OPEC’s No.2 Goes Rogue: Plans 600,000 Bpd Oil Output Increase

Authored by Irina Slav via OilPrice.com,

Iraq has plans to boost its crude oil production by 600,000 bpd to 5 million bpd by the end of this year, regardless of its participation in OPEC’s production cut deal. Iraq is the cartel’s second-biggest exporter of crude and has been the most disinclined of all parties to the agreement since its inception, with a lot of observers expecting it to be the first one to cheat.

Iraq’s first problem is that as much as 95 percent of its budget revenues come from crude oil. There are no viable alternatives in sight for revenues at the moment. The second problem that the country has to contend with is its war with Islamic State, which makes these revenues more important than ever.

Amid the final push against IS in Mosul, Iraq is working hard to ensure the sustainable growth of its oil and gas industry—OPEC deal or no OPEC deal. Three months ago, Oil Minister Jabar al-Luaibi said that Baghdad is planning to build five new refineries on an investment basis, in addition to fixing and expanding existing refineries that were damaged in the war with IS.

While Al-Luaibi has repeatedly assured media – and indirectly, investors – that Iraq will stick to its OPEC commitment, Iraq is doing whatever it can to boost its returns from its only significant natural resource.

As part of these efforts, the government recently started a review of the contracts it has with foreign oil companies operating local fields in a bid to better match its interests to those of the operators. Currently, international oil companies in Iraq are working under the so-called technical service contracts, which a few years ago, forced them to reduce production from some of the country’s biggest fields because Baghdad had no money to pay them for operating the fields.

Baghdad is also cooperating with Tehran to make the most of the oil finds that the two neighbors share. Bilateral relations have been uneven historically but now that both Iraq and Iran are scrambling with their respective problems, a partnership has emerged as the mutually beneficial way to proceed. It is also strengthening its ties with other neighbors and farther countries such as Egypt, European Union members, and the U.S.

A 600,000-bpd production increase would be substantial, but Al-Luaibi did not disclose the source of this increase. Huge fields such as West Qurna, Rumaila, and Majnoon are nowhere near depletion, so Iraq could significantly boost production in these fields.

Then there is one more candidate for additional production: the Kirkuk field in the Kurdistan Autonomous Region. Kirkuk currently produces less than half a million barrels of crude daily, even though its can pump as much as 1 million bpd. The problem – yet another big one for Baghdad – is that the Kurdistan Regional Government is as eager as Baghdad to take full control of the field.

Tensions between the central government and the KRG have been simmering for a while now, and of course, it’s all about the oil, as both sides throw accusations at each other of overstepping its boundaries.

For now, Iraq’s plans to increase production seem to be vague, unless Al-Luaibi and the rest of the government just don’t want to go public with more specific plans. Given the price environment, however, and the growing likelihood that the production cut will be extended, Iraq’s output-boosting efforts have the potential of a major headwind for prices in the second half of the year.

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Twitter Co-Founder Explains Why He Is Liquidating A Minority Of His TWTR Shares

Moments ago Twitter shares slumped, then rebounded…

… after Ev Williams, co-founder of Twitter, published an article on Medium in which he explained why he – along with apparently everyone else these days – is "selling some twitter shares"

As he explains…  "After a year and a half of no selling, I have filed a new 10b5–1 plan to liquidate a minority of my TWTR over the next year. It actually pains me to be selling at this point, but this sale is all about personal context, not company context….

Here’s the short story: I like to invest a lot in things I care about. For example, I’m the largest LP at Obvious Ventures, which is now on its second fund and has invested in over 35 world-positive companies. In addition, my wife and I have done a fair amount of philanthropic giving and—especially in the last year—upped our political donations significantly ????. These are all efforts to help build a smarter, more sustainable world. I’ve been doing all of them for a while, and I’d like to continue."

In short, for that reason or any other, he prefers cash over TWTR shares here.

