Senate Approves Fourth Round of Coronavirus Spending: $484 Billion for Small Businesses, Testing, Hospitals

The Senate on Tuesday passed an addition to the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act, which will funnel an additional $484 billion toward small business loans, hospitals, and testing.

At the center of the new package is $320 billion in funding for the Paycheck Protection Program, the stimulus measure meant to provide a lifeline to small businesses hit hard by COVID-19 shutdowns. A $60 billion portion of that has been set aside specifically for community bankers in order to help companies that have had trouble securing loans from large lending institutions.

Another $75 billion will go toward hospitals on top of the $100 billion allotted to them in the first version of the CARES Act. That funding will go toward helping medical centers make up for COVID-19 costs and lost revenue, particularly as hospitals across the country have had to cancel elective surgeries.

A $25 billion carevout has been reserved to ramp up COVID-19 testing. Out of that sum, $11 billion will go to states and localities, $1 billion will go to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), $1.8 billion will go to the National Institutes of Health, $1 billion will go to the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority, and up to $1 billion can be utilized to cover testing for those without insurance.

“I am encouraged that Democrats have finally agreed to reopen the Paycheck Protection Program and abandon a number of their unrelated demands,” said Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R–Ky.) in a statement. “Republicans never wanted this crucial program for workers and small businesses to shut down. We tried to pass additional funding a week before it lapsed. But Democratic leaders blocked the money and spent days trying to negotiate extraneous issues that were never on the table.”

In fact, lawmakers from both parties have used the crisis to push for unrelated demands.

The Democrats were the ones to publicly push for additional money for hospitals, which lawmakers agreed to spend in this bill. 

“Congressional Democrats are proud to have secured an agreement on an interim emergency funding package that has been transformed to provide real support for the lives and livelihoods of the American people,” House Speaker Pelosi (D–Calif.) and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D–N.Y.) said in a statement. “Democrats flipped this emergency package from an insufficient Republican plan that left behind hospitals and health and frontline workers and did nothing to aid the survival of the most vulnerable small businesses on Main Street.

Sen. Rand Paul (R–Ky.) announced his opposition to the bill. “This money doesn’t exist anywhere. It will be created or borrowed,” he said on the Senate floor. “I did return today so that history will record that not everyone gave into the massive debt that Congress is creating.”

The compromise will likely be welcome news to many small businesses who were shut out of the Paycheck Protection Program’s first round of loans, which ran out of funding after less than two weeks.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2RYAs8f
via IFTTT

Georgia High School Students Expelled for Racist TikTok Video Had Their Free Speech Rights Violated

A Georgia high school expelled two students for making a racist video on the social media site TikTok.

“They are no longer students at Carrollton High School,” said District Superintendent Mark Albertus in a statement.

The video is highly offensive, and the two students responsible for it—a teenage boy and girl—exercised exceedingly poor judgment. But in punishing them so severely for conduct that took place entirely outside of school, Carrollton education officials have exercised poor judgment as well.

In the video, the two students place a piece of paper that reads “niggers” in the bathroom sink and proceed to fill it with cups of water representing “don’t have a dad,” “rob people,” and other racist tropes. The pair made no effort to hide their identities, and their names are publicly associated with the video, which quickly went viral. TikTok eventually deleted it.

According to Insider, the girl offered an extremely weak apology “to any blacks that got offended,” placed the blame on her boyfriend, and asked her critics to stop trying to get her “cancelled.” No doubt, the video will be associated with their names for a long time, severely harming their college and job prospects, perhaps deservedly.

In any case, the school’s handling of the incident is troubling. Indeed, school officials probably violated the First Amendment, though court decisions have limited the free speech rights of K-12 students so egregiously that the matter is not completely clear.

Keep in mind that the video was filmed at a home—not on school property or during school hours. It didn’t name or threaten any specific individuals associated with the school. And it did not advocate or involve illegal behavior. Racists statements, loathsome though they are, qualify as protected speech in most cases.

These are all important considerations, because courts have generally limited students’ free speech rights only when necessary to prevent substantial interference with a school’s educational functioning. The landmark 1969 Supreme Court decision in Tinker v. Des Moines held that action taken by schools to punish speech must be “caused by something more than a mere desire to avoid the discomfort and unpleasantness that always accompany an unpopular viewpoint.”

