Ron Paul: Here’s Why Tariffs Are Not The Answer

Authored by Ron Paul via The Ron Paul Institute for Peace & Prosperity,

President Trump’s planned 25 percent tariff on steel imports and 10 percent tariff on aluminum imports may provide a temporary boost for those industries, but the tariffs will do tremendous long-term damage to the American and global economies. Tariffs raise the price of, and reduce demand for, imported goods. Tariffs ensure the preferences of politicians, instead of the preferences of consumers, to determine how resources are allocated. This reduces economic efficiency and living standards.

Some justify these economic inefficiencies as being worth it to save American jobs. This ignores how tariffs increase costs of production for industries reliant on imported materials to produce their products. These increased costs lead to job losses in those industries. For example, President Trump’s proposed steel tariff could cost nearly 40,000 jobs in the steel-dependent auto manufacturing industry. Tariffs also cause job losses in industries reliant on exports. This is especially true if — as is likely to be the case — other countries respond to President Trump’s actions by increasing tariffs on US products.

Many of President Trump’s critics do not themselves support true free trade, which is the voluntary exchange of goods and services across borders. Instead, they support the managed (by government) trade of NAFTA and the World Trade Organization (WTO). NAFTA and the WTO promote world government and crony capitalism, not free markets. Any libertarian or free-market conservative who thinks the WTO promotes economic liberty should remember that the WTO once ordered Congress to raise taxes!

Foreign manufacturers may make convenient scapegoats for the problems facing US industry. However, the truth is that most of the problems plaguing American businesses stem from the US government. American businesses are burdened by thousands of federal regulations controlling every aspect of their operations. The tax system also burdens businesses. Until last year’s tax reform bill, the US had the highest corporate tax rates in the developed world. The tax reform bill lowered corporate taxes, but the US corporate tax rate is still higher than that of many other developed countries.

The United States not only spends more on military weapons than the combined budgets of the next eight biggest spending countries, but also spends billions subsidizing the defense of developed counties like Germany, Japan, and South Korea. Bringing US troops home from these countries is an excellent place to start reducing spending on militarism.

The biggest cause of our economic problems is the Federal Reserve. America’s experiment with fiat currency has enabled a system based on private and public debt. This makes trade imbalances inevitable as the US government needs foreign investors to purchase its debt. Foreign investors get the money to purchase the US government’s debt by selling products to American consumers. A trade war could cause foreign investors to stop buying US debt instruments and could end the dollar’s world reserves currency status. This would cause a major economic crisis — but at least it would stop our shores from being flooded with “cheap foreign goods.”

President Trump’s claim that trade wars can be easily won is as credible as the neoconservative claim that the Iraq War would be a cakewalk. A trade war would likely push the global economy into a recession or worse. Instead of imposing costs on American businesses and consumers and putting those whose livelihoods depend on imports out of s job, President Trump should address the real causes of our economic problems: the welfare-warfare state, the IRS, and the Federal Reserve.

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Trump Is ‘Destroying’ Regulations: New at Reason

With his tariffs on aluminum and steel, his family-separating crackdowns on nonviolent illegal immigrants, and his authoritarian musings about executing drug dealers, President Donald Trump is a libertarian’s nightmare.

Except when it comes to regulatory reform.

The Competitive Enterprise Institute (CEI), a D.C.-based free-market think tank that focuses on the administrative state, tallied up the number of regulations in Trump’s first year in office and found “the lowest count since records began being kept in the mid-1970s.” CEI’s Clyde Wayne Crews told Reason, “I haven’t seen personally anything like the regulatory reductions that have taken place.”

What’s producing these results? Part is the president’s early executive orders mandating that for every new regulation two old ones get killed, and that the net imposed regulatory cost of each agency and department be zero. Trump has also appointed some genuine reformers: Scott Gottlieb at the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), Ajit Pai at the Federal Communications Commission, and Betsy DeVos at the Department of Education.