His full note is below:

Why I’m selling some Twitter shares 

 

A note for Twitter shareholders and employees

 

If you’re not a Twitter shareholder or employee (or reporter who covers such things), this is exceedingly uninteresting?—?check out the Medium homepage instead. If you are, I wanted to provide some context, in anticipation of potential speculation due to a public filing today.

 

The vast majority of my assets are in the form of Twitter stock, as has been the case since, well, since it was worth much. That will continue to be the case for the foreseeable future. I’m proud to be on the board and optimistic about the future of the company. I’m also really gratified by the recent efforts at Twitter to curb abuse, the upward tick in usage, and recent additions to senior staff, among other things.

 

After a year and a half of no selling, I have filed a new 10b5–1 plan to liquidate a minority of my TWTR over the next year. This plan kicked in on Monday. It actually pains me to be selling at this point, but this sale is all about personal context, not company context.

 

Here’s the short story: I like to invest a lot in things I care about. For example, I’m the largest LP at Obvious Ventures, which is now on its second fund and has invested in over 35 world-positive companies. In addition, my wife and I have done a fair amount of philanthropic giving and—especially in the last year—upped our political donations significantly. These are all efforts to help build a smarter, more sustainable world. I’ve been doing all of them for a while, and I’d like to continue. (In the early days, I also funded Medium, but have not in recent years and don’t have any plans to, thanks to awesome investor/partners.)

 

I’m not a public market investor. And I feel very fortunate to be able to use funds to enable other people to do good things. Thank you for your understanding and thanks, especially, to the employees working to serve the important role Twitter plays in the world today.

It appears the news is less 'positive' after all…

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A Key Reflation Trade Support Level Just Broke

While most eyes are focused on the longer-end of the curve and the butterfly-rotations in the Treasury complex…

RBC's Mark Orsley points out that there is a substantial repricing going on in the front-end that could bleed into the broader reflation theme.

Arguably the most popular way in rates to play reflation and the thought of a more aggressive Fed has been the EDZ7/EDZ8 steepener (buying Dec ’17 Eurodollars/selling Dec ’18 Eurodollars).  Conventional wisdom was the curve had 2 hikes priced in, the Fed has been saying 3 hikes for 2018 so its 1 hike light and thus a buy (steepener).  Fair enough and I was a believer of this theory as well.   However, Dudley really threw the Eurodollar market for a loop when he:

  • talked down the Fed’s urgency to hike
  • revealed that the taper of reinvestments represents a hike or two
  • showed us that the markets current pricing for terminal rates is pretty fair when he said there is 100-150bps more of hikes (was priced)

As I have been saying in the past couple notes, this caused a recalculation of Fed hike expectations by the Eurodollar market and that caused the bleed lower in the EDZ7/EDZ8 spread.  It may not look like much in the charts but we are talking about a significant move.  From the pre-March FOMC high to now, that curve has fallen from 57bps to 38bps (19bps).  That is an 11 standard deviation move.  For those equity minded, it would be equivalent to S&P’s dropping 150 points (~7%).

Yesterday’s FOMC minutes from the March meeting only exasperated the move in Eurodollars.  The statement that most Fed officials saw reinvestments shift warranted this year was slightly more aggressive in terms of the timing that many in the market expected. Thus when coupled with Dudley comments, the Fed is confirming that tapering is on the way which means there will be 1 or 2 less hikes than we all originally expected.  That flattens the Eurodollar curve and pushes the Eurodollar unwind further. 

So now what?  I think the take away is when you look at the chart of EDZ7/EDZ8; it is the same formation as 10yrs.  While 10yrs are holding its range, Eurodollar spreads are potentially foreshadowing a pending break down in yields.    Essentially, Eurodollar curves are breaking the equivalent level as the all-important 2.31% level in 10yrs which is being watched by everyone in the world.