Subsequent rulings have been less favorable to K-12 students’ free speech rights. In the well-known “bong hits for Jesus” case, Frederick v. Morse (2007), the Supreme Court upheld a school’s decision to censor students whose speech was construed as promoting illegal drug use at a school function. A more recent decision from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, Bell v. Itawamba County Board (2012), sided against a student whose offensive speech was directed at a school employee.

In a statement, Carrollton officials acknowledged that the racist speech took place outside of school but nevertheless asserted that they had the authority to punish the students for it.

CHS Principal David Brooks, who began investigating the incident Thursday night after the release of the video, said even if the offending incident was recorded after-school hours, it doesn’t alleviate the students’ responsibility to uphold a high standard of behavior.

“It is our priority to keep our schools safe, and there is no doubt this incident has caused significant tension at Carrollton High School, across the district, state and nation – even the world,” he said.

It seems like a stretch to argue that the racist video was a safety matter—again, it did not threaten violence or name a specific individual. It may have caused tension, but that is a thin rationale for giving education officials virtually unlimited power to punish any action that upsets someone at school.

I don’t know if a civil liberties group would have any interest in taking this case given how deeply unsympathetic its subjects are, but it strikes me as worth it, if only for the sake of defending even minimal free speech rights for school-aged young people.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2VMmCqF
via IFTTT

Georgia High School Students Expelled for Racist TikTok Video Had Their Free Speech Rights Violated

A Georgia high school expelled two students for making a racist video on the social media site TikTok.

“They are no longer students at Carrollton High School,” said District Superintendent Mark Albertus in a statement.

The video is highly offensive, and the two students responsible for it—a teenage boy and girl—exercised exceedingly poor judgment. But in punishing them so severely for conduct that took place entirely outside of school, Carrollton education officials have exercised poor judgment as well.

In the video, the two students place a piece of paper that reads “niggers” in the bathroom sink and proceed to fill it with cups of water representing “don’t have a dad,” “rob people,” and other racist tropes. The pair made no effort to hide their identities, and their names are publicly associated with the video, which quickly went viral. TikTok eventually deleted it.

According to Insider, the girl offered an extremely weak apology “to any blacks that got offended,” placed the blame on her boyfriend, and asked her critics to stop trying to get her “cancelled.” No doubt, the video will be associated with their names for a long time, severely harming their college and job prospects, perhaps deservedly.

In any case, the school’s handling of the incident is troubling. Indeed, school officials probably violated the First Amendment, though court decisions have limited the free speech rights of K-12 students so egregiously that the matter is not completely clear.

Keep in mind that the video was filmed at a home—not on school property or during school hours. It didn’t name or threaten any specific individuals associated with the school. And it did not advocate or involve illegal behavior. Racists statements, loathsome though they are, qualify as protected speech in most cases.

These are all important considerations, because courts have generally limited students’ free speech rights only when necessary to prevent substantial interference with a school’s educational functioning. The landmark 1969 Supreme Court decision in Tinker v. Des Moines held that action taken by schools to punish speech must be “caused by something more than a mere desire to avoid the discomfort and unpleasantness that always accompany an unpopular viewpoint.”

Subsequent rulings have been less favorable to K-12 students’ free speech rights. In the well-known “bong hits for Jesus” case, Frederick v. Morse (2007), the Supreme Court upheld a school’s decision to censor students whose speech was construed as promoting illegal drug use at a school function. A more recent decision from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, Bell v. Itawamba County Board (2012), sided against a student whose offensive speech was directed at a school employee.

In a statement, Carrollton officials acknowledged that the racist speech took place outside of school but nevertheless asserted that they had the authority to punish the students for it.

CHS Principal David Brooks, who began investigating the incident Thursday night after the release of the video, said even if the offending incident was recorded after-school hours, it doesn’t alleviate the students’ responsibility to uphold a high standard of behavior.

“It is our priority to keep our schools safe, and there is no doubt this incident has caused significant tension at Carrollton High School, across the district, state and nation – even the world,” he said.

