The Most Violent Cities In The World

The Most Violent Cities In The World

Out of the world’s 50 most violent cities, 38 are in Latin America including 17 in Mexico.

The Mexico Citizens Council for Public Security and Criminal Justice releases its findings on the homicide rate in cities with populations over 300,000 around the world every year.

Statista’s Katharina Buchholz shows in the following infographic, the world’s top 10 most violent cities, with Mexican city Colima in first place and New Orleans in the U.S. state of Louisiana ranking eighth.

Infographic: The Most Violent Cities in the World | Statista

You will find more infographics at Statista

Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, had ranked first in previous editions, but due to the situation in the country, data is no longer available. The majority of the violence in Latin America can be attributed to drug trafficking, gang warfare and political instability.

Another country that appears among the top 50 is Brazil at ten cities, the highest ranked being Mossoró in the country’s North in the 11th spot.

Also featured on the list frequently are Colombia (six cities starting from Cali in rank 32) and South Africa (four cities, including Cape Town and two more ranked in the top 20).

The continental United States racks up seven mentions in total. Other than New Orleans, Baltimore (rank 17), Detroit (rank 23), Memphis (rank 25), Cleveland (rank 27), Milwaukee (rank 39) and Philadelphia (rank 46) make the list.

San Juan in Puerto Rico can be found in rank 41.

Tyler Durden
Sun, 02/26/2023 – 08:45

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Probing the Limits of Speech or Debate Clause Privilege for Perry and Pence


Mike-Pence-Wikipedia

On Thursday, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit heard oral argument in a potentiall important Speech or Debate Clause case concerning whether the Justice Department can obtain access to the contents of Congressman Scott Perry’s cell phone as part of its January 6 investigation. Most of the arguent was public and can be heard here. Judges Katsas and Rao actively probed both sides’ arguments so for those interested in these issues it is definitely worth a listen. (Judge Henderson is also on the panel, but asked few questions as she was participating remotely.)

On Friday, district court judge Beryl Howell released a redacted version of her decision rejecting Rep. Perry’s Speech or Debate Clause claim was released to the public. (It had previously been under seal.) After conducting in camera review of over 2,000 documents on Rep. Perry’s phone, Judge Howell concluded that most were not covered by the Speech or Debate Clause’s protection. Wrote Judge Howell:

What is plain is the clause does not shield Rep. Perry’s random musings with private individuals touting an expertise in cybersecurity or political discussions with attorneys from a presidential campaign, or with state legislators concerning hearings before them about possible local election fraud or actions they could take to challenge election results in Pennsylvania,

It was hard to get a read on how the D.C. Circuit will weigh Perry’s assertion of privilege. While their questions suggested some discomfort with the breadth of the Justice Department’s position, which Judge Howell largely adopted, they also seemed resistant to Rep. Perry’s equally broad claims pushing in the other direction and accepted that privilee could be waived by communications with those outside of the legislature.

At the same time the courts are considering Rep. Perry’s claims, debate is swirling over whether former Vice President Mike Pence can invoke the clause’s protections to refuse to testify before a grand jury about his activities on January 6. Pence wants to claim that the he can invoke this privilege because the Vice President serves as President of the Senate, and has a legislative-related role in counting electoral votes. (It also turns out that the Vice President’s office is paid for as part of the legislature’s budget, not that of the White House.) As noted by Glenn Reynolds (and flagged in Eugene’s post below), how to characterize the Vice President’s role, and how that affects a Vice President’s ability to invoke this privilege in particular circumstances, is a legitimately difficult question.

One reason this is the central question is because Speech or Debate Clause immunity, where it applies, is generally understood to be “absolute.” The text reads:

They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.

Courts have interpreted this language, and the admonition that members “shall not be questioned” as a prohibtion on even questioning members of Congress about activities related to core legislative functions. Accordingly, the various cases probing and applying this immunity turn on whether the activities at issue are covered, not on the weight of the interest that would justify disclosure.

For this reason, I think that some of the claims made by Judge Michael Luttig about whether Pence can claim Speech or Debate clause immunity are wrong. In a recent Twitter thread, for instance, Luttig wrote:

If there are privileges and protections enjoyed by a Vice President when he or she serves as the President of the Senate during the Joint Session to count the electoral votes, those privileges and protections would yield to the demands of criminal process as—if not sooner than—do the Speech or Debate Clause privileges and protections for Senators and Representatives, and the Executive Privilege for Presidents of the United States.

In his more recent NYT op-ed, “Mike Pence’s Dangerous Gambit,” (which Josh Blackman discussed here), Luttig also writes:

 Even if a vice president has speech or debate clause protections, they will yield to a federal subpoena to appear before the grand jury.

I do not believe these claims are accurate. If the Vice President is covered by the speech or debate clause when participating in the counting of electoral votes, they will not “yield to the demands of criminal process.” The privilege includes a testimonial privilege (“shall not be questioned”), and is generally understood as absolute, if it applies. [Again, the key question is whether it applies, not whether it can yield.] Further, it is also not true that Executive Privilege necessarily “yields to the demands of criminal process.” As U.S. v. Nixon makes clear, this depends, in part, on the reasons for which Executive Privilege is being invoked, as such reasons must be balanced against the needs of criminal process.

While I accept that the VIce President is, for some purposes, a part of the legislative branch, I am skeptical that his largely ceremonial role in the electoral count act is covered by the Speech or Debate Clause. I further wonder whether any such privilege that Pence could claim has been waived because some of his staff have already testified on these matters. But if Pence is unable to claim privilege here, it is not because the Justice Department is conducting a criminal investigation, but rather because the particular information the Justice Department seeks is not that which the privilege actually covers.

The post Probing the Limits of Speech or Debate Clause Privilege for Perry and Pence appeared first on Reason.com.

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US Believed ‘Economic Nuclear Weapon’ Would End Russian War In Ukraine

US Believed ‘Economic Nuclear Weapon’ Would End Russian War In Ukraine

Authored by Kyle Anzalone Via AntiWar.com,

In the days after the invasion of Ukraine, the White House assessed President Vladimir Putin would end the attack if the US froze over $300 billion owned by the Russian central bank. However, the Washington-led economic war on Moscow has failed to have a major impact on the Russian economy.

According to Bloomberg, in the immediate reaction to Russian forces invading Ukraine on February 24, 2022, the White House began to develop the “economic equivalent of a nuclear weapon” to use against Moscow. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan led the team that designed the sanctions on Moscow’s economy and froze $300 billion in assets of the Russian central bank.