EDZ7/EDZ8 spread…

Looks familiar doesn’t it? We noted the critical levels on US 10yr rates

The bottom line is, although getting a slight reprieve this morning, the breakdown in Eurodollar spreads increases the probability of a support break in 10yr yields which is watched by the entire market and has repercussions beyond rates (into financial equity names and credit products to name a few).  If it does break, it will likely lead to a significant round of capitulation in reflation trades.  From there, the story will turn to knock on effects and potential liquidations in other products (ie: book gains in S&P longs against losses in Eurodollars).

The trend line break this week in US 10yr yields to me indicates the froth being taken off the Trump side of the reflation theme.  If the support level at 2.31% gives way, this will mean rates will retrace to the longer term trend line first put in place post-Brexit.  This post-Brexit trend line represents the stronger economic data momentum (non-Trump induced) and central banks pivoting away from easing themes.  Those two themes still persist.   It would not be unreasonable to see 2.15% by May which fills the gap from November and meets up with the longer-term uptrend that I think will end up holding. 

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Media: Openly Using a Bill Clinton/Harry Reid Law = ‘Stealth Assault on U.S. Regulations’

Stealth assault ||| National ArchivesAs mentioned here previously, the media reaction to President Donald Trump’s rollback of some regulations has ranged from panic to laugh-out-loud hysteria. The default assumption of regulatory virtue is heavily skewing the coverage of allegedly impartial news organizations, perhaps suggesting (if unwittingly) that Trump is providing an overdue jolt to a long-comfortable status quo.

Your latest example comes from Reuters yesterday: “Window closing for Republican stealth assault on U.S. regulations.”

Focus first on the word “stealth.” Merriam-Webster gets to the point of what that adjective means: “intended not to attract attention.” The stealth bomber (pictured, below right), probably the most famous promulgation of the term, was designed (in secret!) to avoid detection by radar, so that it could fly missions without attracting unwanted attention. So what furtive, behind-closed-doors action is the GOP concocting? Uh, openly introducing, debating, and then passing bills in Congress, using a law co-sponsored by Democrat Harry Reid and signed into being by Bill Clinton?

The Congressional Review Act, as discussed here last week, certainly wasn’t used much during its first two decades of existence—successfully just once, as a matter of fact. That’s by design, and through the realities of partisanship. The CRA gives Congress 60 working days from the moment a regulation is published in the Federal Register to reverse it, and functionally that’s likely to happen only when the White House has just changed parties. We are nearing the end of the third such window of opportunity, and Republicans have indeed taken it, with 11 successful repeals. (Or “aggressive use of an obscure U.S. law,” in Reuters’ ominous language.)

That plane is the GOP. Those bombs are Congressional Review Act repeals. The clouds are YOUR FACE. ||| U.S. Air ForceSince stealth implies obfuscatory intent, and since these repeals have been carried out fully in the open, clearly the more appropriate word would be quiet, which places more onus on the attention spans of the audience, including (especially?) political journalists. The Trump administration throws off a half-dozen major headlines seemingly each day, so it’s easy for a dozen mini-deregulations to get lost in the shuffle. But what about that word “assault”?

Well, for one, it sure is popular. Politico wrote a month back about “The coming GOP assault on regulations.” Trump wants to “codify an assault on regulatory regimes,” CNN’s Stephen Collinson recently warned. There’s “Trump’s assault” on the Environmental Protection Agency (The New Republic), “Trump gives his blessing for coal industry to renew its assault on Americans,” (Solomon Jones, Philadelphia Inquirer), and on and on. Any linguistic similarity to activist or interest groups is puretly coincidental, I am sure.

But do 11 CRA repeals—which were the only regulatory actions referenced in the Reuters article—truly constitute an “assault”? Down toward the bottom of the piece, the journalism undermines the headline:

Even though the CRA effort is winding down, [the] brief campaign showed that aggressive use of the law could succeed, and provided Republicans with some modest, but needed successes in a time when they are struggling with larger matters.

Who knew that stealth assaults could be both “brief” and “modest”? More importantly, how significant are a dozen regulations in the scheme of things? Turns out, not so much.