It seems like a stretch to argue that the racist video was a safety matter—again, it did not threaten violence or name a specific individual. It may have caused tension, but that is a thin rationale for giving education officials virtually unlimited power to punish any action that upsets someone at school.

I don’t know if a civil liberties group would have any interest in taking this case given how deeply unsympathetic its subjects are, but it strikes me as worth it, if only for the sake of defending even minimal free speech rights for school-aged young people.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2VMmCqF
via IFTTT

Bureau of Prisons Reverses Coronavirus Home Confinement Policy

The Bureau of Prisons (BOP) abruptly changed its policy yesterday for which inmates are eligible for early release into home confinement because of the threat of COVID-19, advocates and family members of inmates say, crushing the hopes of some inmates who had already been moved into pre-release quarantine.

According to multiple accounts from family members and the criminal justice advocacy group FAMM, the BOP informed inmates on Monday that it would not be waiving a requirement that inmates serve 50 percent of their sentence before they can become eligible for home confinement, despite earlier indications that it would.

It’s unclear how many inmates who were approved for early release were disqualified.
The BOP did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

“The BOP is playing with people’s lives,” Kevin Ring, president of FAMM, said in a statement. “It’s nothing short of cruel to tell hundreds of people they are going home, notifying their families and quarantining them for days, only to change your mind afterward.”

Attorney General William Barr issued a directive on March 26 expanding compassionate release and home confinement transfers of elderly and at-risk inmates to mitigate potentially deadly COVID-19 outbreaks. Politico reported on April 9 that the BOP quietly expanded the directive and waived the 50 percent requirement as the virus spread through several federal prisons.

Inmates who are approved for early release are put into quarantine for two weeks. However, Ring tweeted yesterday that family members of inmates traveled to FCC Coleman, a federal prison complex in Florida, expecting to pick up their incarcerated loved ones, only to be told the policy had been changed.

Reason received a message yesterday from a family member of a man incarcerated at FCI Elkton, a federal prison in Ohio that has been hit particularly hard by the virus. 

“Last week, my Dad was told that he would be going to home confinement based on AG Barr’s memo,” the family member wrote. “They made him sign numerous documents on multiple occasions. Today, they told him that he was denied for home confinement because he hasn’t served 50% of his sentence yet. The 50% threshold is explicitly NOT a criteria, yet they have still done this to him. Not to mention the sentence in the first place is way above the guidelines. What they are doing to people is cruel and unusual. It isn’t right.”

Politico received a similar email:

“They just posted a new BOP Bulletin a few minutes ago, reversing the Barr decision and requiring that those released to home confinement must have served 50% of their sentence,” Stephen Donaldson, son of an inmate at a prison in Georgia, wrote in an email to POLITICO. “I was hoping to have my father home. He tells me a number of other inmates had started the quarantine pre release and then were told of the reversal.”

The notifications appear to have gone out throughout the federal prison system:

Yesterday Judge Alison Nathan of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York called the BOP’s quarantine policies “illogical” and “Kafkaesque” and said they put inmates at greater risk of contracting COVID-19.

According to the BOP’s most recent numbers, there are 497 federal inmates and 319 staff infected with the virus. So far, 22 inmates have died from COVID-19 complications. There are roughly 20,000 federal inmates over the age of 55.

FAMM sent a letter today to BOP Director Michael Caraval today requesting more information and transparency from the agency.

“Tens of thousands of families across the country are deeply and understandably frightened for the health and safety of their incarcerated loved ones,” Ring wrote. “The people inside BOP’s facilities are confused, frightened, and vulnerable. They deserve maximum transparency from the BOP.”

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3arvs2j
via IFTTT

Bureau of Prisons Reverses Coronavirus Home Confinement Policy

The Bureau of Prisons (BOP) abruptly changed its policy yesterday for which inmates are eligible for early release into home confinement because of the threat of COVID-19, advocates and family members of inmates say, crushing the hopes of some inmates who had already been moved into pre-release quarantine.

According to multiple accounts from family members and the criminal justice advocacy group FAMM, the BOP informed inmates on Monday that it would not be waiving a requirement that inmates serve 50 percent of their sentence before they can become eligible for home confinement, despite earlier indications that it would.

