Harvard Commits to Ban on Single-Sex Organizations, But Will Allow ‘Gender-Focused’ Female Groups

HarvardAs Harvard reaffirms its ban on single-sex organizations, female clubs will become “gender-focused,” while all-male organizations will be slapped with sanctions.

In May 2016, Harvard University banned single-sex clubs, stating such groups “propagated exclusionary values” and maintained “forms of privilege.” The ban, which bars members of single-sex organizations from leadership positions, athletic teams, and scholarships, targets all single-sex organizations from finals clubs to fraternities.

While many at Harvard championed the new policy as a necessary antidote to the campus’s sexual assault problem, others were concerned about how the ban would impact single-sex female groups. Legions of female students protested across campus and #HearHerHarvard became an online rallying cry. The Crimson felt the ban was unfairly targeting “spaces for women,” yet hailed the ban’s treatment of male organizations as rightfully addressing “the role exclusionary social organizations play in perpetuating outdated notions of elitism, classism, and exclusivity on campus.”

In December, after months of debate, Harvard reaffirmed the ban on single-sex organizations. While all-male groups will be immediately punished by their choice to remain sex exclusive, all-female groups will be given up to a five-year grace period during which they could remain “gender-focused” while complying with the policy.

This update to the ban has caused a handful of groups to go gender neutral; most notably, Harvard’s Kappa Kappa Gamma chapter—now The Fleur-de-Lis—is the first sorority to become gender neutral since the ban in 2016. Recruitment for gender-neutral group’s like The Fleur-de-Lis will be open to all genders, yet activities held within the group are “gender-focused,” according the the group’s press release. Though such “gender-focused” organizations are encouraged to move towards full inclusion, Harvard’s policy seems like a semantic loophole to allow certain groups (i.e., women’s groups) to remain essentially single-sex while punishing the disfavored groups (i.e., men’s groups). Not only does this harm students’ free association rights, but it also creates a potentially discriminatory double standard. What makes an organization “gender-focused,” if not the gender of its members?

While some may feel like all-male groups create dangerous environments, simply banning these organizations does not fix the underlying cultural problems that lead to such environments. Nor does this ban stop these unsavory people from associating unofficially in less regulated spaces, creating an even more dangerous climate. While it’s fair to say inclusive programs and spaces for gender-non-binary individuals are both positive and necessary things, this policy substantially burdens free association among students.

Other Harvard groups feel the same way. While Harvard’s prestigious Fly Club may be lawyering-up over the ban, Sororities Alpha Phi, Delta Gamma, and Kappa Alpha released a joint statement announcing they would continue with single-sex recruitment moving into 2018. The statement, titled,”We Believe Women Should Make Their Own Choices,” reads: “While Harvard’s sanctions claim to support women’s right to make their own decisions, these sanctions actually force women to choose between the opportunity to have supportive, empowering women-only spaces and external leadership opportunities.”

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The Ghost Of 1987

Submitted by GnS Economics

The ghost of 1987

Uncertainty is creeping back in the asset markets. In the US, the stock market volatility is staging a comeback. The yields of the long-term bonds are rising and the yield curve has flattened. On Friday, the stock markets were under heavy selling with the Dow Jones Industrial average suffering one of the worst one-day point declines in its history. Looking back, we find disturbing similarities with the period just before the biggest single-day stock market crash in history: the Black Monday in 1987.

The timeline of the crash

Before crashing in 19 October 1987, the stock markets were beating records. The bull market started in August 1982 and raged through the ‘Roaring Eighties’. The upward momentum was driven by fast economic growth, by the extensive growth of corporate profits, by the influx of new institutional investors which increased the demand for stocks and by tax breaks for mergers and buyouts. Although the interest rates were somewhat high (the federal fund rate was 7.5 %), they had much decreased since summer 1981 (around 19 %). Compared with the 1970s, inflation was actually low. It was the Goldilocks period of that time. Complacency took hold.