The regulation-skeptics over at the Competitive Enterprise Institute have for two decades put out an annual publication called Ten Thousand Commandments. The most recent edition found that there were 3,410 new rules written into the Federal Register in 2015, adding to the 90,836 that had been issued from 1993-2014. That comes out to a 23-year average of 11 new regulations per day.

So this “assault” on the regulatory state, which by definition sets the Federal Register’s affected rules back to the neo-Dickensian days of May 2016, is undoing one entire day’s worth of regulatory activity. Even if you assume that the affected regs are 10 times more significant than your average rule, that’s still just 10 lousy days out of one lousy year. And as the Reuters article makes clear, this particular deregulatory window is closing.

From here on out the main ways that the GOP-led Congress can affect regulation is by approving President Trump’s deep cuts to regulatory agencies (very bloody unlikely), re-writing or repealing the underlying laws, such as the Clean Air Act, that set up the regulatory machinery in the first place (a total nonstarter), or pushing through the Senate the still-unintroduced Regulatory Accountability Act, which would add extra cost-benefit and legal hurdles to major regulatory efforts, and which would require the involvement of deeply reluctant Democrats. Barring all that—I’m taking the under—most deregulatory action from here on out will be the dull, slow stuff of agency hearings, public comments, lobbying, revisions, and eventual promulgation. The activity in aggregate may yet prove significant—a little Food and Drug Administration reform could go a helluva long way, for example. But we’re still a considerable distance from regulatory assault, at a time when the 115th Congress has yet to demonstrate aptitude to pass anything more complicated than a party-line repeal of a Mickey Mouse reg.

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Trump Tells Members Of Congress He Is Considering Military Action In Syria

It appears that the neo-cons are on the verge of victory again: according to CNN, Trump has told some members of Congress that he is considering military action in Syria in retaliation for this week’s chemical attack and recognizes the seriousness of the situation, a source familiar with the calls tells CNN.

CNN hedges by noting that its source said the president had not firmly decided to go ahead with it, but said he was discussing possible actions with Defense Secretary Mattis. Trump is relying on Mattis’ judgment, according to the source.

US officials told CNN “the Pentagon has long standing options to strike Syria’s chemical weapons capability and has presented those options to the administration.

The sources stressed a decision has not been made.

We now look forward to Russia’s response as the geopolitical situation in Syria devolves to precisely where it was during the Obama administration.

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What Happens When The Fed Warns The Market Is Overvalued

While investors hang on every dovish word bluffed from a venerable Fed speaker's mouth, the cognitive dissonance when something negative is uttered is stunning. Since Greenspan's "irrational exuberance" moment, asset-gatherers and commission-takers have advised ignoring Fedspeak on stocks… historically, that was a mistake for investors.

Having shocked a soaring market yesterday with the Minutes stating:

"Broad U.S. equity price indexes increased over the intermeeting period, and some measures of valuations, such as price-to-earnings ratios, rose further above historical norms. … Some participants viewed equity prices as quite high relative to standard valuation measures."

Of course, business media was quick to assert this is nothing to worry about, however, as CNBC's Mike Santoli reports, traders shouldn't be so quick to dismiss these comments from Fed officials.

History shows when worries about valuation appear in these official minutes, stocks often struggle in the following year.

We found six mentions of an overvalued stock market in the minutes by searching the Fed's website for the word "valuation" going back to 1996. According to Kensho, here's the performance of the major market averages one year after the meeting when such a mention took place.

Here are the specific mentions of high "valuation" in the minutes, according to the Fed's website, along with the S&P 500's subsequent return from the meeting when that mention was made.

Meeting: April 28-29 — 2015 S&P 500 return 1-year later: -1.97%

 

"However, some indicators suggested that valuations remained stretched for some asset classes. An estimate of the expected real return on equities moved down, reflecting an increase in stock prices and downward revisions to forecasts of corporate earnings, and corporate bond spreads declined somewhat."