Central Bank of Russia, file image

The Joe Biden administration believed the economic war inflicted “shock and awe” on the Russian economy. Bloomberg reported some American officials worried the actions would do too much damage to Russia.

So far, the Western economic war on Russia has failed to have its designed impact on Moscow’s economy. Despite predictions of a double-digit GDP contraction in 2022, the Russian economy held firm, with the rouble one of the top-performing currencies against the dollar.

Nicholas Mulder, a Cornell professor specializing in sanctions, says Washington has changed its strategy. “They’ve given up the expectation that this will change Russian decision-making.” He continued, “Instead, they see it as an economic war of attrition.”

Citizens in Western nations have felt the impacts of the economic war. Energy prices have skyrocketed in Europe. Meanwhile, Americans have struggled with decades-high inflation.

In recent years sanctions have become a favorite tool for policymakers in Washington. As foreign policy analyst Richard Hanania explains, “sanctions are used mostly because they give the impression that the American government is doing something between war and nothing.”

The US has maintained extensive sanctions on North Korea, Cuba, Venezuela and Syria for decades. The embargoes have failed to change the governments of those countries, but international organizations point out that sanctions have caused citizens of those countries to suffer.

Alena Douhan, the UN Special Rapporteur on coercive measures, said, Social or humanitarian aid “very often can’t be supplied because of sanctions, despite existing exemptions.”

She argued a country targeted by unilateral sanctions can “slide backward on the development scale.” Douhan warned that “sanctions may be a major threat preventing targeted countries from achieving the universal Sustainable Development Goals that are meant to improve the lives of everyone.”

Expert on US economic warfare, Daniel Larison, claims Washington has a credibility issue with its sanctions. “Our government has a real credibility problem in that our promises to lift sanctions and make other concessions are not believable.” He continued, “This greatly complicates the ability of our negotiators to strike bargains with other governments to resolve outstanding disputes.”

Still, the Biden administration is preparing to roll out another traunch of sanctions on Moscow in the coming days. The new sanctions will target Russian banks, the financial sector and the defense industry. The European Union is also planning a new round of sanctions and is considering using the $300 billion in frozen Russian assets to fund Ukraine’s reconstruction.

As the US has sanctioned an increasing number of countries – Iran, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Syria, Yemen, North Korea, Zimbabwe, China and Russia – institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have grown to facilitate trade between blacklisted countries. “The relationship between countries that are sanctioned by the US, such as Iran, Russia or other countries, can overcome many problems and issues and make them stronger,” Iran’s President Ebrahim Raisi said. “The Americans think whichever country they impose sanctions on, it will be stopped. Their perception is a wrong one.”

Tyler Durden
Sun, 02/26/2023 – 08:10

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Hongkonger Anna Kwok on Human Rights


Q_A

During the 2019 Hong Kong pro-democracy protests, Anna Kwok worked as an anonymous online organizer for Freedom Hong Kong, a group that crowdfunded protests at the G-20 summit and elsewhere. Now exiled and living in Washington, D.C., Kwok is the strategy and campaign director at Hong Kong Democracy Council (HKDC), a U.S.-based nonprofit that seeks to expand freedom in China.

In October, Reason‘s Nick Gillespie interviewed Anna Kwok at the Oslo Freedom Forum in New York City about the sense of loss she feels not being able to return to her home country.

Q: What is the global state of human rights?

A: On the one hand, our freedom movements around the world are banding together and we’re really trying to resist the regimes that we’re living under. But on the other hand, the dictators are also cooperating and banding together to try to oppress people like us. Human rights are no longer an issue that is confined to different geographical locations or countries. But instead, atrocities are happening transnationally, including how, for example, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has been doing a lot of media censorship in the U.S. and other countries around the world. So the state of global human rights is really transcending national boundaries.

Q: How is the CCP censoring the media in the United States?

A: There are a lot of media companies internationally who would really like to invest in and be a part of the Chinese market. And in order to do that, they have to form some implicit agreement with the CCP that if certain information should be censored, they will comply. The CCP has been using nationalism and patriotism to stop people like us from continuing to voice concerns about the oppression that’s going on inside of China.

Q: What is the state of protests now in Hong Kong?

A: In Hong Kong, you saw in 2014 how people fought bravely on the street during the Umbrella Movement and then in 2019 people rose up and took to the street again in the decentralized movement. And all this time people have been bravely trying to use their voices to get heard by the international society. But the international society never really responded succinctly to our demands. So right now, Hongkongers have lost their avenues to speak because of the national security law imposed by the new government. It gives the government authority to arbitrarily arrest people for absolutely anything. Even asserting that you’re a Hongkonger can be considered seditious. It’s considered dangerous to society, and they would arrest you.

Q: Do you have a sense of loss for the Hong Kong you grew up in?

A: To talk about Hong Kong is definitely a very difficult topic for me because I grew up in the city for a long time. All my life I was thinking that I would go back and make some movies there and be a Hongkonger. Of course, my life has changed completely because I have to go into exile. That feeling of not being able to go back, not being able to see the people you love, or even not being able to see the Hong Kong scenery that you’re used to your entire life, is haunting. I don’t think anyone can get over that. It’s not something you can get over, but you just have to figure out a way to stay hopeful.

This interview has been condensed and edited for style and clarity. For a video version, visit reason.com.

The post Hongkonger Anna Kwok on Human Rights appeared first on Reason.com.

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The Dark Trend Of Martial Law, Vigilantism and Public Humiliation In Ukraine

The Dark Trend Of Martial Law, Vigilantism and Public Humiliation In Ukraine

In a war setting the habit of governments is often to revert to the most ugly and barbaric forms of judgement and punishment, depending on the level of corruption among the officials in charge, so it’s not surprising to see many of these dark behaviors rising within Ukraine.  However, for the past year the violence of martial law and vigilantism by Ukrainian soldiers has been mostly suppressed in western media and social media.  In fact, posting video evidence of these activities would often get you banned on websites like Facebook and Twitter.  

With the changing of management at Twitter, more and more examples are beginning to surface of one particular form of punishment, which involves strapping people to street signs and lamp posts, gagging them and sometimes stripping off their clothes and beating them.  

Pro-Ukrainian media openly admits to the practice, though they try to suggest that the public humiliation is being enacted by random anonymous “vigilantes.”  However, there are videos featuring what appear to be Ukrainian soldiers and others wearing identifying armbands involved in these attacks.  It is hard to say what crimes the victims supposedly committed.  And not surprisingly, Ukraine media defends the actions, comparing them to “hanging a shoplifter’s photo on a wall of shame” at a retail store.