Chief among the anti-bureaucratic bureaucrats is Neomi Rao, administrator of the obscure but important Office for Regulatory Affairs, which applies cost-benefit analyses to proposed regulations while making sure they still align with legislative intent. Rao, who came to the administration after founding the Center for the Study of the Administrative State at George Mason University, tells Reason, “We have done more in our first year than any president since we’ve been keeping records, which is back to Reagan.”

President Trump appears genuinely enthusiastic about this push, talking up FDA reforms in both of his State of the Union addresses and crowing at a December red-tape-cutting ceremony that the “never-ending growth of red tape in America has come to a sudden screeching and beautiful halt.”

But Crews warns that a midterm will be much harder for Trump to navigate than the comparative honeymoon of 2017. “I think in 2018, he’s going to have a much tougher time meeting the goal,” Crews said. “When you’re acting alone as president and you can’t make law on your own, the barrier that you run into is you run out of low-hanging fruit.”

Click here for full text, a transcript, and downloadable versions.

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Package Bombs Rock Austin, O.J. Simpson Offers Hypothetical Murder Confession, and Trump Backs Off Raising the Age to Buy Certain Guns: P.M. Links

  • Package bombs that have killed two in Austin, Texas may be connected, say police.
  • O.J. Simpson offers hypothetical murder confession in a 2006 interview which just now surfaced.
  • Trump has backtracked on his calls for raising the federal age limit required to buy “assault weapons” from 18 to 21. Press Secretary Sarah Sanders says that raising the age is still on the table.
  • Protestors gearing up for President Trump’s visit to California this Tuesday.
  • British PM points finger at Russia over recent nerve agent poisoning of ex-Russian spy and his daughter.
  • Thousands of Cuban exiles consider returning to live in their home country.

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“I Think We’re Now In Bubble Territory”: Private Equity Firms Brace For A Crash

Two weeks ago, the punditry was left scratching its head when in his annual Berkshire letter to investors, Warren Buffett – traditionally a huge bull on the economy and markets – said that not only were there no more bargain deals, but tacitly hinted that he is amassing record “dry powder” for when the markets tumbled, or as he put its “to withstand economic difficulties“, so he can buy assets on the cheap.

It turns out the world’s most famous investor is not the only one who is hunkering down. According to Reuters, private equity professionals are warning that today’s market could be as good as it gets, with comparisons to 2007’s pre-crisis conditions becoming increasingly more common resulting in debates among industry figures “whether today’s robust conditions constitute a bubble, as purchase prices rise, jumbo buyouts proliferate and deal terms become more aggressive.

Among the factors cited for market frowth are LBO multiples, which in 2017 hit a record high of 11.2x EBITDA up from 10x in 2016, according to Bain & Co.

Meanwhile, increasingly large buyout loans have been announced this year, including Blackstone’s $20bn buyout of  Thomson Reuters’ Financial and Risk division, and the upcoming €10bn carve-out of Akzo Nobel’s specialty chemicals division: in fact, the average buyout size hit a new record of $675MM in Q3 2017.

Strong debt markets are currently seeing good investor demand, but private equity firms are targeting companies that they can take through a recession, Gregor Bohm, co-head of Carlyle’s European buyout business, said at Berlin’s SuperReturn conference. “You have to sell all the companies that you don’t want to hold through a recession,” he said.

Others were less diplomatic.

“I think we’re now in bubble territory,” said Frode Strand-Nielsen, founder of Nordic private equity firm FSN Capital, who added that the next five years could be a difficult environment for private equity and leveraged credits, particularly as buyouts that have been financed with cheap debt will get more expensive if interest rates rise.

“There’s a lot of financial engineering, which usually indicates we’re going into a concerning environment,” he said at SuperReturn.

Here, predictably, the biggest threat cited as facing the market this year is the spectre of monetary tightening as the European Central Bank ends its QE program

… which as BofA explained recently, threatens to crush hundreds of European “zombie” companies which only exist thanks to unnaturally low rates.

If acknowledging there is a problem is half the battle, what happens next and will PE companies rush to dump their investments? Most likely not: Reuters reports that while private equity firms and bankers are aware that they are at the top of the market, “benign borrowing conditions could persist for some time, allowing borrowers to lock in cheap debt.”