In early summer 1987 something changed. The interest rates started to rise. Doubts about the virility of the economic expansion started to linger during the fall. The growing trade deficit of the US and the declining value of the dollar raised concerns about inflation and the need for higher interest rates. Uncertainty was increasing.

On the 14th of October, the stock markets started to fall. It was first fueled by the rumors of the elimination of tax benefits associated with the financing mergers and the announcement that trade deficit was well above the expectations in August. The dollar declined further. On Thursday, the decline in the stock market continued. The institutional investors were getting anxious and started to transfer funds from stocks to bonds.

On Friday, the decline in the stock markets started to gain speed. During the previous two days, the price movements had eliminated many of the at-the-money options, which lead to difficulties for investors to hedge their positions. They looked for shelter by selling future contracts. The heavy selling of the futures contracts created a price discrepancy between the value of the stock index in the futures market and the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE). At the close, S&P 500 was down nine percent for the week, which was one of the largest declines during the past decades.

On Monday, the 19th of October, a substantial selling pressure build up for the NYSE at the open. This delayed the opening of trading for the first hour, which made the NYSE index stale. By contrast, the market for futures opened on time to heavy selling. A large gap between the values of the stock indexes in the cash versus the futures markets evolved. When the stocks opened, prices fell promptly. The index arbitragers observed that they had sold stocks below their expectations and tried to cover their positions by buying in the futures market. This induced a temporary rebound of the prices increasing the confusion among the traders. The portfolio insurer models prompted them to resume sales. They sold both in the cash and futures markets. The cascade of sales overwhelmed the short rally and the markets crashed. At the close, S&P 500 had lost (around) 20 % of its value.

Response

Before the opening of the markets at the 20th, the Federal Reserve issued a statement that it will “serve as a source of liquidity to support the economic and financial systems”. Around seven percent of stocks were closed for trading. The margin payments were cleared before opening.  The corporations started to announce stock buyback programs already on Monday, but the critical mass to make an effect on the stock markets was formed only on Tuesday. A small rally evolved at the end of Tuesday trading and carried on for Wednesday.

History can rhyme

The stock markets have been pushing higher for several years and interest rates have been very low for an extensive period of time but are now trending upwards. The dollar has fallen, the US trade balance is negative, economic growth has been sound but doubts about it are starting to linger and the inflation expectations are rising. Corporate profits have also recovered strongly from a previous slump. All these developments preceded the 1987 crash.

 


Corporate profits before tax in the US, Q1 1983 – Q4 1987 versus Q4 2012 – 2017 Q3. Source: GnS Economics, Fed  St. Louis

In addition, this rally has also seen an increase in the program trading, but in much bigger numbers than before the crash in 1987. One big difference is the valuation level, which was more moderate in the 1980s. And, although it cannot be used as an indicative sign, last week’s stock market performance bears some eerie similarities with the week that preceded the Black Monday.

The Fed and the algos: a toxic combination

What becomes to the options of the Fed to respond to a similar crash, the things are rather different now. In 1987, the Fed quickly dropped its fund rate to 7 percent from 7.5 and injected reserves to markets. Now, a 50 -basis point cut in the federal fund rate would take the rate back to the range 0.5 – 0.75, which would likely have a very limited effect of the short-term rates. The Fed has also been pumping massive amounts of liquidity in the markets through its QE program. While re-starting the program would surely provide some temporary relief, there is no certainty that it would be enough to stem the panic; moreover so, because the program trading has a much bigger role now than in 1987.

In the 1980s, the main innovation in the program trading was the portfolio insurance, where the computer models were used to optimize the stock-to-cash ratios at various market prices. Most of the portfolio insurers used the futures market, which was likely to increase the downward pressure of the stock prices during the fall. Currently, the automatic trading is much more widespread. It is estimated that around a half of all trading in the US stock markets is executed by algorithms. Also, it is estimated that ETFs, the risk parity funds and the volatility target funds hold some $8 trillion of the so called passive private assets. They have contributed to the uninterrupted upward trend in the equity markets, but their behavior in a large market correction is untested. When a deep enough correction is reached, the algos are likely to start to sell and short the market and the ETFs and other funds will start to lose value en masse. This will turn their passive assets very active to the sell side. When this point is reached, selling in the markets is likely to morph into a rapid crash halted only by the circuit breakers.