It’s unclear how many inmates who were approved for early release were disqualified.
The BOP did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

“The BOP is playing with people’s lives,” Kevin Ring, president of FAMM, said in a statement. “It’s nothing short of cruel to tell hundreds of people they are going home, notifying their families and quarantining them for days, only to change your mind afterward.”

Attorney General William Barr issued a directive on March 26 expanding compassionate release and home confinement transfers of elderly and at-risk inmates to mitigate potentially deadly COVID-19 outbreaks. Politico reported on April 9 that the BOP quietly expanded the directive and waived the 50 percent requirement as the virus spread through several federal prisons.

Inmates who are approved for early release are put into quarantine for two weeks. However, Ring tweeted yesterday that family members of inmates traveled to FCC Coleman, a federal prison complex in Florida, expecting to pick up their incarcerated loved ones, only to be told the policy had been changed.

Reason received a message yesterday from a family member of a man incarcerated at FCI Elkton, a federal prison in Ohio that has been hit particularly hard by the virus. 

“Last week, my Dad was told that he would be going to home confinement based on AG Barr’s memo,” the family member wrote. “They made him sign numerous documents on multiple occasions. Today, they told him that he was denied for home confinement because he hasn’t served 50% of his sentence yet. The 50% threshold is explicitly NOT a criteria, yet they have still done this to him. Not to mention the sentence in the first place is way above the guidelines. What they are doing to people is cruel and unusual. It isn’t right.”

Politico received a similar email:

“They just posted a new BOP Bulletin a few minutes ago, reversing the Barr decision and requiring that those released to home confinement must have served 50% of their sentence,” Stephen Donaldson, son of an inmate at a prison in Georgia, wrote in an email to POLITICO. “I was hoping to have my father home. He tells me a number of other inmates had started the quarantine pre release and then were told of the reversal.”

The notifications appear to have gone out throughout the federal prison system:

Yesterday Judge Alison Nathan of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York called the BOP’s quarantine policies “illogical” and “Kafkaesque” and said they put inmates at greater risk of contracting COVID-19.

According to the BOP’s most recent numbers, there are 497 federal inmates and 319 staff infected with the virus. So far, 22 inmates have died from COVID-19 complications. There are roughly 20,000 federal inmates over the age of 55.

FAMM sent a letter today to BOP Director Michael Caraval today requesting more information and transparency from the agency.

“Tens of thousands of families across the country are deeply and understandably frightened for the health and safety of their incarcerated loved ones,” Ring wrote. “The people inside BOP’s facilities are confused, frightened, and vulnerable. They deserve maximum transparency from the BOP.”

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3arvs2j
via IFTTT

What Do ‘Missing Deaths’ Imply About the Impact of COVID-19?

New York Times analysis of mortality data from 11 countries suggests that deaths associated with the COVID-19 epidemic have been undercounted. The analysis, which counts 28,000 “missing deaths” in those countries, includes fatalities caused by other illnesses, on the assumption that hospitals overwhelmed by COVID-19 cases were unable to treat patients who might otherwise have been saved.

While this analysis adds to our understanding of the epidemic’s impact, the significance of the undercounting described by the Times should not be exaggerated. It has little bearing on the overall fatality rate among peopled infected by the COVID-19 virus or the number of life-years typically lost to the disease.

Comparing deaths during the last month to deaths during the same period last year, the Times finds a total of 193,000 “excess deaths,” of which 165,000 were recorded as COVID-19 fatalities. Based on that comparison, the death toll attributable to the epidemic (even if not to COVID-19 itself) was 17 percent higher than the official numbers indicate.

Since this analysis includes deaths that were not actually caused by COVID-19, it is not directly relevant to calculating the infection fatality rate. Even leaving that point aside, an undercount of this magnitude pales in comparison to the gap between total infections and official tallies of COVID-19 cases, which may be off by a factor on the order of 40 or so (judging from a recent study in Los Angeles County). The error in the denominator, in other words, is apt to be far bigger than the error in the numerator. And while the official tallies no doubt miss some COVID-19 deaths (especially those involving people with other serious medical conditions who die at home), they may also include fatalities caused by other illnesses among patients who tested positive for the virus.

The Times claims “these numbers undermine the notion that many people who have died from the virus may soon have died anyway.” That depends on what you mean by “many” and “soon.”

