term, the annual number of ambushes—total, not per capita—dropped dramatically in the early to mid 1990s and has been hovering around the same rough range for the last two decades.

So where does that leave us? Back where we started: with a mass shooting in Dallas, a possible copycat crime in Baton Rouge, a couple of ambiguous cases, and a big fearful fog that has people spotting phantom patterns in the police blotter. A fog, but not necessarily a fog of war.

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US Oil Rig Count Rises At Fastest Rate Since Jan 2010

With inventories once again on the rise, demand set to seasonally tumble, and production on the rise, the lagged response to the bounce in crude prices continues in the US oil rig count, rising 3 last week to 374. This is the 8th rig count rise in the last 9 weeks. The 58 rig rise (+18% off the lows) is the fastest since Jan 2010. Oil prices had melted up all day (despite record OPEC production) as the USD weakened, and extended gains despite the rig count rise.

  • *U.S. GAS RIG COUNT DOWN 2 TO 86 , BAKER HUGHES SAYS
  • *U.S. OIL RIG COUNT UP 3 TO 374 , BAKER HUGHES SAYS

The lagged oil price continues to lead the rig count…

 

And the response in oil prices (having bounced off the 200DMA), but the USD remains key today…

 

Charts: Bloomberg

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The New York Times Had Trouble Fact-Checking Hillary’s Speech – Here’s Why

While Hillary Clinton's acceptance speech emphasized "I sweat the details of policy," The New York Times is forced to admit as it began its fact-checking, she delivered a speech that was remarkably without hard facts

Much of her address was a mix of descriptions of her upbringing, assertions of her opinions and generalized attacks on Donald J. Trump. She talked about marching “toward a more perfect union” and said Mr. Trump “doesn’t like talking about his plans.” And even when she said “I love talking about mine,” she offered few concrete numbers or assertions to examine. Instead, she spoke in general terms about making “college tuition-free for the middle class” and giving “a boost” to small businesses.

There were, however, a few factual assertions that could be checked — so we did:

CLAIM: “Children like Ryan kept me going when our plan for universal health care failed, and kept me working with leaders of both parties to help create the Children’s Health Insurance Program that covers eight million kids in our country.”

FACT CHECK: This is true. Mrs. Clinton has at times claimed full credit for the program. But by saying in the speech that she “worked with leaders of both parties to help create” the program, her statement fits with the facts. And the health insurance program does currently serve 8.1 million children, according to Medicaid.

 

CLAIM: “Our economy is so much stronger than when they took office. Nearly 15 million new private-sector jobs.”

FACT CHECK: This is true. Since early 2010, when the economy stopped losing jobs every month, 14.8 million jobs have been added in the longest streak of private-sector job growth in history. Critics say job growth would have been higher if a different set of economic policies were in place, but that is impossible to prove.

 

CLAIM: There are now “20 million more Americans with health insurance.”

FACT CHECK: This is largely true. According to a recent report by the Department of Health and Human Services, about 20 million Americans have gained health coverage under the Affordable Care Act from its passage in 2010 to early 2016. However, critics argue that the law has caused premiums to rise, sometimes drastically for people who already had health insurance.

 

CLAIM: There is now “an auto industry that just had its best year ever.”

FACT CHECK: This is largely true. Auto sales in the United States reached a new high in 2015, with about 17.4 million vehicles sold. That represented a 5.8 percent increase from 2014. But the auto industry has changed significantly. Detroit’s Big Three automakers have a much lower market share than they once did. Auto manufacturing also employs fewer people than it used to, although there have been gains since the Great Recession.

 

CLAIM: “More than 90 percent of the gains have gone to the top 1 percent.”

FACT CHECK: This depends on the time frame you consider. From 2009 to 2012, the top 1 percent of families captured 91 percent of total real family income growth, according to Emmanuel Saez, an economist at the University of California, Berkeley. But over a longer period of time, the picture looks less lopsided: From 2009 to 2015, 52 percent of the income gains went to the top 1 percent, according to Mr. Saez.

 

CLAIM: “In Atlantic City, 60 miles from here, you will find contractors and small businesses who lost everything because Donald Trump refused to pay his bills.”

FACT CHECK: This is true. Several news organizations have documented many specific instances where contractors say Mr. Trump or his organization refused to pay them for work they had done, in Atlantic City and elsewhere. Mr. Trump and his representatives say that if those payments were not made, it was because the work that was done was unsatisfactory.