To make things more alarming, the global economic situation resembles more the time before the Great Depression than before the crash of 1987. This makes it possible that, if a stock market crash occurs, it will start a path towards a global depression. Thus, after nearly a decade of central bank induced market manipulation, we may finally be closing to the point where the Abyss starts to gaze back at us.

The timeline of the 1987 crash and details before it, were obtained from “A brief history of the 1987 stock market crash with a discussion of the Federal Reserve response” by Mark Carlson. 

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It’s Not Enough to Get Paid for Not Working: These L.A. Police and Firefighters Figured Out How to Double It

LAPD GraduatesTake a program that lets a public employee earn both a pension and a salary at the same time. Add an extremely generous disability leave and workers’ compensation program that allows public employees to be paid while not working for months or even years on end. What do you get? Massive corruption, obviously.

A new report from the Los Angeles Times attempts to quantify the costs and consequences of a program allowing L.A. police and firefighters to collect both salaries and pension returns in the years running up to retirement. But these same employees often spend massive chunks of their final years on the payroll out on medical leave—so they’re costing the city even more money without actually working.

The program is called the Deferred Retirement Option Plan (DROP), and it allows public safety employees who have reached the age of 50 to bring home a salary while also earning pension returns during that time. The pension funds (with a guaranteed five percent return rate) are then given to the officer or firefighter as a single payment upon retirement within five years. When you hear stories about police chiefs or fire captains taking home a massive lump sum of money when they retire, this is typically why.

The Times calculated that employees who participated in DROP took more than twice as much sick leave and disability time off than other employees in 2016: 296 hours compared to 123 hours. Over the course of nine years, the city has paid more than $220 million for police and fire personnel who had taken a combined 2.4 million hours off for leaves and sick time.

None of the injuries claimed by cops and firefighters in this program happened as the result of intense field activity. According to the Times, they tended to be the medical consequences of growing old: bad backs, high blood pressure, cancer, and a lot of carpal tunnel syndrome. Thanks to state law (and the influence of public employee unions on lawmaking), these ailments are all presumed to be job-related. Apparently one of the most terrifying, dangerous beats for Los Angeles Police Department officers is its own offices. One guy’s injuries stemmed from him falling off a chair.

The corruption that follows is fairly predictable. The Times includes several stories of public safety employees who spend months or years of their final period on the job out on medical leaves. But they’re hardly bedridden or fighting their way through physical therapy. One couple, a captain and a detective in the LAPD, spent around two years each on medical disability, spending some of their time at their condo in Cabo San Lucas starting a family theater production company. A firefighter who injured his knee just weeks after entering the DROP program shares the same name and hometown as a man who ran a half-marathon two months later, but he and his lawyers would not confirm or deny to the Times whether they were the same person.

Unsurprisingly, this easily abusable program was sold by claiming it would accomplish the opposite of what it actually does. City leaders said the program would keep older police and firefighters on the job to serve and mentor new recruits. And they promoted it to voters by saying it would create no additional costs for the city. This is obviously an absurd claim—the city paid out more than $400,000 in extra pension payments in average in 2016 per DROP employee, and the fire department has to pay overtime to fill the shifts of those who take medical leave.

It’s not a new thing for cities to not consider—or to deliberately ignore—the long-term unintended costs and consequences of pension-related commitments. It’s the very reason why cities (and now even states) face bankruptcy over them. The costs of pension-related commitments are often concealed from residents. The Times notes that Los Angeles city officials haven’t even bothered to analyze the amount of medical leave taken by DROP participants.

Public warnings about problems with the DROP program aren’t even new. Check out this piece from 2011 that warns that the program wasn’t even being audited.