Accusations that lead to public humiliation include looting and theft, but accusations are not proof.  In many instances punishment has been pursued against men who do not want to be conscripted into the war.  In some situations, men who were only working in Ukraine under temporary citizenship are being order to the front.  Rumors abound that authorities are hunting down fighting age men in the streets and interrogating them.  Punishment is swift if they don’t work in a job listed as essential to the war effort.

But the public humiliation tactics are not just for young men escaping war.  Some are punished simply for selling alcohol.  Others are punished for speaking against Ukraine on social media, which is labeled “collaboration” with Russia.  Some are just children.

These people might be the lucky ones, though.  US State Department reports in 2020 document a wide array of human rights abuses by the Ukrainian government before the war was sparked and NATO made Ukraine’s image a priority.  This is not to say that Russia is not also accused of its fair share of rights violations, it’s just rare to find such crimes being discussed in the west when it comes to Ukraine.  

Whether or not an individual deserves this kind of treatment is a separate debate, and frankly, an impossible one.  This is what due process is supposed to achieve – fair justice rather than spontaneous punishment which might be used against the wrongly accused.  Without it, we’ll never know if corporal actions are meant to prevent crime, or if they are meant to oppress and terrorize the population.  The point is, Ukraine has abandoned all due process for the sake of expediency at best, or for the sake of tyranny at worst.     

Tyler Durden
Sun, 02/26/2023 – 07:35

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The Three Generations Theory: How Bitcoin Reaches Mass Adoption In 60 Years

The Three Generations Theory: How Bitcoin Reaches Mass Adoption In 60 Years

Authored by Aleksander Svetski via BitcoinMagazine.com,

Bitcoiners are notorious for their over-estimation of how quickly Bitcoin is going to “take over the world” and become “widely adopted as money.”

I’ve sat squarely in that camp for a long time now, but have come to think differently of late.

Before you accuse me of giving up, or call me a flake, I ask that you read on and reserve your opinion until the end.

I like to think that I am maturing in how I view Bitcoin. Call it temperance, patience or a dose of humility — but I am trying to add some realism, or a “lower-time preference” to the often overhyped perception of Bitcoin among some of us. But, as you’ll note, I think on a longer time-scale, none of us are “bullish enough” (hat tip CK).

Let’s dive in…

BITCOIN IS A TECHNO-SOCIO-ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATION

People are very quick to project technology adoption curves onto Bitcoin. But the problem is that Bitcoin is not just a technology.

It’s not just a smartphone, or a computer, or a social network, or a new stock or security, or a new payment method, or a search engine, or a messaging platform, or any other new product, app or service.

Bitcoin is an entire techno-socio-economic transformation. It’s a reinvention of money from the ground up, incompatible with any prior primitives.

So, it’s not only orders of magnitude larger as a shift, but it’s also completely different in a paradigmatic sense. These are massive benefits and massive hurdles.

Benefits because:

  1. Bitcoin has the most significant upside possible. If it is fixed in supply, and the market it’s going for is global money — implying that it will be the measure against which every stock, property, business, vehicle, handbag or thing that exists on the earth is evaluated — then it follows that Bitcoin will, in time, be the single most liquid and valuable “unit of value” on earth.

  2. If it’s incompatible with the old, it is truly a paradigm shift. And if it’s superior (which it’s proven to be across every dimension important for money), then it will not just “compete” with the old guard, but it will completely replace it. This is not a “carving out of a new market,” but a winner-take-all and, fundamentally, “change-the-nature-of-the-game” kind of transformation. It’s much bigger.

Hurdles because:

  1. Such a transformation is a big deal. Becoming global money will not be a walk in the park, it will not come easy, it will face many, many headwinds and corpses will line the path along that journey. Change is hard at the best of times, and with the most willing of counterparts. We’ve got neither on our side.

  2. The nature of paradigm shifts is that most people don’t see them, and even when they do, they rarely understand them. As such, it takes a while to achieve critical mass (whatever that measure even means), and a much, much longer time to arrive at so-called “mass adoption.” Not only that, but people don’t like to be wrong, especially incumbents, so other than the time factor, you have the push back and ridicule from everyone.

These are both real hurdles and necessary to recognize. You can’t just close your eyes and ears, tweet that “Bitcoin fixes this” and pretend it’s all going to be OK because NgU always happens. No.

We need to understand that we’re playing the “greatest game” as Jeff Booth would say, with the greatest stakes, for the largest winnings, against the greatest foes — both external and internal. We’re fighting both the establishment and the very cultures we’ve been brought up in.

There is more change that needs to occur than any of us could possibly fathom.

I don’t say this to discourage you from Bitcoin, or to make you feel like, “Damn — I’m going to die before I see the upside,” but to a, inspire you that this is probably bigger than you thought, and to b, dose you with some realism so that you can prepare yourself mentally and quit playing short-term games. You have to pace yourself.

Bitcoin is a marathon, not a sprint.

THE THREE GENERATIONS THEORY

Large-scale, socio-economic shifts take generations to settle in and normalize. The old guard needs to die, so to speak, so that those born into the new paradigm can lead.

Each generation is a paradigm shift in and of itself, and each successive such change brings with it a completely new understanding of and relationship to Bitcoin.

Let’s explore these…

GENERATION ONE: THE INFECTION STAGE

We are in the first generation of Bitcoin. Call it the first chapter, or the first “era.” This era or generation will span 20 years and will form the “infection” stage for Bitcoin.

I call it that because, in this stage, Bitcoin is infecting the system. It’s a virus of sorts that latches onto hosts who then act in such a way as to cause it to spread further. Its intent is to infect key infrastructure, key minds, key levers and key systems in the current paradigm. It needs to initially creep in as unnoticed as possible, then form some sort of symbiosis with the host as it grows, so that there emerge mutual benefits for both the ever-expanding set of hosts and the virus (in this case, Bitcoin).

We’ve seen this happen.

In this stage, Bitcoin had to prove that it was something someone would trade for money (or pizza). It had to show a significant, commercial “proof of concept,” which it did with Silk Road. It needed to proceed through an early stage of monetization (Mt. Gox) and it had to then inspire an entire industry of copycats because what it did was so transformative — which we’ve seen with shitcoins.

With this comes a whole lot of speculation, until we finally reach significant enough saturation in total market capitalization or liquidity that we can make a phase transition to a new paradigm.

We’re right in the middle stages of the speculation mini-era of this first generation, or infection stage of Bitcoin’s early life.