 

CLAIM: “Trump suits in Mexico, not Michigan. Trump furniture in Turkey, not Ohio. Trump picture frames in India, not Wisconsin.”

FACT CHECK: This is partly true, though without much context. Fact-checkers have found several examples of Trump clothing like suits, ties and shirts that have labels showing they were made in places like Mexico, Bangladesh and China. But some have labels showing they were made in the United States, and as of 2014, the clothing and footwear association reported that 97 percent of all clothing and 98 percent of all footwear was imported from overseas. Some of Mr. Trump’s furniture is made in Turkey.

Source: New York Times

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Get Ready For America’s New $29 Trillion Debt

Submitted by Simon Black via SovereignMan.com,

According to Jacques Necker, everything was just fine.

The year was 1781, and Necker, France’s finance minister, had just published a report called Compte Rendu au Roi, an accounting of French public finances.

Necker’s report showed that, despite extraordinary public services and military spending, France had a net credit position of +10 million livres.

In other words, the country was in perfect fiscal health.

It turns out that Necker had cooked the books.

Rather than being 10 million on the positive side, France had racked up 520 million livres worth of debt and could no longer afford to pay interest.

France had spent decades accumulating prodigious debts. They built monuments, parks, and splendid cities that still inspire awe today.

They explored the world and expanded their empire. They engaged in almost constant military conquest in far-away lands.

This all came at great cost. But it never seemed to matter.

The French government knew they were the world’s dominant superpower, and they overspent their national income as if it were their divine privilege to do so.

As William Olphus describes in his book Immoderate Greatness: Why Civilizations Fail, the French “tended to see the natural world as cornucopian– that is, as a banquet on which they were free to gorge without limit.”

Nearly all superpowers see the world in this way. ‘We’re #1 therefore we no longer have to be fiscally prudent.’

Sir John Glubb, having seen his own British Empire fade as the world’s superpower throughout the 20th century, wrote The Fate of Empires in 1978.

Glubb argues that great civilizations start with an Age of Pioneers– those who work hard and build wealth.

It then progress rapidly through an Age of Commercial Expansion, Affluence, and Intellect, before decaying in an Age of Decadence in which the entire society feels entitled to a level of wealth that they neither earned nor can longer afford.

Even when faced with obvious fiscal realities, they make no changes.

Only when a crisis erupts does the society demand action. And of course, at that point, it’s too late.

Such was the case of France in the late 1700s– a situation so desperate that the finance minister resorted to all-out lies in order to conceal their true condition.

Most of the West is in this position today– summed up by Jean-Claude Junker’s (former President of the European Council) explanation of the Greek debt crisis in 2011: “When it gets serious, you have to lie.”

Over in the United States, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) recently published its own projections for America’s grim public finances.

Bear in mind that US debt is already $19+ trillion and climbing. The CBO sees at least another $10 trillion in debt in the coming years, and projects that the US budget deficit will increase every single year.

The evidence is already so clear.

Military retirement spending rose by 8.7% last year. Medicare costs were up 10%. Certain government employee benefit programs rose by 17%.

Overall mandatory outlays rose on average by 6.6%, three times faster than US GDP.

So essentially the US government’s spending growth is far outpacing US economic growth.

It doesn’t take a rocket scientist to see how dangerous this is.

Yet like nearly every major superpower before, the US government is completely oblivious to its own insolvency.

With each passing year as they ignore the problem, they only make things worse, and more unfixable.

This is no small matter. The terminal fiscal decline of the world’s most dominant superpower is one of the biggest trends of our time.

And it’s coming. Soon.

You see, this isn’t some wild conspiracy theory, or an opaque idea that could take decades to play out.

The CBO is telling us how deep the fiscal consequences are just over the next several years.

This comes on the heels of the recently-published Social Security annual report, which shows that the entire program is rapidly running out of money.

And, of course, there are the US Treasury’s annual financial statements, which already state that the US government is bankrupt… today.

Somewhere Nero is fiddling.

There are basically two ways to look at this–

First, is what most people are going to do. Nothing.

They’ll kick the can down the road like everyone else and cling to the phony belief that everything will be OK because ‘Merica is the #1 country in the world and the government will fix it.

The second way of looking at this is to consider that, maybe just maybe, this time is not so different. Maybe WE are not so different.

Maybe it’s not such a wonderful idea for a government to be completely bankrupt, and to become even more bankrupt with each passing year.

And that maybe there might be some consequences on the day that reality catches up, whether that day is tomorrow or years in the future.