 

Sept. 16-17, 2014 — S&P 500 return 1-year later: -0.57%

 

"Some financial developments that could undermine financial stability over time were noted, including a deterioration in leveraged lending standards, stretched stock market valuations, and compressed risk spreads."

 

Jan. 27-28, 2004 — S&P 500 return 1-year later: +3.8%

 

"A number of members commented that expectations of sustained policy accommodation appeared to have contributed to valuations in financial markets that left little room for downside risks, and the change in wording might prompt those markets to adjust more appropriately to changing economic circumstances in the future."

 

Dec. 11, 2001 — S&P 500 return 1-year later: -20.39%

 

"Among those risks, members cited the apparently reduced prospects for additional fiscal stimulus legislation, the vulnerability of current stock market valuations should forecasts of a robust rebound in earnings fail to materialize, the possibility of further terrorist incidents, and especially the potentially adverse effect on consumer confidence and spending of additional deterioration in labor market conditions."

 

March 21, 2000 — S&P 500 return 1-year later: -24.88%

 

"The divergence, at least until recently, in the stock market between the valuations of high-tech firms and those of more traditional, established firms was inducing a redirection of investment funds to business activities that were perceived to be more productive. While the associated capital investments undoubtedly had contributed to the acceleration in productivity, some members expressed concern that the historically elevated valuations of many high-tech stocks were subject to a sizable market adjustment at some point. That risk was underscored by the increased volatility of the stock market."

 

Dec. 17, 1996 — S&P 500 return 1-year later: 32.99%

 

"The rise over recent years had been extraordinary and had brought market valuations to fairly high levels relative to earnings and dividends. In these circumstances, the members recognized the need to monitor with special care price movements in the stock market and asset markets more generally for their implications for consumer and other spending."

Of course, it's different this time though and markets can only go up… because Trump tax reform… stimulus… earnings… right?

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Trump Promises ‘An Announcement’ on Davis-Bacon Within Two Weeks, Setting Up Showdown With Labor Unions

There are several interesting tidbits—along with the usual Trumpian nonsense—in the New York Times‘ newest sit-down interview with President Donald Trump, published Thursday morning.

One detail that may have escaped notice at the very bottom of the piece is Trump’s claim that his administration is planning “an announcement in two weeks” on possible changes to the federal Davis-Bacon Act. That law, which dates back to 1931, requires all workers on federal projects worth more than $2,000 to be paid the “prevailing wage,” which usually means the local union wage rate. The law effectively increases the cost of infrastructure projects by artificially inflating labor costs.

Trump has promised to spend $1 trillion on infrastructure, and that money would go a lot further if Davis-Bacon mandates are repealed, or at least loosened.

Here’s what Trump told the New York Times’ Glenn Thrush and Maggie Haberman in his typically vague “tune in next week to see what happens” way:

THRUSH: On the infrastructure stuff, a couple of quick things. Davis-Bacon [a law that regulates wages on federally funded projects]. Democrats have said that will be a poison pill. Are you going to touch Davis-Bacon? What are you going to do?

TRUMP: We’re going to make an announcement in two weeks —

HABERMAN: Really?

TRUMP: — on Davis-Bacon.

HABERMAN: O.K. Can you give us a hint on where you are?

TRUMP: No.

[Laughter. Cross talk.]

TRUMP: It’s an important question, actually.

[Unintelligible.]

TRUMP: It’s going to be good.

As Thrush mentions, Democrats are adamant about protecting Davis-Bacon because of the law’s importance to their labor union allies. That puts Trump in a bit of tough spot.

Trump may have a hard time convincing conservative Republicans to vote for a $1 trillion infrastructure spending plan, considering that many members of the GOP’s congressional majority won their seats by railing against the Obama administration’s stimulus and promising to run a more thrifty federal government. Repealing Davis-Bacon rules might help earn Republican votes for an infrastructure spending bill because they could argue (rightly) that doing so would stretch those dollars further.