While some of us radicals view and use bitcoin as money and our unit of account, the rest of the world generally views it as a speculative asset, or something you “trade” for more USD. There’s a reason why it’s correlated with markets, and while there may be some signs of decoupling, it really is still early and people will continue in the near term to treat it as a “risk-on” asset.

Some people call this a “bad” thing, and argue that it takes away from what the promise of Bitcoin was in the beginning — but I think they’re missing the point. Money makes the world go round, and never more so than in the modern, material world that we live in.

Therefore, to have the greatest impact and ensure the most effective symbiosis, Bitcoin has to be an economic and financial animal. To fix the debauchery, Bitcoin must subsume the debauchery and then slowly, like a virus (or in the case of Bitcoin, an anti-virus), infect the hosts and begin to change them.

The lowering of time preference, and the subsequent adaptation and maturation of people’s behavior is an oft-sighted example of this effect. If you’d like to learn more about that, see Saifedean Ammous’ article in the “Austrian Edition” of The Bitcoin Times: “Making Time Preference Low Again.”

So, there you have it. Generation one, a 20-year time span. We’re 15 years in and very much on track. We have another five years to go before the next generation, and in these five years we will see two more halvings, an enormous amount of speculation and a real acceleration toward that liquidity or saturation of market capitalization I mentioned earlier.

At the same time, behind the scenes, things will be built to set the stage for the next generation. Which of course brings us to…

GENERATION TWO: THE INFRASTRUCTURE STAGE

Imagine being born in 2009, the same year that Bitcoin was.

You grow up and come of age in a world where Bitcoin has always existed. For you, as a kid growing up, you just took it as a given that money is a digital thing, and this convoluted idea of opening up bank accounts, or walking around with printed paper bills and plastic cards just seems foreign or strange to you.

In 2029, you’re turning 20 and perhaps speculation hasn’t really been on your mind yet. Perhaps, instead, you see a problem that needs to be solved, and you simply view Bitcoin as a tool to help you solve it.

Keep in mind that at this stage, bitcoin’s price would be significantly higher and the volatility lower. Things like the Lightning Network will be more advanced, alongside other abstracted layers anchored in Bitcoin. As such, you view all of this early, emergent infrastructure as a toolbox — not so much a speculative asset. In fact, you might view other things that way, and choose to gamble with them, but because a, Bitcoin has matured and the volatility has dampened a bit, and b, so many services now offer bitcoin as a funding option, you decide that it’s the standard against which you’ll measure your gains. It’s no longer the speculative asset first.

There’s even a chance that your parents were Bitcoiners of the first generation and they taught you principles or passed bitcoin over to you and you grew up immersed in it. So, not only is Bitcoin something that’s just “always been around,” it’s something you deeply understand.

Neither are far-fetched ideas, given the era you’ve grown up in. Imagine how you and those in your generation will view Bitcoin and how you’ll all use it. Completely differently, yes.

That’s why I see this next stage as the tooling or infrastructure stage.In this era, Bitcoin will finally move on from the speculators and into the hearts, minds and hands of the builders.

The 20 year olds who are raising capital and building businesses in this era will use Bitcoin, Lightning, and other layers as tools that give them such a significant edge in the world that we will see an entire array of products and services that integrate money into their operations, in much the same way that communication has been embedded in everything we use today.

The incentives will evolve in such a way that having Bitcoin and its abstracted layers in your tool kit will give you superpowers.

But… keep in mind that for much of this era, the generation beforehand will still be pulling the purse strings. There will still be a cultural, normative element that views Bitcoin as foreign or speculative and despite “everything that’s going on,” will fight to hang onto the past.

This era will be the clash of the new builders and generation one Bitcoiners on one side, versus the remaining elite of the old world who still own much of the fiat wealth (stocks, bonds, property, enterprise, shitcoins, etc.). Generation one and two Bitcoiners, especially in the early innings of this era, will still be outnumbered. But of course, no great man ever backed down from a fight — no matter the odds.

You take this period out 20 years, to 2049, and I don’t think any of us can begin to fathom the kind of infrastructure, products and services that will come from it, and how much the tide will shift. Which of course brings me to…

GENERATION THREE: THE MASS ADOPTION STAGE

This is the generation of mass adoption. This is where our children’s children come of age. They will truly not know of a world in which Bitcoin didn’t exist, and may actually enter adulthood without even knowing what fiat is.

The end of this era is when the last remnants of our generation will begin to die off, and whatever duct tape was holding any of the old infrastructure together will melt away. The city of fiat will be abandoned and we’ll enter the true mainstream adoption phase.

You might be thinking, “No man. It will happen faster because look at all the tech that’s going to be built by then.”

But I’d counter that: “Sure, lots of tech will be built then, but I’m pretty certain that a significant number of people will still hesitate to sell their homes, their cars, their products or services for magic internet money.”

That number will have shrunk significantly, but if you think that governments, large corporations and people who have succeeded in life from one method of operation are going to go all in and trust a 40-year-old money over things like property that have been around for thousands of years, then you’re kidding yourself.

Bitcoin is where we’ll end up, but the wealth needs to change hands first and that will take time. This is why I believe this third generation is where the mass adoption phase occurs. They will come of age in a world where we have superior financial technology and an economic infrastructure that will allow them to use bitcoin as capital. The most liquid, the most widely-accessible, the most significant, trusted form of capital available.

Take this to 2069, and you’re talking about a completely different world. This is when Bitcoin truly comes of age. It’s the stage when fiat either dissolves, dies or becomes some relic of the past, while Bitcoin becomes both a global settlement layer and the global money.

It’s the point in which Bitcoin or some abstracted application layer anchored into it forms an integral part of almost all technological applications used by people from all around the world.

At this point, Bitcoin is no longer the virus, but has united with and created a new host.

What happens beyond that, I do not know. But it’s exciting to think about. We’ll be in a very new paradigm by that point.

FOR OUR CHILDREN’S CHILDREN

You’ll note by my language that my certainty about what happens at each stage diminishes as we get further out. I’m pretty sure of what the next five years hold, and I have a level of confidence for at least the first half of the second era, but beyond that I can only assume and give broad strokes as to what’s likely.

This is because I’m human and humans always underestimate compound effects, while Bitcoin is subject to more compounding effects than just about anything else we know of (at the very least as an asset, if not other things). With each day that passes and each new satoshi held by each new user, with each new miner that plugs in, each new merchant that accepts bitcoin, each new node that runs and each new Lightning channel opened, Bitcoin compounds and grows.

None of us are ready for what this means across three full generations, and sadly, a lot of us won’t live to see it. But that’s the straw we’ve drawn.