“Borrowers are enjoying peak funding conditions,” said Ed Eyerman, head of European leveraged finance at Fitch in London.  And, apparently, the smart money believes that these unnatural borrowing conditions can last so long that there is no point in even being the first to sell for all the Margin Call fans in the audience.

Adding to the skepticism is that it was almost 5 years ago when some the biggest luminaries in the PE world declared the rally over. After all who can forget the words of Apollo’s Leon Black who in May 2013 said that the Smart Money Is Selling Everything That Is Not Nailed Down

Little did he know that first QE from Japan, and then Europe, would follow.

Still, concerns are clearly rising fast again: co-president Scott Sperling said that Thomas H. Lee Partners is focusing on less cyclical growth businesses which are better positioned to weather a downturn that could have a similar magnitude to the last financial crisis.

“It’s certainly not a brave new world that includes no cycle,” he said. Worse, he said that the PE firm’s “base case incorporates a recession of the size of 2008. The swings can be reasonably violent so you have to recognise how that could affect capital structures.”

So is a correction or – more likely – a crash inevitable? The bulls naturally disagree, pointing to the global macroeconomic backdrop, which they claims is also stronger than 2007 and private equity firms are continuing to benefit from broad-based global economic growth, Sperling and Eyerman said.

Of course, there is a simple reason why everyone believes there is a strong “macroeconomic backfrop”. Or rather, 20 trillion simple reasons:

Undaunted, the bulls go on:

Interest rates are rising, but are expected to stay lower for longer than before the financial crisis, which is unlikely to affect companies’ debt-servicing ability in the short term.  Fixed charge cover ratios, which measure how comfortably businesses can meet operating costs, are also higher in leveraged companies than before the crisis.

The type of companies borrowing has also changed with the rise of software and business services with fewer assets and higher free cash flow margins, that require less onerous credit protections, Eyerman said.

“They don’t have the capex and fixed costs of pre-2007 leveraged credits in sectors such as auto supply and building materials.”

And yet, despite lower (but rising) debt servicing costs, some still think the market’s record nine-year bull run is simply delaying the inevitable correction, which will only make it more painful.

We’re watching a movie where we know what the ending is,” said Guthrie Stewart, global head of private investments at PSP Investments. “Just not how long it is until we get there.”

Ironically, he echoed almost verbatim what Citi’s notoriously skeptical chief of credit, Matt King, asked rhetorically over the weekend: “we know what central banks are doing… why are we so slow to price that in.

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Jeff Sessions Doesn’t Like Nationwide Injunctions, Except When He Does

Attorney General Jeff Sessions has an article at National Review denouncing so-called “nationwide injunctions.” The article—adapted from a speech to the Federalist Society—argues that courts shouldn’t be allowed to issue injunctions that outright ban the government from enforcing a law anywhere in the country.

But Sessions doesn’t really believe that. He doesn’t believe it because nobody does, except perhaps a few especially cranky law professors. There are important debates to be had about the drawbacks of nationwide injunctions. (For example, they can incentivize “forum-shopping,” in which allied plaintiffs file similar cases in multiple jurisdictions in the hope that at least one will obtain a favorable injunction.) But when these arguments spill out of legal academe into the public sphere, it’s almost always just because someone is mad that his agenda has been frustrated.

As recently as 2015, Republicans were all about nationwide injunctions. They cheered when a judge blocked the Obama administration’s rule raising the minimum pay for overtime exemption, while left-leaning groups complained about judicial overreach. The same thing happened when another judge issued a nationwide injunction striking down the Deferred Action for Parents of Americans program. “Thankfully, over a year ago, Judge Andrew Hanen in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Texas issued an injunction that stopped the Obama Administration from proceeding with its lawless immigration system,” proclaimed one Republican senator. His name: Jeff Sessions.