We can already see many of these consequences today.

Civil Asset Forfeiture (government confiscation of private property at gunpoint without due process) is at alarming levels.

Capital controls are rising around the world. There’s strong talk of banning physical cash, and even wealth taxes.

These aren’t things that fiscally strong, solvent governments do. And they tend to get worse as their conditions deteriorate.

In light of so much obvious data, are you really willing to bet everything that your politicians can fix the unfixable?

via http://ift.tt/2aCIUXH Tyler Durden

This County In Michigan Has the Most Juvenile Life Without Parole Sentences in the US

Wayne County, Michigan leads the country in sentencing juveniles to life in prison without parole, according to a report released Thursday by the Fair Punishment Project.

The report found there are roughly 150 people serving life without parole in Wayne County who were sentenced as juveniles. That number makes the county “an extreme outlier,” the report says, in the use of juvenile life without parole (JLWOP) sentences, which have declined across the country in recent years.

In January, the Supreme Court ruled that its 2012 decision, which found juvenile life without parole unconstitutional except in rare cases, applied retroactively. Under that precedent, all states must revisit their existing JLWOP cases, either resentencing them or making them eligible for parole.

Last Friday Wayne County Prosecutor Kym Worthy announced that “the public should rest assured that we will aggressively pursue life without possibility of parole” in 60 out of the 145 JLWOP cases it reviewed.

“Although we had a short amount of time under the statute, we gave a considered and thoughtful review,” Worthy said in a press statement. “We combed trial transcripts, prison records, and numerous other documents. We sought input from victims’ families, when they could be located during this short window of time. Without commenting on my personal opinion, we have fulfilled our obligation to protect the public and to follow the spirit and intent of the Supreme Court decisions.”

Philadelphia was previously held the most juvenile lifers, but the Philadelphia D.A. ended the practice in June and announced it would be resentencing all of the 300 inmates who were sentenced to life without parole as juveniles. According the Fair Punishment Project report, a majority of states in the U.S. have either ended the practice entirely or have less than five individuals serving the sentence.

“There is growing national consensus that life without parole is an inappropriate sentence for kids,” Rob Smith of the Fair Punishment Project said in a statement. “D.A. Worthy’s decision to again seek life without parole for one out of three individuals who were convicted as juveniles is completely out of line with the Supreme Court’s ruling, mounting scientific research, the practices of prosecutors across the country, and years of experience that have shown us that youth are capable of change and deserve an opportunity to earn their release.”

The report also noted the disparity in sentencing—both in terms of volume and race—between Wayne County and the rest of Michigan.

“While Wayne County has just 18 percent of the statewide population, it has at least 40 percent of the JLWOP sentences in the state of Michigan,” the report states. “Most incredibly, African-Americans are 39 percent of Wayne County’s population, but more than 90 percent of the individuals serving juvenile life with parole sentences from the county are black.”

One person sentenced to life without parole as a juvenile in Michigan was Richard Wershe Jr., a local Detroit legend more infamously known as “White Boy Rick.” Wershe was sentenced to life without parole in 1988 at age 17 for possession with intent to deliver 17 pounds of cocaine under mandatory minimum guidelines. I wrote about Wershe’s case in 2014.

Although the drug law he was sentenced under has been reformed, and Wershe has since been resentenced to life with the possibility of parole, the Wayne County Prosecutor’s Office has repeatedly argued against his release, despite testimony in his favor from former FBI and DEA agents.

A Wayne County trial court granted Wershe another resentencing hearing last year in light of the recent Supreme Court ruling, but Worthy’s office appealed. An appellate court ruled against Wershe and reversed the lower court’s decision. Wershe is now 46 years old. His next chance at parole is in 2017.

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Ronald Bailey at Voice & Exit Festival of the Future in Austin, November 11-13

Voice&ExitlogoJust a heads up: I will be speaking at the Voice & Exit Festival of the Future in Austin this coming November. My talk is: The End of Doom: Humanity’s conquered the worst … what’s next?

So what is Voice & Exit? As the organizers explain the goal of the festival is explore ways to maximize human flourishing:

November 11-13, 2016. Voice & Exit is this generation’s conference and festival of the future. We bring together thought leaders, community builders and innovators from diverse backgrounds who share a common goal: to maximize human flourishing.

We live in a world limited by outdated institutions and social models. But as Buckminster Fuller said, “You never change things by fighting the existing reality. To change something, build a new model that makes the existing model obsolete.”