Former L.A. Mayor Richard Riordan, who was in charge when the program was introduced, has acknowledged that DROP was “a mistake” and a “total fraud.” But it persists in Los Angeles as other cities and states across the country have dropped it. Even San Francisco dumped the program because it was too costly, and this was after they implemented rules to try to cut back on abuse.

Los Angeles has a big problem with underfunding its pensions to the tune of billions and expecting much higher returns than is reasonable. This DROP program helps make a bad problem even worse.

Bonus link: Steven Greenhut goes over the ways public sector unions in California push for costly benefit packages that leave taxpayers overcommitted.

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FBI Accused Of Blocking Key Details On “Trump Dossier” Author

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley’s push to force the DOJ to open a criminal investigation into ex-British spy and “Trump dossier” author Christopher Steele is being met with resistance from the bureau, the latest sign that it doesn’t want information about its relationship with Steele to be shared with the public.

Bloomberg reported Monday that Senate Judiciary Chairman Chuck Grassley criticized the FBI for blocking the release of key portions of a memo he wrote calling for a criminal investigation of Christopher Steele, the former British spy who compiled a dossier of unverified allegations on Donald Trump.

Grassley also released the memo in its redacted form to the press.

“Seeking transparency and cooperation should not be this challenging,” Grassley said in a statement after posting a heavily redacted version of the criminal referral that he and GOP Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina sent to the Justice Department last month. “The government should not be blotting out information that it admits isn’t secret.”

Grassley has been pursuing questions about the FBI’s reliance on Steele separately from House Intelligence Chairman Devin Nunes, the author of the four-page “FISA memo” that was released last week and inspired President Trump to declare that he has been “vindicated” by its findings.

Conservative lawmakers have demanded that President Trump fire Deputy AG Rod Rosenstein, the official responsible for supervising the Mueller probe – and some have even called for Mueller’s firing. But others, including outgoing Congressman and House Oversight Committee Chairman Trey Gowdy, have said the revelations packaged in the memo wouldn’t justify ending the Russia probe.

Grassley’s push is emblematic of the intense rivalry that has sprung up between the various Congressional committees pursuing their own independent investigations of Trump and Hillary Clinton’s relationships with Russian entities or officials.

Democrats have dismissed the memo as inaccurate and misleading and are pushing for release of their own document challenging the Republican account. The Intel Committee is set to meet Monday at 5 pm to decide on whether to release the memo. Washington time to vote on the possible release of the Democratic response.

As the rivalry between the White House and Republicans on one side, and the FBI and DOJ, on the other, accelerates, Grassley and Graham asked the DOJ to investigate whether Steele made false statements to federal investigators.

In the newly released memo, the pair wrote that they had sent the criminal referral because there’s evidence that Steele, whose opposition research was funded largely by Trump rival Hillary Clinton and the Democrats, either lied to the FBI or to a British court, or that classified documents reviewed by the committee are false.

As Bloomberg also notes, Grassley asked the FBI to approve a declassified version of his Steele referral by Tuesday.

Meanwhile, Politico reports that  Grassley and Graham on Monday also asked the Department of Justice and FBI to declassify more information related to their Steele referral, including an application to conduct surveillance of former Trump campaign adviser Carter Page.

That surveillance application, Republicans have said, improperly involved research conducted by Steele that was paid for by the Clinton campaign. Republicans on Friday released a declassified memo they wrote on the subject.

Suspiciously, the redacted letter includes a blacked-out section led by the sentence “there is substantial evidence suggesting that Mr. Steele materially misled the FBI about a key aspect of his dossier efforts, one which bears on his credibility.”

Furthermore, a section on a second memo by Steele says he received information from the State Department, which in turn got it from a foreign source who was in touch with “a friend of the Clintons.”

“It is troubling enough that the Clinton Campaign funded Mr. Steele’s work, but that these Clinton associates were contemporaneously feeding Mr. Steele allegations raises additional concerns about his credibility,” Grassley and Graham wrote in their criminal referral.

Full memo below

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VIX Spikes Above 21; Small Caps, Trannies Red Year-To-Date

Paging Jay Powell…

 

The Dow is now down over 400 points today and VIX is back above 21 for the first time since the election in Nov 2016.