It’s fun to dunk on Sessions, but here’s the thing: Whatever your politics, nationwide injunctions aren’t your friend or your enemy. They’re just one tool in a judge’s kit, albeit a particularly big and smashy one. The handiwork can be progressive, conservative, libertarian, eco-anarchist, whatever. Objecting to them on consequential grounds only leads back to hypocrisy.

Less hypocritical are objections to nationwide injunctions on formal grounds—that is, arguing that they represent an improper usurpation of a legitimate executive or legislative power. But this doesn’t get you very far, either.

It’s true that nationwide injunctions are inherently more “political” than those that are more limited in scope, in that they fully halt the implementation of policies produced by political processes. But although American judges have long recognized that interfering with political decisions is dangerous, sometimes that’s their job. Virtually nobody believes that the courts shouldn’t step in if, tomorrow, Congress and the president enacted a law—say, abolition of trial by jury—that violates a clearly established constitutional right.

Sessions suggests that in such a case, courts should issue injunctions which only block the government from enforcing the unconstitutional law against the person who brought the claim to court. But does anyone think that Sessions would apply that same logic to, say, a law mandating universal gun confiscation? Of course not, and for good reason. When the rights a person considers crucial are at stake, the inadequacy of limiting courts to “plaintiff-protective” injunctions becomes obvious—which is why people tend to apply the argument only to rights they politically disfavor.

When a democratic government violates individual rights, our system relies on courts to correct the violation. In the course of doing that, judges have to make, well, judgments about how severe the violation is and how dramatic a remedy is needed to correct it. In the great majority of cases where a politician complains about a nationwide injunction, what he’s really doing is second-guessing the judge’s judgment, not making a principled argument about what remedies should be available.

Such second-guessing is everyone’s right, but there’s already a way to do it that doesn’t eliminate a power that almost everyone supports: appeal. Precisely because of their broad scope, appellate courts usually subject nationwide injunctions to intense scrutiny, and they have a pretty good record of catching the egregious ones.

Some of Sessions’ arguments are transparently silly. He says, for example, that such injunctions are illegitimate because they prevent the government from enacting the policies its constituents prefer. But the crux of the American constitutional order that his speech praises so vigorously is that no amount of popular or political support entitles a law to judicial deference if it violates the Constitution. If Sessions doesn’t like that, maybe he should quit his job and go be attorney general of Wales, where they don’t have judicial review.

Otherwise, he should just quit whining, and go file his appeals. For better or worse, that’s what we pay him to do.

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VIX Spikes Most In 7 Days As Tech Jumps, Dow Dumps

For Dow traders…

 

Ugly close but Nasdaq soared, S&P red, but Dow dropped hard after an exuberant open…

NOTE – Both rebounds in markets today were from the same headline on Larry Kudlow!!

 

The Dow fell back below its Fib 61.8% retrace line and notably made a lower-high…

 

Bank stocks extended Friday’s gain with Goldman jumping on the heels of confirmation about Blankfein’s successor…

While Nasdaq ripped, helped by chip stocks but FANG stocks rolled over (mainly due to NFLX)…

 

It’s an OPEX week – so historically that means a collapse in vol – but VIX jumped back above 16 today following Friday’s flash-crash (its first rise in 7 days)…

 

Although the put-call ratio has normalized to pre-crash levels…

 

And so has the VIX yield curve…

 

High yield bonds fell in price once again as did IG bonds, extending their losing streak. Last week was the 10th straight week that corporate borrowing costs have risen, the longest streak since 1994.

 

Treasury yields tumbled on the day, after two strong auctions, erasing Friday’s hype…

 

With 30Y back below pre-payrolls levels…

 

Breakevens tumbled from the US cash open…

 

The Dollar Index tumbled for the second day, erasing Thursday’s spike higher…

 

Crude was worst as gold scrambled back to unch, despite the drop in the dollar…

 

WTI/RBOB sank on the day, but rebounded in the afternoon…

 

Gold roundtripped from its early morning plunge…

 

Cryptos had another ugly day (although Bitcoin remains green from Friday’s close)…after some notable buying overnight…

 

As many start to wonder if Bitcoin is really leading The Dow…

 

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Executing Drug Dealers and Other Trump Punchlines: Podcast

Hey ladies! ||| Scott Lincicome“The only way to solve the drug problem is through toughness,” President Donald Trump asserted at a rally Friday, before launching into a laughter-generating anecdote about Chinese President Xi Jinping telling him that China doesn’t have a drug problem because it uses the death penalty. The comment came on the heels of Trump expressing a similar sentiment at a White House meeting on opioids and overdoses. As Jacob Sullum pointed out last week, “Treating such deaths as homicides is not only unjust; it may have the perverse effect of making opioid-related fatalities more likely.”