Join a global group of Exiters who aren’t f*cking around when it comes to transforming our world. Learn, collaborate, experiment and connect with like-minded people who are ready to criticize by creating.

The conference is limited to 500 participants. Go here to register. Hope to see you there.

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Gary Johnson’s Religious Freedom Position Needs Some Critical Analysis

Gary JohnsonOver at the Washington Examiner, Tim Carney, managed a few minutes to chat with Libertarian Party presidential candidate Gov. Gary Johnson while at this week’s Democratic National Convention. The chat focused on two issues of importance to more socially conservative libertarians—religious freedom rights and abortion.

On religious freedom, Johnson is staying true to his position against allowing religious-based exemptions to discrimination laws, which has earned him the ire of not a few libertarians. In Carney’s conversation with him, what feels very clear is that Johnson feels strongly about his position, but hasn’t really analyzed the complexity of the issue nearly enough:

Do you think New Mexico was right to fine the photographer for not photographing the gay wedding?

“Look. Here’s the issue. You’ve narrowly defined this. But if we allow for discrimination — if we pass a law that allows for discrimination on the basis of religion — literally, we’re gonna open up a can of worms when it come stop discrimination of all forms, starting with Muslims … who knows. You’re narrowly looking at a situation where if you broaden that, I just tell you — on the basis of religious freedom, being able to discriminate — something that is currently not allowed — discrimination will exist in places we never dreamed of.”

Can the current federal [Religious Freedom Restoration Act] be applied to protect things like the wedding photographer and the Little Sisters of the Poor?

“The problem is I don’t think you can cut out a little chunk there. I think what you’re going to end up doing is open up a plethora of discrimination that you never believed could exist. And it’ll start with Muslims.”

A host of responses to this rather simplistic take on what is a complicated issue:

  • Formulating laws and regulations based on the “precautionary principle” is bad in general, but it’s particularly bad when discussing the limits of liberty. To the extent that the law restricts a liberty, like freedom of religious expression and freedom of association, it needs to be tied to widespread harms that actually occur, not on a fear of what might happen. Johnson is essentially making the same kind of argument that drug warriors make. We can’t legalize marijuana because it might lead users to harder drugs. Or people will get behind the wheel stoned and cause accidents. These arguments have not been based on factual analysis but on a fear of what might happen. Undoubtedly there is animosity against Muslim citizens and they may face additional discrimination and rejection in the current environment. But Johnson has failed to provide evidence that the slippery slope he suggests here will actually happen, will be widespread, and will require government intervention to fix. The public accommodation laws of the Civil Rights Act are actually rather narrowly defined based on the types of widespread and coordinated discrimination minorities were actually facing at the time.
  • The Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) is simply not blanket permission to discriminate on the basis of one’s beliefs. This seems to elude Johnson. The RFRA is a method of defense against government accusations of legal or civil violations by claiming that one’s religious practices run counter to the law. The government then must make a case that the law furthers a valid government interest and that forcing people to comply with the law is the least intrusive way they can further that interest. So the government needs to argue it has a legitimate need to make people comply with the law, despite religious beliefs. In the Little Sisters of the Poor case, which was about whether a religious organization could be forced to cover the costs of contraception for female workers, the Supreme Court kicked the case down to lower courts to see if there was a way for the government to meet its goal of having women’s health needs covered while not forcing a Catholic organization to violate its own religious beliefs by getting directly involved in it. While the RFRA wasn’t actually invoked in the court’s decision to bounce it back, you can see the kernels of what it means here. If the state is going to suppress somebody’s right to religious expression, it better make sure there’s no other way to get what it wants. In the Little Sisters case, it seems very clear that there are other ways.
  • We do already have nuances to these laws in areas like compelled speech and for some religious considerations. The reason that a baker can be forced to make a wedding cake for a gay couple is because the courts don’t consider baking inherently a form of expression. Bakers are not showing support or approval of a gay marriage simply by making a wedding cake, according to existing legal precedents. But when an actual message is applied, then people are allowed to say no, they don’t agree with that statement, and refuse to do business with them. A baker cannot be forced to frost a cake with a message that is either pro- or anti-gay marriage, and a printer can’t be required to produce T-shirts or books with messages he or she finds offensive for religious (or other) reasons. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 itself offers some exemptions from federal discrimination rules for religious organizations.

All in all, Johnson’s position on religious freedom ends up coming across as though it’s based on a fear that it’s going to lead to outcomes that he finds detestable and not an analysis on principles that guide his thoughts.

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