 

It’s accelerating…

 

This drop has erased 2018’s gain for Small Caps and Dow Transports…

 

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Trump’s Critics Worry That He’s Undermining Trust in the FBI, As If That’s a Bad Thing

According to a Survey Monkey poll conducted last Thursday and Friday, 38 percent of Republicans have a favorable view of the FBI, compared to 64 percent of Democrats. A “news analysis” in The New York Times blames that counterintuitive partisan divide on Donald Trump, who “has engaged in a scorched-earth assault on the pillars of the criminal justice system in a way that no other occupant of the White House has done.” The Times worries that Trump is “tearing at the credibility of some of the most important institutions in American life to save himself.”

The charge rings true in the sense that Trump is mendacious and unprincipled, the sort of man who would say anything for political gain. But forgive me if I have trouble feeling bad for the poor FBI. Whatever the merits of Trump’s complaints about the investigation of links between his campaign and Russian agents who tried to influence the presidential election, the controversy will do some good if it makes Republicans less inclined to trust the FBI and other law enforcement agencies.

Even putting aside the bureau’s long history of corruption and incompetence, the controversy over the Russia investigation is a useful reminder that the FBI consists of fallible humans with their own ambitions, agendas, and opinions, which may not always be conducive to a dispassionate search for truth and justice. Case in point: An agent who called Trump an “idiot” and hoped he would lose the election was involved in both the Russia probe and the investigation of Hillary Clinton’s email practices as secretary of state. Somewhat less shocking: The FBI may have exaggerated the evidence that Trump campaign adviser Carter Page was a Russian agent. Even less shocking, for anyone familiar with how easy it is to get permission for a wiretap under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA): The exaggeration was probably unnecessary.

Although the charges raised by the Republican memo about the FBI’s surveillance of Page are troubling, Democrats dispute several key points, including the role that information from former British spy Christopher Steele played in the warrant applications and whether the FBI revealed that Steele, whose work was underwritten by the Clinton campaign and the Democratic National Committee, had a political agenda. But the fact remains that law enforcement officials have a strong incentive to exaggerate when they apply for warrants, a tendency that is especially problematic when the applications and the orders issued in response to them are classified, as they are under FISA. Another point highlighted by this case: Probable cause, defined by the Supreme Court as “a fair probability,” is not a very hard standard to meet, especially when it applies not to the likelihood that someone has committed a crime but to the likelihood that he is a foreign agent, which may or may not involve breaking any laws.

I don’t know that the Republicans who are suddenly mistrustful of the FBI will absorb any of these lessons, which would require reasoning in a principled way rather than reacting out of partisan reflex. But there is a chance that at least some of them will come away from this episode with a new appreciation for the cracks in “the pillars of the criminal justice system,” just as some Republicans embrace sentencing reform after serving time in prison. That would be a heartening development.

By contrast, the uncritical embrace of the FBI by some of Trump’s opponents is pretty sickening. The Times portrays Trump’s spat with the bureau as a black-and-white conflict between a dishonest demagogue and dedicated professionals who only want to uphold the law:

More than a dozen officials who work at or recently left the Justice Department and the F.B.I. said they feared that the president was mortgaging the credibility of those agencies for his own short-term political gain as he seeks to undercut the Russia inquiry…

“Thanks to this rhetoric, there is a subset of the public that won’t believe what comes out of the Mueller investigation,” said Christopher Hunter, a former F.B.I. agent and prosecutor who left the Justice Department at the end of last year. Mr. Hunter said he worried that juries might be more skeptical of testimony from agents even in criminal trials unrelated to Mr. Trump. “All it takes to sink a case,” he said, “is for one juror to disbelieve the F.B.I.”…

David Strauss, a University of Chicago law professor, said Mr. Trump’s accusations against the F.B.I. and the Justice Department were not mere political rhetoric, but messages with consequences. “We have a president who seems to have no understanding of the professional ethos of the Justice Department, who has no understanding how these people think about their jobs,” he said…

Josh Campbell, who spent a decade at the F.B.I. and worked directly for Mr. Comey at one time, wrote in The Times on Saturday that he was resigning so that he could speak out. “These political attacks on the bureau must stop,” he wrote. “If those critics of the agency persuade the public that the F.B.I. cannot be trusted, they will also have succeeded in making our nation less safe.”