Another week, another exploration of the meaning and import of the president’s words on Reason Podcast, featuring Katherine Mangu-Ward, Nick Gillespie, Peter Suderman, and yours truly. Besides the drug stuff, the quartet gets into Trump’s North Korea diplomatic initiative, his really existing trade war, his taste in economic advisers, and the difference on any/all of the above from his predecessors.

Audio production by Ian Keyser.

Relevant links from the show:

Report: Imprisoning Drug Users Doesn’t Stop Drug Use or Prevent Overdoses,” by Scott Shackford

Trump, Slayer of Pushers,” by Jacob Sullum

America’s War on Pain Pills Is Killing Addicts and Leaving Patients in Agony,” by Jacob Sullum

Kick the Keg: Trump’s Tariffs Might Kill Last American Keg Manufacturer,” by Eric Boehm

Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross Should Shut Up About Soup Cans, Already,” by Eric Boehm

Trump Is More Like Recent Presidents Than Anyone Wants To Admit,” by Nick Gillespie

Donald Trump to Become First U.S. President to Meet with North Korean Dictator, and Maybe That’s Good,” by Matt Welch

Subscribe, rate, and review the Reason Podcast at iTunes. Listen at SoundCloud below:

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Republicans Didn’t Repeal Obamacare—But They Did Replace It

Republicans failed to repeal and replace Obamacare last year, yet somehow they stumbled into something that looks an awful lot like replacing it.

Or so I argue in today’s New York Times:

Congressional Republicans spent the better part of 2017 trying and failing to repeal and replace Obamacare. They have now largely abandoned the project to pursue other goals. Yet in a sense they have succeeded anyway — just not in the manner they expected.

Consider for a moment what a successor to the Affordable Care Act might have looked like if Republicans had somehow managed to both repeal and replace the law last year.

Although the hastily written replacement bills that made their way through Congress were often vague and uneven, they tended to push the law in predictable directions: more federalism and individual choice, fewer mandates and more state flexibility, cheaper plans with less comprehensive coverage. They aimed to reduce some subsidies associated with the law while also, in some cases, providing funds to help states shore up Obamacare’s unstable marketplaces. They pared back the law’s Medicaid expansion and consistently took aim at its individual mandate.

None of those plans or quasi-plans passed. But roughly speaking, this is the form that the Affordable Care Act is now starting to take, thanks to a series of changes that Republicans have ushered into place since the failure of repeal.

Republicans, having failed to repeal Obamacare, have stumbled, almost accidentally, into replacing it. For better and for worse, and with little coherent vision at work, they are making Obamacare their own. And over time, they are likely to embrace it.

Read the whole thing, in which I discuss the risks and benefits to this approach, and why it suggests a shift in the political dynamics of health care that is both surprising and yet strangely natural.

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Dave Rubin on Political Correctness, the Need for Civil Discourse, and Why He Became a Libertarian

On Friday, March 2, I interviewed the popular YouTube commentator Dave Rubin at the start of Students for Liberty’s annual gathering, LibertyCon.

The Q&A was streamed live by C-SPAN and covered a wide range of topics, including Rubin’s transition from a hardcore progressive to a moderate libertarian, the rise of political correctness on college campuses, and why people who disagree need to stage civil conversations.

Watch by clicking below:

For more information on Students for Liberty, including how to find or start a campus branch, go here.

For more information about LibertyCon 2018, go here. For a list of Reason panels that took place, go here.