But abandoning David-Bacon rules would probably cost Trump the support of many, if not all, Democrats who might otherwise support an infrastructure spending plan. The White House doesn’t necessarily need Democratic votes on infrastructure (or anything, for that matter, as long as they don’t lose a significant chunk of Republican votes like they did on health care), but the Trump administration has been talking about the infrastructure plan as a bipartisan lift that could generate much needed goodwill between congressional factions—because nothing generates good will in Congress like spending lots of money, of course.

The politics of Davis-Bacon might complicate any Trump administration infrastructure plan, but repealing the 85-year old wage mandate makes good sense.

As I wrote in a pre-inauguration preview of how the incoming Trump administration could help states better manage their own affairs, repealing Davis-Bacon (which affects many state-funded infrastructure projects too, since most are partially financed with federal money) would lower the cost of construction and let current infrastructure spending be more productive, even without a new stimulus from Washington. James Sherk, a fellow in labor economics at the conservative Heritage Foundation, has found that repealing Davis-Bacon would save taxpayers $11 billion annually.

If the political and economic arguments aren’t enough to convince you that Davis-Bacon should go away, there’s the historical argument too. Damon Root has previously written about the awful, racist justification for creating the law in the first place.

It was introduced in response to the presence of Southern black construction workers on a Long Island, N.Y.. veterans hospital project. This “cheap” and “bootleg” labor was denounced by Rep. Robert L. Bacon, New York Republican, who introduced the legislation. American Federation of Labor (AFL) president William Green eagerly testified in support of the law before the U.S. Senate, claiming that “colored labor is being brought in to demoralize wage rates.”

Emil Preiss, business manager of the New York branch of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (a powerful AFL affiliate that banned black workers from its ranks) told the House of Representatives that Algernon Blair’s crew of black workers were “an undesirable element of people.” The bill’s co-sponsor, Republican Sen. James Davis of Pennsylvania, was an outspoken racist who had argued in 1925 that Congress must restrict immigration in order “to dry up the sources of hereditary poisoning.”

The result was that black workers, who were largely unskilled and therefore counted on being able to compete by working for lower wages, essentially were banned from the upcoming New Deal construction spree. Davis-Bacon nullified their competitive advantage just when they needed it most.

Davis-Bacon is a blatantly protectionist rule that advantages a politically-connected special interest (labor unions) and drives up the cost of almost anything the federal government builds. Abandoning it should be a no-brainer for an administration that has promised to make government run more efficiently, reduce the power of special interests, and rebuild America’s infrastructure.

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NY Fed Disagrees With Minutes: Does Not Expect Balance Sheet Renormalization Until Mid-2018

With the question of the Fed’s portfolio normalization now all the rage, accentuated by yesterday’s FOMC Minutes announcement that runoff could start later this year – even as many traders admit nobody has any idea what will happen if and when the Fed starts reducing its holdings, mostly of MBS – on Thursday the NY Fed, the Fed’s trading desk, provided a glimpse into its thinking on how this will play out in its latest Domestic Market Operations annual report.

According to the report, the Fed’s bond holdings could drop to about $2.8 trillion by the end of 2021 – a $1.7 trillion reduction over the next 5 years – with the New York Fed now projecting its balance sheet will reach a “normalized” state some two quarter earlier however with approximately $600 billion more assets than in a year-ago estimate. The U.S. central bank currently has some $4.5 trillion in Treasury and mortgage bonds.

To be sure, many things can and will happen between now and 2021, including the US may have a new president.

Which is why what we found more interesting was the NY Fed’s own forecast on the start of renormalization, which disagreed with the FOMC Minutes, in that Bill Dudley’s Fed does not expect the Fed to start “renormalizing” until mid-2018, to wit: “the size of the SOMA portfolio is projected to remain largely unchanged at its current level of approximately $4.2 trillion through mid-2018, while full reinvestments continue.