If you think it is self-evidently a bad thing that “juries might be more skeptical of testimony from agents even in criminal trials unrelated to Mr. Trump,” the rest of this self-serving twaddle will not bother you. Question the FBI, the FBI says, and you are endangering national security. Sometimes it is hard to tell the difference between the dedicated professionals and the dishonest demagogues.

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DHS Employee Leaves Super Bowl Anti-Terror Documents On Commercial Flight

In an embarrassing security lapse that could damage the public’s faith in the Department of Homeland Security early into the tenure of Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen, a top scientist at the Department of Homeland Security accidentally left a folder containing a critique of Minneapolis’s response to a simulated Anthrax attack at the Super Bowl LII, offering a rare glimpse at how America’s top national-security officials safeguard large public events from terror attacks.

The folder, which was marked “for official use only” and “important for national security”, was discovered on a commercial flight by – get this – a CNN journalist who apparently just happened to sit in the same seat as the official who left the documents behind. The folder included the scientists’ name, but CNN was unable to verify whether the name attached to the itinerary was the same as the person who left it. The travel itinerary and boarding pass accompanying the documents was in the name of Michael V. Walter. Walter, a microbiologist, has been the program manager of BioWatch since 2009, according to his LinkedIn profile.

“I am responsible for developing and operating a budget that has ranged up to 90 million dollars and directed a staff or more than 50 members,” his profile says.

The Department of Homeland Security documents critiquing the response to a simulated anthrax attack on Super Bowl Sunday were marked “For Official Use Only” and “important for national security.”

CNN said it discovered the documents before last night’s game, but opted to hold the story at the request of the government, which said releasing the critique could jeopardize national security. Some of the details from the response were apparently so sensitive that CNN decided to withhold them entirely.

The exercises being critiqued in the documents – which the holder was instructed to handle with care and shred immediately after they’d served their purpose – were conducted in July and November of last year.

Response

 

The exercises were meant to determine areas of friction in a coordinated disaster response between the city’s law enforcement, public health facilities and first responders.

The reports were based on exercises designed to evaluate the ability of public health, law enforcement and emergency management officials to engage in a coordinated response were a biological attack to be carried out in Minneapolis on Super Bowl Sunday.

The exercises identified several areas for improvement, including the problem that “some local law enforcement and emergency management agencies possess only a cursory knowledge of the BioWatch program and its mission.”

DHS assured the public the exercises were a resounding success.

“This exercise was a resounding success and was not conducted in response to any specific, credible threat of a bioterrorism attack,” said Tyler Q. Houlton, an agency spokeswoman.

Juliette Kayyem, a former DHS official who now serves as a CNN contributor, said it was not surprising that the documents highlighted deficiencies.

DHS

She said such exercises are designed to expose gaps in planning and preparedness so that authorities “are better equipped if something bad were to happen.”

To be sure, leaving the documents in a plane – where any unscrupulous individual could’ve discovered them – was “a really stupid thing.”

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Mitch McConnell Thinks His Greatest Achievement Is the Judges His Senate Confirmed

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) recently told Bloomberg Politics what he considered the greatest accomplishment of his political career. “For me personally,” McConnell said, “it would be Neil Gorsuch and the changes we’re making in the circuit courts.”

McConnell has certainly been busy on that front. In 2017 the Republican-controlled Senate approved one Supreme Court nominee and 12 appellate court nominees. The latter figure set a new record for appellate court confirmations in the first year of a presidency. And last week the total rose to 13 with the confirmation of David Stras to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit.