Here’s a Reason Podcast with the leader of Students for Liberty, political economist Wolf von Laer. Take a listen to that by clicking below or going to iTunes now.

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School Daze…

Authored by James Howard Kunstler via Kunstler.com,

Sunday night was Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos’s turn through the CBS 60-Minutes wringer of censure with a visibly frustrated inquisitor Lesley Stahl trying to hector her into self-incrimination.

The sad truth about American schools is that they’re a mirror for the painful collapse of the society they supposedly serve – a process ongoing for decades before Ms. DeVos came on the scene.

The expectation that some uber-regent can or ought to fix public education is bound to disappoint a news media searching for saviors. The further we leave the 20th century behind, the more anomalous its organizing principles look, especially the idea of preparing masses of young people for mass, regimented work at the giant corporate scale.

There’s a big divergence underway between the promises of schooling and the kind of future that the 21st century is actually presenting — of no plausible careers or vocations besides providing “therapy” and policing for the discontented masses stewing in anomie and compensatory pleasure-seeking, with all its nasty side effects. In the meantime, we’re stuck with wildly expensive, out-of-scale, giant centralized schools where the worst tendencies of human status competition are amplified by smart phones and social media to all but eclipse classroom learning.

Education in the years to come is destined to become more of a privilege than a right, and it will probably depend more on how much an individual young person really desires an education than just compelling masses of uninterested or indisposed kids to show up everyday for an elaborate and rather poorly supervised form of day-care. But it’s difficult to let go of old habits and obsolete arrangements, especially when we’ve spent countless billions of dollars on them.

I call the future a World Made By Hand because it is going to be entirely unlike the sci-fi robotic fantasy that currently preoccupies the thought-leaders in this culture. A lot of what will be required in this time-to-come will be physical labor and small-scale skilled work in traditional crafts. There never were that many job openings for astronauts, not even in the 1960s, but in the decades ahead there will be none — notwithstanding Elon Musk’s wish to colonize Mars.

Even if you believe the current model of education must be defended and “fixed,” two issues stood out in Ms. DeVos’s interrogation.

One was the question of behavior in the classroom. The Dept of Education under Mr. Obama put out a directive to reduce suspensions of black and Hispanic students because they were being punished at a greater rate than whites and Asians and it looked bad. Lesley Stahl tried to put over this idea as if it were just a matter of racial animus.

“…let’s say there’s a disruption in the classroom,” she said, “and a bunch of white kids are disruptive and they get punished, you know, go see the principal, but the black kids are, you know, they call in the cops. I mean, that’s the issue: who and how the kids who disrupt are being punished.”

I doubt that it happens that way. Rather, it’s probably the case that there is more disruption among the black student demographic, and probably more violent disruption. The reasons may range from bad parenting (especially absent fathers), inability of students to express themselves (and subsequent frustration) due to poor language skills that are not corrected in school, and the victim narrative that emanates from the universities and distorts culture everywhere else. But to actually state that would be branded as “racist,” so the authorities have to dissemble acrobatically to evade the truth, and in the end it’s learning that suffers.

The other issue was the Obama-era directive (“guidance,” they call it) that sexual misconduct be prosecuted more aggressively by colleges and universities. That led to an era of campus kangaroo courts in which due process of law was cast aside in favor of medieval-style star chambers where the accused had no right to a lawyer, or cross-examination of their accusers, and other established legal protections. Apparently, the producers of 60-Minutes thought that was a good idea, and that Betsy DeVos should not attempt to change it.

Of course, school shootings are the most shocking symptom that something has gone terribly wrong in the system we’ve set up for occupying children and teens. It will be very hard to do anything about that without turning the buildings into something like medium security prisons. We’ve already managed to design them to look like that, but now we’re seriously talking about turning teachers into armed guards. And I’m sure we’ll be spending additional billions to fortify the entrances with metal detectors and officers to mind them. That will only shove the school districts a little closer to bankruptcy.

I felt a little sorry for Ms. DeVos. She seems to understand, at least, that the trend is taking us away from the system we currently know to some uncharted territory of social organization.

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