What happens to the balance sheet then:

After that date, it starts to decline as reinvestments are phased out and then ended altogether in mid-2019. The Federal Reserve’s securities holdings then decline until the portfolio reaches its normalized size in the fourth quarter of 2021 (Chart 26). At that time, the domestic securities portfolio is estimated to be about $2.8 trillion, with a slightly higher concentration in Treasury securities than in agency MBS. Thereafter, Treasury-driven growth of securities holdings supports trend balance sheet growth, and agency debt and agency MBS holdings continue to run off.

The NY Fed on suspension of reinvestments vs outright selling:

Once the FOMC ends reinvestments, the pace of the reduction in the size of the SOMA portfolio will largely be driven by the pace of principal receipts from SOMA securities holdings (Chart 27). The timing of principal payments from maturing Treasury securities and agency debt securities is a known function of current SOMA holdings. In contrast, projected principal pay-downs associated with agency MBS are model-based estimates that are subject to considerable uncertainty because of the embedded prepayment option. The actual pay-down path will depend on a variety of factors, including the path of interest rates, changes in housing prices, credit conditions, and other government policy initiatives.

Finally, how the latest forecast differs from last years:

The point of normalization in late 2021 is projected to occur almost two quarters earlier than in the 2015 baseline (Chart 28). The balance sheet starts to contract just over a year later than it was expected to in the 2015 baseline given a longer-than-previously anticipated period for reinvestments to continue. (The December 2015 baseline was modeled on an assumption that reinvestments would begin to be phased out in the first half of 2017.) However, a larger long-run balance sheet size in the current baseline, driven by the assumption about a higher level of reserve balance liabilities in a future policy implementation framework, requires less of the portfolio to run off once such a contraction starts.

And some parting words:

Of course, banks’ demand for reserves and the level of reserves the FOMC will choose to maintain in its long-run policy implementation framework remain uncertain. A set of alternative scenarios highlights  the sensitivity of SOMA portfolio balances to different long-run levels of Federal Reserve liabilities. These scenarios illustrate the degree to which increases (decreases) in liabilities imply a larger (smaller)  level of the SOMA in the long run and how long it might take to achieve a normalized portfolio size. While the projections are modeled with regard to alternative levels of reserve balances, the specific type  of liability is not material; the effect on SOMA portfolio balances would be similar if the alternative levels of liabilities arose from changes in other line items, such as Federal Reserve notes, the TGA, the  foreign repo pool, or DFMU balances.

 

Under a scenario in which reserve balances are $100 billion in the long run (the baseline in prior years’ reports), the size of the balance sheet is normalized in the fourth quarter of 2022, approximately one  year later than in the baseline scenario (Chart 29). In contrast, under a scenario in which reserves are $1 trillion in the long run, the size of the balance sheet is normalized in the fourth quarter of 2020,  nearly one year sooner than in the baseline. Given that Treasury purchases resume at an earlier date, by the end of the forecast horizon the portfolio is more heavily weighted to Treasury securities than it is  in the baseline scenario.

In other words, if all goes according to plan, the Fed will consider its “renormalization” mission complete in about 5 years, at which point it will have no qualms about launching even more QE if it has to.

Source

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Stock bulls; Concerning if weakness starts here

Although the major stock market indices are just a few percent from all-time highs, the market is clearly at an interesting and important juncture here.

Since setting new all-time highs in March, the major stock market indices have churned sideways, with only the market leading Nasdaq Composite (INDEXSP:.INX) making marginal new highs.  While this divergence may seem minor in the scheme of things, it comes at a time when chart patterns are testing resistance on longer time frames.

Today, we’ll look at two charts (covering 4 major indexes) that active investors need to be watching.