Our generation has bestowed upon us both the gift of being the founding fathers of a new world, and the curse of enduring clown world for this privilege. While we may not get to really enjoy the fruits of this labor, we will have been the generation that goes down in the history books as the one that changed it all.

I don’t know about you, but that’s a trade off worth making.

First generation Bitcoiners are like those who laid the foundation and the first stones for the cathedrals of the ancient and feudal eras. They’d never live to see these structures finished, but they would forever be memorialized as their founders.

And who knows — perhaps we’ll look down from the next realm and admire what we’ve done, like those greats who came before us did for their creations.

I don’t know.

What matters, and I will leave you with this, is to recognize that Bitcoin is a multi-generational phenomenon. It’s not Google, Apple, Facebook, Twitter, a smartphone, PayPal, Visa, a stock or a mere commodity. It’s so much bigger than all of these combined and, because of how fundamentally significant this is, it will take people time to adopt it.

It will take a few generations to normalize. It will take our deaths to see it reach its potential — not that we need to be round up and shot, but that our generation needs to give way to the next and the next for the new paradigm to truly take hold. Once we’re gone, Bitcoin will truly flourish.

I hope you keep that in mind when thinking about Bitcoin.

We need to be careful about projecting technology adoption curves on it, and through disappointment, attempt to tinker with it. What is not broken doesn’t always need to be fixed or upgraded, and in fact, perhaps Bitcoin’s number one feature of all is the fact that it will not change, or change very little in the timescales I’ve referred to in this essay.

If Bitcoin’s consensus rules have remained unchanged and it has “tick-tock, next block’d” for three, four, five decades, then people will naturally have developed the thing that matters most for a new socio-economic standard and paradigm: trust.

And as much as Bitcoiners hate that word, trust matters — the truth is that you most trust that which you can verify. This is why Bitcoin will ultimately be the most trusted monetary, economic, and communications layer on earth, after a few generations.

*  *  *

Svetski is the author of “The UnCommunist Manifesto,” founder of The Bitcoin Times and Host of the “Wake Up Podcast with Svetski.” Follow him at SvetskiWrites on Twitter for more, and keep an eye out for his new book “The Bushido Of Bitcoin,” which will be available for pre-order on Geyser.fund in March.

Tyler Durden
Sun, 02/26/2023 – 07:00

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Rousseau, Malthus, and Thanos Were Wrong


interview1

“This universe is finite. Its resources, finite. If life is left unchecked, life will cease to exist.” So declares the Marvel supervillain Thanos near the end of Avengers: Infinity War, when he destroys half of humanity with the snap of his fingers.

In Superabundance: The Story of Population Growth, Innovation, and Human Flourishing on an Infinitely Bountiful Planet, Marian L. Tupy of the Cato Institute and Gale L. Pooley of Brigham Young University–Hawaii note that Thanos was channeling millennia-old critiques of progress and population growth. In the best-known version of this argument, the English political economist Thomas Malthus contended that an increase in the number of people inevitably means famine and starvation.

But Malthus—and Thanos—are wrong. The past 200 years have seen historically huge increases in the number of people living on planet Earth, taking us from 1 billion in 1800 to 8 billion in 2022, but we are flourishing more than ever before and living longer, more productive lives.

In December, Reason‘s Nick Gillespie sat down with Tupy and Pooley. They discussed how the real prices of our most basic necessities—and most of our luxury goods—have declined over time and how free markets and human innovation make our planet infinitely bountiful.

Reason: Who is Julian Simon and why is he so important?

Pooley: Julian Simon actually was this obscure economist. There was a book that was published in 1968 by Stanford University biologist Paul Ehrlich titled The Population Bomb. And [Ehrlich] makes these claims about how we’re facing this extinction because there are too many people. Julian actually said that when he originally read the book, he thought, well, this theory seems to be reasonable. But as he began to check the facts, what he discovered, to his surprise, is that as the population increased, all these resources became even more abundant.

So he and Ehrlich began to have this quite public dispute about what was going to happen in the future. What is that relationship between population and resources? And it finally ended up in a bet, and Julian said, “Look, pick any nonrenewable resource for any period over a year, and I’ll bet you that it’s going to become more abundant.” And so Ehrlich picked five metals: copper, chromium, nickel, tin, and tungsten. They had the bet for a 10-year period from 1980 to 1990. And that’s when Julian really made Ehrlich accountable for what he’d claimed. At the end of that 10-year period, Ehrlich had to write Simon a check for $576.

When did humans start worrying about running out of resources because of population growth?

Tupy: People have been wondering about the relationship between resource abundance and population growth for at least two-and-a-half thousand years. The ancient Greeks thought about it. The ancient Romans thought about it. The Chinese thought about it. The Indians thought about it. But over the last 200 years—specifically since Malthus published his famous essay on population—most people have been generally negative to our population growth. There was an expectation that as the population grew, resources would become more expensive, therefore scarcer, and there would be some kind of calamity.

[But] looking at hundreds of different commodities, fuels, minerals, metals, even finished goods and some services, everything has become cheaper in terms of “time price.” People simply have to work less in order to buy things which are essential goods and commodities in order to survive.

What is the concept of “time price”?

Pooley: We buy things with money, but we really pay for them with time. How much time does it take you to earn the money to buy that thing? So there’s a money price that you can express in dollars and cents, but there’s a time price that you can express in hours and minutes. The time price equation is real simple. It’s just how much it cost you divided by your hourly income.

Time is this universal constant. You can’t inflate it; you can’t counterfeit it. Of the seven fundamental majors in science, six of them go back to time. It’s this fundamental feature. So if you can move economics from thinking of money to thinking in time, I think we then allow that discipline to become more scientific.

We all get 24 hours a day. So if instead of income inequality you can think about time inequality, I think it’s much more informative and revealing in terms of what kind of life we have.

Do we lose something when we just focus on everything as a function of the average wage given to the average laborer in a given period?

Tupy: No measurement is perfect, but there are some very important things for which time price is ideal, especially things which are of greatest importance to the least fortunate among us, be they in America or be they in Ghana. A bag of potatoes is the same today as it was in 1700s Germany. A bag of oranges is the same today as it is in Ghana. We are measuring basic food items and we are always very careful to compare bananas with bananas, oranges with oranges, a pound of beef with a pound of beef. We look at things that people need for their ordinary daily survival. Once you switch over from basic commodities to services things get more complicated.