British epidemiologist Neil Ferguson, who led the Imperial College team responsible for dire COVID-19 projections that had a powerful impact on policy makers around the world, has estimated that “as much as half to two-thirds” of people who are killed by COVID-19 in the U.K. “would have died anyhow” by the end of the year. The Times analysis, since it is limited to a single month, does not address the accuracy of such predictions.

Even if Ferguson’s estimate is off, it is clear that COVID-19 deaths are concentrated among people who are elderly and/or have serious preexisting conditions. That means the impact of the disease, in terms of life-years lost, is bound to be much less dramatic than it would be if COVID-19 were primarily killing otherwise healthy children, teenagers, and younger adults. That observation remains true whether or not people who are especially vulnerable to the disease would have died in the same month or year in the absence of the epidemic.

“This is killing mostly older people,” observes Princeton bioethicist Peter Singer. “I think that’s really relevant. I think we want to take into account the number of life years lost—not just the number of lives lost. The average age of death from COVID in Italy is 79½. So you do have to ask the question: How many years of life were lost? Especially when you consider that many of the people who have died had underlying medical conditions. The economist Paul Frijters roughly estimates that Italians lost perhaps an average of three years of life. And that’s very different from a younger person losing 40 years of life or 60 years of life.”

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2RXftTe
via IFTTT

What Do ‘Missing Deaths’ Imply About the Impact of COVID-19?

New York Times analysis of mortality data from 11 countries suggests that deaths associated with the COVID-19 epidemic have been undercounted. The analysis, which counts 28,000 “missing deaths” in those countries, includes fatalities caused by other illnesses, on the assumption that hospitals overwhelmed by COVID-19 cases were unable to treat patients who might otherwise have been saved.

While this analysis adds to our understanding of the epidemic’s impact, the significance of the undercounting described by the Times should not be exaggerated. It has little bearing on the overall fatality rate among peopled infected by the COVID-19 virus or the number of life-years typically lost to the disease.

Comparing deaths during the last month to deaths during the same period last year, the Times finds a total of 193,000 “excess deaths,” of which 165,000 were recorded as COVID-19 fatalities. Based on that comparison, the death toll attributable to the epidemic (even if not to COVID-19 itself) was 17 percent higher than the official numbers indicate.

Since this analysis includes deaths that were not actually caused by COVID-19, it is not directly relevant to calculating the infection fatality rate. Even leaving that point aside, an undercount of this magnitude pales in comparison to the gap between total infections and official tallies of COVID-19 cases, which may be off by a factor on the order of 40 or so (judging from a recent study in Los Angeles County). The error in the denominator, in other words, is apt to be far bigger than the error in the numerator. And while the official tallies no doubt miss some COVID-19 deaths (especially those involving people with other serious medical conditions who die at home), they may also include fatalities caused by other illnesses among patients who tested positive for the virus.

The Times claims “these numbers undermine the notion that many people who have died from the virus may soon have died anyway.” That depends on what you mean by “many” and “soon.”

British epidemiologist Neil Ferguson, who led the Imperial College team responsible for dire COVID-19 projections that had a powerful impact on policy makers around the world, has estimated that “as much as half to two-thirds” of people who are killed by COVID-19 in the U.K. “would have died anyhow” by the end of the year. The Times analysis, since it is limited to a single month, does not address the accuracy of such predictions.

Even if Ferguson’s estimate is off, it is clear that COVID-19 deaths are concentrated among people who are elderly and/or have serious preexisting conditions. That means the impact of the disease, in terms of life-years lost, is bound to be much less dramatic than it would be if COVID-19 were primarily killing otherwise healthy children, teenagers, and younger adults. That observation remains true whether or not people who are especially vulnerable to the disease would have died in the same month or year in the absence of the epidemic.

“This is killing mostly older people,” observes Princeton bioethicist Peter Singer. “I think that’s really relevant. I think we want to take into account the number of life years lost—not just the number of lives lost. The average age of death from COVID in Italy is 79½. So you do have to ask the question: How many years of life were lost? Especially when you consider that many of the people who have died had underlying medical conditions. The economist Paul Frijters roughly estimates that Italians lost perhaps an average of three years of life. And that’s very different from a younger person losing 40 years of life or 60 years of life.”