Dow Jones Transportation Index

The Dow Transports (INDEXDJX:DJT) may be in the process of creating a repeating historical (bearish) pattern that reared its head in 1998-99 and 2007-o8. The bulls will need the transports to blow through the red resistance line to breathe a sigh of relief. If not, it could spell trouble for the transports. You’ll also notice the current uptrend line at point 1 (blue). A break below this line would be the first warning to investors.

The transports are a key cog in our economy, so they also tend to be a key indicator for stocks historically.

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Dow Jones Transports

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This article was written for See It Markets.com.

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Senate Prepares To Go ‘Nuclear’ As Gorsuch Vote Looms

Back in 2013, before Republicans seized control of the Senate during the 2014 mid-term elections, Democrats became the first party to pursue the “nuclear option” in order to appoint Obama judges over the objection of Republicans.  Both Obama and then Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid praised the use of the “nuclear option” at the time:

Obama:  “The gears of government have to work. And the step that a majority of senators took today, I think, will help make those gears work just a little bit better.”

 

Harry Reid:  “It’s time to change. It’s time to change the Senate before this institution becomes obsolete.”

And while Democrats celebrated, Mitch McConnell took to the Senate floor to warn his colleagues on the other side of the aisle that they just might come to regret their decision “sooner than you think.”

“If you want to play games, set another precedent that you’ll no doubt come to regret.  To my friends on the other side of the aisle, you’ll regret this and you may regret it a lot sooner than you think.”

 

Today, it’s looking increasingly likely that “sooner” has come.  As NBC reports, barring some unexpected, last-minute deal, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell will almost certainly trigger the so-called ‘nuclear option’ later today to confirm Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court. 

Senators spent all day yesterday debating the matter, but the outcome — a permanent change in rules that will affect both the Senate and the nation’s highest court — has been as good as settled since at least week when Democrats confirmed they had the votes required to block Gorsuch’s nomination.

Here’s how it will work:

The Senate is slated to hold a procedural vote, called a cloture around mid-day Thursday. Sixty votes are needed to end debate and move forward to a final vote that requires a simple majority of 51 to confirm Gorsuch.

 

But Democrats have enough votes to prevent, or filibuster that first step. When the cloture vote fails, McConnell is likely to begin the process of changing the rules to eliminate filibusters on Supreme Court nominations, with a vote on that expected later Thursday afternoon. Then the final up-or-down vote to confirm Gorsuch is expected to take place on Friday.

Meanwhile, the rule change will come after Senate Democrat Jeff Merkley wasted 15.5 hours ‘filibustering’ on the Senate floor overnight.  Ironically, as even Chuck Todd notes in the video below, Merkley fully supported the Democrats’ use of the ‘nuclear option’ in 2013. 

 

As The Hill notes, a group of Republicans and Democrats led by Senators Susan Collins (R-Maine) and Christopher Coons (D-Del.) negotiated intensely over the weekend in hopes of avoiding a blowup over the rules, but they fell short.

“The negotiations with which I was heavily involved have failed to come up with a compromise, which saddens me. There’s so little trust between the two parties that it was very difficult to put together an agreement that would avert changing the rules,” Collins told reporters.

 

“I worked very hard over the weekend, as did several Democrats and several Republicans, but we were not able to reach an agreement,” Collins added, estimating that about 10 lawmakers were involved.

 

The group held calls as early as 6:30 a.m. and as late as midnight in hopes of avoiding a rule change adopted along party lines.

 

Coons said the talks fell apart because of pressure from Senate leaders, who weren’t interested in a deal, and from the conservative and liberal bases of the party, who view the Supreme Court’s composition as a top priority.

 

“The fact that both leaders were opposing negotiations also, frankly, made it difficult,” Coons said. “Both caucus leadership and outside groups were a source of steady and aggressive pressure against some consensus negotiation, in both parties.”

Of course, while Republicans will undoubtedly declare victory tomorrow upon Gorsuch’s nomination, it’s only a matter of time before the tables are turned once again and their decision comes back to haunt them. 

via http://ift.tt/2oF1AMt Tyler Durden