We did try to estimate one type of service and that is cosmetic surgery. We are conscious of the fact that in America, whilst food and electronics and things like that are becoming cheaper, education and health care are definitely becoming more expensive relative to wages. So what we wanted to see is what would happen to a “medical procedure” if it is subjected to the proper functioning of the market—you pay for it. It’s largely deregulated. And what we found is that when it comes to plastic surgery or cosmetic surgery, they are growing at a superabundant rate. Everything is becoming cheaper when the market is allowed to function.

What is the Maginot Line that you are crossing between abundance and “superabundance”?

Tupy: The Maginot Line is the rate of growth of population. Ehrlich was claiming that as the population grew, everything would become more expensive and therefore abundance would be declining. What we found is that everything is actually growing in abundance, at least the things that we have measured. But abundance can be growing at two different speeds. It can be growing at a lower rate than population growth or a higher rate than population growth. And what we found was that it almost invariably grows at a higher rate than population growth. So if you have population growth of 2 percent, but abundance is increasing by 3 or 4 percent, that’s superabundance. The gap between population growth and superabundance, that tells you that human beings create this new knowledge which is capable of increasing standards of living.

Why is Thanos, the supervillain from the Avengers franchise, invoked in your book as the “anti–Julian Simon”?

Pooley: Thanos illustrates this ideology of scarcity. He makes a statement: The universe is finite and its resources are finite. He’s correct on the first part. We do live on a planet with a fixed number of physical atoms. But the second part of his statement’s wrong, because resources aren’t a function of atoms. Atoms are important, but resources are really a function of knowledge.

When you take the material world—atoms—and you organize them and you add knowledge to them: That’s when they become resources. And that knowledge is really what creates their value.

Can you describe the best indicators of how we are doing so much better in ways that surprise and stun people?

Tupy: We looked at resources relative to blue-collar worker wages. And we found, for example, that in terms of time prices, rice has declined by 99 percent in terms of how much time you have to work in order to buy a pound of rice. And that means that now you get 112 pounds of rice for the same amount of work that would’ve bought you one pound of rice in 1850.

So in comparing 1850 to 2018, what we found was a number of different commodities—sugar, nickel, rice, tea, rye, palm oil, pork, cotton, wheat, cocoa—have fallen by 99 percent. On average, it’s about 98 percent. So if you had to work for something for 100 minutes to buy it in 1850, you now have to work 2 minutes to buy it.

How has time scarcity diminished throughout history?

Pooley: The time abundance is what we’re really enjoying as well. We get this time abundance and we get a choice abundance.

If we go back to 1960 and look at somebody living in India and assume they spent eight hours a day—and a lot of these guys were—they’re making $90 a year GDP [gross domestic product] per capita. So they spend their whole day working to earn enough rice to subsist on. Today, the price of rice falls by 80 or 90 percent. They only have to spend an hour a day. So they end up with six more hours a day that they can now devote to something else: to learning, to earning the money to buy a bicycle. They get to move out of that time scarcity into this more time-abundant zone where now they’re much more similar to someone in the U.S.

When you give 2 billion people between China and India their freedom to have five or six or seven more hours a day to devote [to other pursuits], they then become creators to grow and discover new knowledge.

Is income inequality still a problem around the world?

Tupy: The cool thing about studying economic development and the workings of capitalism in the post–World War II era, but especially since globalization about 40 years ago, is to see the different kinds of inequalities which have just collapsed.

The left continues to obsess about income inequality, but look at the gap between infants dying in the Third World and in the West, how much it has shrunk. Maternal mortality, time inequality, calorie inequality—there are hundreds of different inequalities which are shrinking around the world as a result of economic development. So even though income inequality may still be increasing in some countries, income inequality across the world has shrunk.

How do we get more superabundance?

Pooley: We believe that abundance is a function of population and the freedom to innovate. You can have an increase in population, but if they’re not free to innovate, you really don’t have this increase in abundance. But if you add a small measure of freedom—for example, the China situation—you suddenly see people begin to escape poverty because of this freedom to innovate, which is really the freedom to go out and discover and activate valuable new knowledge.

What role does the size of the population play in creating more abundance?

Pooley: Innovation is a function of invention and invention is a function of ideas and ideas are a function of human beings. So you’ve got to have human beings to be able to have this idea creation and discovery process, and then they have to have the freedom to act on those ideas.

Is population growth absolutely necessary for long-term economic growth?

Tupy: Yes, it’s an interaction between population growth and the growth of human freedom. For example, you could imagine a situation around 2060 or after where the global population starts declining but suddenly the entire world becomes free. Libertarian paradise, where you can say anything, you can invest anywhere. You could offset the decline in population by having a greater share of humanity living in freedom, being able to fully participate in the global economy and innovation.

But if the future around 2060 is one where the population stabilizes and then starts declining, and at the same time freedom starts disappearing from the world, or it’s going to be restricted to only a few countries, then of course you would expect to see lower economic growth.

Pooley: I’d add one more thought to that. When population declines, you have this other effect of the demographic age: Not only are you not having more people, [but] your average age is getting older. So you end up like Japan, where the average age is much older. Simon highlighted it: Innovation primarily comes from young people, and you have to have more young people to innovate. Even though you’ve got a large population, if the average age is 65, you’re not going to see innovation either.

Japan is the only Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development country that has fewer people now than in 2000 and it’s a relatively free economy compared to other parts of the world. What are they doing wrong?

Pooley: We did a little study on Japan, and as their population tends to flatten out and then start to decline, their GDP per capita is also following that same trend. [It] slows down, flattens out, and then it’s going to decline. It’s a good place to live. Their life expectancy is like 88 years in Japan, so it’s a great place to live if you want to live long. But it’s not that great of a place to live if you’re expecting lots of new innovation and growth.

What is Romanticism and how does it continue to influence critics of material progress?

Tupy: I think it starts with [Jean-Jacques] Rousseau. All of the figures of the Enlightenment understood that life was getting better, that people were increasing their income so they could see progress around them. The first progressive century is the 18th century, really, especially toward the end.

But that’s basically where the agreement ended. In comes Rousseau, and he says, “All this new wealth is corrupting us.” The other figures of the Enlightenment were saying, “The more wealth you have, the better the society becomes.” He says that it’s corrupting us, that it’s making us less moral, it’s making us more separated from nature, it’s enslaving us. You see this argument in fascism, in Nazism and communism, all the way to modern environmentalism. Basically, it’s based on this notion of Rousseau’s noble savage.

Where do you see the environmentalist movement going? How do you convince environmentalists to take the superabundance agenda seriously?