Gorsuch’s appointment to the Supreme Court has understandably received the most attention of the lot. That’s due in no small part to the fact that the vacancy Gorsuch filled first arose during the presidency of Barack Obama, who tried to fill it with D.C. Circuit Judge Merrick Garland. But McConnell thwarted Obama, using procedural tactics in the Senate to keep the seat open through the 2016 election. That gave Trump the opportunity.

Supreme Court nominations are important. But the importance of federal appellate court nominations should not be underestimated. Keep in mind that the Supreme Court decides only 75 cases or so each term. The federal appellate courts, by contrast, decide tens of thousands of cases, and many of those rulings are never reviewed by SCOTUS. The federal appellate bench is often the court of last resort.

What do we know about Trump’s 13 appellate court appointments? They can all be described as “conservative,” and they typically profess themselves to be proponents of constitutional originalism. But on significant questions of constitutional law, some of them strongly disagree with each other. What is more, some of them strongly disagree with the stated positions of the Trump administration. For instance, Attorney General Jeff Sessions is a big proponent of civil asset forfeiture. Recently confirmed 5th Circuit Judge Don Willett, by contrast, has suggested that civil asset forfeiture is unconstitutional.

There are two interrelated stories to follow here. One is that McConnell and the Trump administration are working overtime to get a record number of Republican-nominated judges confirmed to the federal bench. The other, more interesting story is that these new judges come from various parts of the broader conservative legal movement, including its libertarian wing. They do not always march in intellectual lockstep with each other, or with the White House.

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Ray Dalio Warns: Investors Just Got “A Taste Of What Tightening Will Be Like”

Echoing his recent comments on how investors’ exposure to low interest rates is extreme and warned that a rise in yields could spark the biggest crisis for fixed-income investors in almost 40 years.

“A 1 percent rise in bond yields will produce the largest bear market in bonds that we have seen since 1980 to 1981,” Bridgewater Associates founder Dalio said in a Bloomberg TV interview in Davos on Wednesday. We’re in a bear market, he said.

Visually:

However, as we explained last December, this is a low-ball estimate which “understates the potential losses” as it “does not include high-yield bonds, fixed-rate mortgages, and fixed-income derivatives”, which would suggest that the real number is likely more than double the estimated when taking into account all duration products.

As a reminder, Goldman calculated the entire duration universe at $40 trillion as of the summer of 2016, resulting in $2.4 trillion in losses for a 1% move. By now the number is far, far greater.

Bridgewater Founder Ray Dalio warns today, Via LinkedIn.com, what we are seeing is typical late-cycle behavior, though more exaggerated because the durations of investment assets (i.e., their sensitivities to interest rate changes) are greater.

Here’s what happened, Dalio explains:

Over the past week or so, we had reports of strong growth and rising wages (good things!), which sent bonds and stocks down (bad for most investors) due to justifiable fears that the Fed will tighten faster than is priced in the credit markets.  

The surge in growth and wages came because of both the fiscal stimulation and the rekindling of animal spirits, thrusting the economy into late-cycle capacity constraints, which is leading to the expectations of faster Fed tightening.  

In other words, fiscal stimulation is hitting the gas, which is driving the economy forward into the capacity constraints, which is triggering interest rate increases that are hitting the brakes, first in the markets and later in the economy.  

This confluence of circumstances will make it difficult for the Fed to get monetary policy exactly right.  

This is classic late-cycle behavior (when it’s difficult to get monetary policy exactly right, which leads to recessions), though it is more exaggerated because the durations of assets are uniquely long, which means that when interest rates are low, prices of assets are more sensitive to changes in interest rates than when interest rates are high.

To be clear, we are not claiming to be smart about this.  In fact, the opposite is true, as this is happening sooner than we expected.  Still, these big declines are just minor corrections in the scope of things (see charts of stocks and bonds below), there is a lot of cash on the side to buy on the break, and what comes next will be most important.

As shown, the recent price declines are not even noticeable within context of the bigger and longer term picture.

*  *  *

So it seems Dalio continues to suggest those holding cash are idiots, keep calm and carry on.

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