Tupy: I always begin when talking about this subject by distinguishing smart and well-meaning environmentalists who care about the planet but whose hierarchy of values has the planet and human flourishing at roughly the same level. People like [author and activist Michael] Shellenberger, people like [cognitive psychologist] Steve Pinker—they care about the environment, they want to clean the environment, they want a safe planet, but at the same time, they understand that there has to be a balance. On the other hand, you’ve got the extreme environmentalists who really see humanity as a cancer on the planet.

There are some positive things happening on the environmental side of things, partly because of the catastrophe that Europe is undergoing right now. The opposition to nuclear power, for example, seems to be losing steam. People are realizing that in order for civilization to continue, you have to have energy.

At the same time, the megaphone is definitely still with the people claiming the coming of the apocalypse. In the last chapter of the book, we point to a number of public opinion polls, both in the United States and in the rest of the world, which show that increasingly women and parents are making their choices about how many babies to have depending on environmental concerns. “We are going to run out of resources. Our children are going to starve.” People tell us that “we are not going to have children because the world is ending.”

How do we know that the world is not running out of resources?

Pooley: On the resource side, look at the prices of things. If we were truly running out of these things, the prices would be increasing dramatically. So the price contains its information about the relative scarcity of things, and then the time price really goes to the next level of saying, well, how much time does it take you to earn the money to buy that thing? And all of these products and services are becoming more and more abundant to us.

What got you interested in superabundance?

Tupy: About 20 years ago, I realized that after the fundamental failure of communism, parts of the green movement became a home for watermelons: people who are green on the outside but red on the inside. If you asked me 10 or 15 years ago what is the ultimate agenda of the green extremists, I wouldn’t give you an answer because it was hammered into me not to impugn other people’s motives. We now thankfully live in a world where the cat is out of the bag. They are explicit. The goal of the extreme environmentalist movement is the destruction of the capitalist system. Some people may find that appealing. I don’t, and I intend to fight against it.

Why do people believe that wealth creation and innovation are inherently destructive?

Pooley: [Karl] Marx felt like the production problem had been solved. His obsession was on distribution. So if you assume the world can produce all of this wealth and abundance and it’s distribution that you need to worry about, then you can become obsessed with that. But we still fundamentally have this production problem. How do things get made?

If you grew up in a very wealthy society, if you never actually have to do things with your hands and you’re in academia, it’s very easy to be kind of caught up in these ideas about how if I was in charge, given my motives and my ethics, I would do it this way. When we allow intellectuals to have that kind of authority and power in a culture that haven’t really dealt with the realities and have never really paid the costs for being wrong, then you’re going to have this attention to that kind of an ideology.

So our pushback once again is: You’ve got to look at the facts. You’ve got to think about the historical perspective of how expensive things used to be and why they are so abundant today. It wasn’t because we came up with a new distribution system. It’s because we’ve been able to continually innovate. And that requires human freedom.

Tupy: Thank God that nobody had the power to stop innovation in 1900. There’s a famous anecdote of somebody who said that we can shut down the patent office in Washington, D.C., because everything that could have been invented was. And that was 24 years before antibiotics came online. It’s incredibly silly to think that we have reached the pinnacle of prosperity.

This interview has been condensed and edited for style and clarity.

The post Rousseau, Malthus, and Thanos Were Wrong appeared first on Reason.com.

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Are Americans Trying To Eat Healthy?

Are Americans Trying To Eat Healthy?

Around half of Americans are healthy eaters, at least according to their own testimonies.

As Katharina Buchholz reports, according to Statista Consumer Insights, 50 percent of Americans claim to actively try to eat healthy. 

Infographic: Are Americans Trying to Eat Healthy? | Statista

You will find more infographics at Statista

The attitude is most prevalent among Baby Boomers at 58 percent agreeing, but not much lower among Gen Z, where 44 percent said they were pursuing the aim.

At the same time, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found out that more than 36 percent of Americans are consuming fast food regularly, to the extend that on any given day, a third of Americans is eating from fast food restaurants.

In a separate survey by the Cleveland Clinic, 46 percent of U.S. adults said a barrier to eating healthy foods was their price. Almost a quarter of Americans stated that they had to little time to cook and prepare healthy foods, while a high 20 percent said they didn’t know how to cook healthy foods.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 02/25/2023 – 23:00

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Dictators Bent On Building Military Empires: The Cost Of The Nation’s Endless Wars

Dictators Bent On Building Military Empires: The Cost Of The Nation’s Endless Wars

Authored by John & Nisha Whitehead via The Rutherford Institute,

“Autocrats only understand one word: no, no, no. No you will not take my country, no you will not take my freedom, no you will not take my future… A dictator bent on rebuilding an empire will never be able to ease the people’s love of liberty. Brutality will never grind down the will of the free.”

– President Biden

Oh, the hypocrisy.

To hear President Biden talk about the Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, you might imagine that Putin is the only dictator bent on expanding his military empire through the use of occupation, aggression and oppression.

Yet the United States is no better, having spent much of the past half-century policing the globe, occupying other countries, and waging endless wars.

What most Americans fail to recognize is that these ongoing wars have little to do with keeping the country safe and everything to do with propping up a military industrial complex that has its sights set on world domination.

War has become a huge money-making venture, and the U.S. government, with its vast military empire, is one of its best buyers and sellers.

America’s part in the showdown between Russia and the Ukraine has already cost taxpayers more than $112 billion and shows no signs of abating.

Clearly, it’s time for the U.S. government to stop policing the globe.

The U.S. military reportedly has more than 1.3 million men and women on active duty, with more than 200,000 of them stationed overseas in nearly every country in the world.

American troops are stationed in Somalia, Iraq and Syria. In Germany, South Korea and Japan. In Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Oman. In Niger, Chad and Mali. In Turkey, the Philippines, and northern Australia.

Those numbers are likely significantly higher in keeping with the Pentagon’s policy of not fully disclosing where and how many troops are deployed for the sake of “operational security and denying the enemy any advantage.” As investigative journalist David Vine explains, “Although few Americans realize it, the United States likely has more bases in foreign lands than any other people, nation, or empire in history.”

Incredibly, America’s military forces aren’t being deployed abroad to protect our freedoms here at home. Rather, they’re being used to guard oil fields, build foreign infrastructure and protect the financial interests of the corporate elite. In fact, the United States military spends about $81 billion a year just to protect oil supplies around the world.

The reach of America’s military empire includes close to 800 bases in as many as 160 countries, operated at a cost of more than $156 billion annually. As Vine reports, “Even US military resorts and recreation areas in places like the Bavarian Alps and Seoul, South Korea, are bases of a kind. Worldwide, the military runs more than 170 golf courses.”

This is how a military empire occupies the globe.

After 20 years of propping up Afghanistan to the tune of trillions of dollars and thousands of lives lost, the U.S. military may have finally been forced out, but those troops represent just a fraction of our military presence worldwide.

In an ongoing effort to police the globe, American military servicepeople continue to be deployed to far-flung places in the Middle East and elsewhere.

This is how the military industrial complex, aided and abetted by the likes of Joe Biden, Donald Trump, Barack Obama, George W. Bush, Bill Clinton and others, continues to get rich at taxpayer expense.

Yet while the rationale may keep changing for why American military forces are policing the globe, these wars abroad aren’t making America—or the rest of the world—any safer, are certainly not making America great again, and are undeniably digging the U.S. deeper into debt.

War spending is bankrupting America.

Although the U.S. constitutes only 5% of the world’s population, America boasts almost 50% of the world’s total military expenditure, spending more on the military than the next 19 biggest spending nations combined.

In fact, the Pentagon spends more on war than all 50 states combined spend on health, education, welfare, and safety.

The American military-industrial complex has erected an empire unsurpassed in history in its breadth and scope, one dedicated to conducting perpetual warfare throughout the earth.

Since 2001, the U.S. government has spent more than $4.7 trillion waging its endless wars.

Having been co-opted by greedy defense contractors, corrupt politicians and incompetent government officials, America’s expanding military empire is bleeding the country dry at a rate of more than $32 million per hour.

In fact, the U.S. government has spent more money every five seconds in Iraq than the average American earns in a year.

Future wars and military exercises waged around the globe are expected to push the total bill upwards of $12 trillion by 2053.

Talk about fiscally irresponsible: the U.S. government is spending money it doesn’t have on a military empire it can’t afford.

Unfortunately, even if we were to put an end to all of the government’s military meddling and bring all of the troops home today, it would take decades to pay down the price of these wars and get the government’s creditors off our backs.

As investigative journalist Uri Friedman puts it, for more than 15 years now, the United States has been fighting terrorism with a credit card, “essentially bankrolling the wars with debt, in the form of purchases of U.S. Treasury bonds by U.S.-based entities like pension funds and state and local governments, and by countries like China and Japan.”

War is not cheap, but it becomes outrageously costly when you factor in government incompetence, fraud, and greedy contractors. Indeed, a leading accounting firm concluded that one of the Pentagon’s largest agencies “can’t account for hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of spending.”

Unfortunately, the outlook isn’t much better for the spending that can be tracked.

A government audit found that defense contractor Boeing has been massively overcharging taxpayers for mundane parts, resulting in tens of millions of dollars in overspending. As the report noted, the American taxpayer paid:

$71 for a metal pin that should cost just 4 cents; $644.75 for a small gear smaller than a dime that sells for $12.51: more than a 5,100 percent increase in price. $1,678.61 for another tiny part, also smaller than a dime, that could have been bought within DoD for $7.71: a 21,000 percent increase. $71.01 for a straight, thin metal pin that DoD had on hand, unused by the tens of thousands, for 4 cents: an increase of over 177,000 percent.

That price gouging has become an accepted form of corruption within the American military empire is a sad statement on how little control “we the people” have over our runaway government.

Mind you, this isn’t just corrupt behavior. It’s deadly, downright immoral behavior.

Americans have thus far allowed themselves to be spoon-fed a steady diet of pro-war propaganda that keeps them content to wave flags with patriotic fervor and less inclined to look too closely at the mounting body counts, the ruined lives, the ravaged countries, the blowback arising from ill-advised targeted-drone killings and bombing campaigns in foreign lands, or the transformation of our own homeland into a warzone.

That needs to change.

The U.S. government is not making the world any safer. It’s making the world more dangerous. It is estimated that the U.S. military drops a bomb somewhere in the world every 12 minutes. Since 9/11, the United States government has directly contributed to the deaths of around 500,000 human beings. Every one of those deaths was paid for with taxpayer funds.

The U.S. government is not making America any safer. It’s exposing American citizens to alarming levels of blowback, a CIA term referring to the unintended consequences of the U.S. government’s international activities. Chalmers Johnson, a former CIA consultant, repeatedly warned that America’s use of its military to gain power over the global economy would result in devastating blowback.

The 9/11 attacks were blowback. The Boston Marathon Bombing was blowback. The attempted Times Square bomber was blowback. The Fort Hood shooter, a major in the U.S. Army, was blowback.

The U.S. military’s ongoing drone strikes will, I fear, spur yet more blowback against the American people.

The war hawks’ militarization of America—bringing home the spoils of war (the military tanks, grenade launchers, Kevlar helmets, assault rifles, gas masks, ammunition, battering rams, night vision binoculars, etc.) and handing them over to local police, thereby turning America into a battlefield—is also blowback.

James Madison was right: “No nation could preserve its freedom in the midst of continual warfare.” As Madison explained, “Of all the enemies to public liberty war is, perhaps, the most to be dreaded because it comprises and develops the germ of every other. War is the parent of armies; from these proceed debts and taxes… known instruments for bringing the many under the domination of the few.”

We are seeing this play out before our eyes.

The government is destabilizing the economy, destroying the national infrastructure through neglect and a lack of resources, and turning taxpayer dollars into blood money with its endless wars, drone strikes and mounting death tolls.

Clearly, our national priorities are in desperate need of an overhauling.

At the height of its power, even the mighty Roman Empire could not stare down a collapsing economy and a burgeoning military. Prolonged periods of war and false economic prosperity largely led to its demise. As historian Chalmers Johnson predicts:

The fate of previous democratic empires suggests that such a conflict is unsustainable and will be resolved in one of two ways. Rome attempted to keep its empire and lost its democracy. Britain chose to remain democratic and in the process let go its empire. Intentionally or not, the people of the United States already are well embarked upon the course of non-democratic empire.

This is the “unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex” that President Dwight Eisenhower warned us more than 50 years ago not to let endanger our liberties or democratic processes.

Eisenhower, who served as Supreme Commander of the Allied forces in Europe during World War II, was alarmed by the rise of the profit-driven war machine that emerged following the war—one that, in order to perpetuate itself, would have to keep waging war.

We failed to heed his warning.

As I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, war is the enemy of freedom.

As long as America’s politicians continue to involve us in wars that bankrupt the nation, jeopardize our servicemen and women, increase the chances of terrorism and blowback domestically, and push the nation that much closer to eventual collapse, “we the people” will find ourselves in a perpetual state of tyranny.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 02/25/2023 – 22:30

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