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2RXftTe
via IFTTT

In New York State, 1/1000th of the Population Has Died from Coronavirus

This is close to the 1.25/1000 in Lombardy, which to my knowledge is the highest for a state- or province-level region. The typical total yearly death rate in New York State is about 8/1000. (As usual, one should note that measuring such things is imprecise business, and the reporting criteria may vary from place to place, or for that matter even within a place.)

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2VOTsqS
via IFTTT

What Each Side of the COVID-19 Debate Should Understand About the Other

Beyond its devastating effect on the health of hundreds of thousands and the livelihood of millions, the COVID-19 crisis is a harshly vivid example of Americans’ inability to understand, fruitfully communicate with, or show a hint of respect for those seen to be on other side of an ideological line.

Americans are divided about the best way to proceed from here, three months since the first case was diagnosed in the U.S. The division is more vivid and harsh on social networks than in the polls, where a vast majority of Americans still think strong lockdowns are the best idea moving forward. Such Americans think the economy needs to stay shut down by law until a vaccine or some effective treatment is developed that ensures no more, or a very tiny number of, people will be seriously harmed or killed by COVID-19.

On the other hand, some Americans think, on balance, the country’s overall quality of life demands we start letting people and businesses make their own decisions about whether it is safe to go out in public or conduct business openly, especially given access to simple prophylactic measures such as gloves and masks.

To sum up each side in the language of their angriest opponents: The “Closers” want to demolish nearly all Americans’ ability to live, and destroy nearly all the wealth our society has built up over decades, by halting the wheels of most commerce for the forseeable future. And the “Openers” are so dedicated to keeping GDP growing and so ignorant of science they want to see hundreds of thousands, maybe millions, of Americans die of a hideous disease because they don’t understand how contagion works.

Both Closers and Openers, though, have a combination of reasons, theories, guesses, and value judgments of a sort many sane people have always made, that make their respective positions make sense to them. Neither side should be blithely written off as either idiotic or sinister or not thinking, in their own way, of human well-being.

The Openers think they see many costs the Closers are not adequately considering, and wonder if the long-term benefits of closing are smaller than the Closers believe.

Openers are worried about over 15 million Americans out of work, and look at industries including hospitality, food service, entertainment not beamed in via smart TVs, sports, construction, oil, education, law, and even, counterintuitively, medical care (not to mention all non-food retail and any financial or other entities who depend on rents and mortgages continuing to be paid in the months to come) all either destroyed or seriously weakened and unable to move forward at anything near their old strength.

They worry that the web of commerce is so complicated and hard to build or to gently snip off portions of that as-yet-unrealized problems will arise with an economy that acts as if making, transporting, and selling food will keep working fine even if nothing else is.

Openers see the government’s short-term solution of loans and giveaways both personal and corporate in the trillions and growing as seriously dangerous, with a real possibility of upending our fiscal and monetary systems under debt and/or money supply explosions that could become truly unsustainable and take decades to recover from. They see states and localities facing already near-impossible pension and other obligations and shrinking tax bases pushed closer, faster, to an abyss of complete inability to function, with dire effects on citizens.

Openers think it is worth seriously wondering about many as-yet-unknown facts, such as actual current infection rates, asymptomatic numbers vs. ill numbers, and death rates and age distributions of same. They understand that the openers vs. closers debate involves cost/benefit decisions, and want to understand the benefits as well as possible. Openers do believe that one cannot build public policy as if “saving one life” (or, more accurately, delaying one death) is the sole goal, and think it important to note that in no other situation and with no other illness have we acted as if that was a reasonable goal.

Openers do take very seriously the idea of “flattening the curve“—perhaps, an Opener might think, even more seriously than the Closers do, because Openers can’t help but think that this virus will, over whatever length of time, infect everyone everywhere until herd immunity is reached or by whatever method R0 becomes less than one.

That is, Openers think it reasonable to consider that we are not facing a choice to “save lives” (or delay deaths) in the sense of preventing infections from ever occurring, which is more or less impossible now. The only really important consideration now is excess deaths or serious illness complications caused by inadequate medical facilities because at some given day in some specific hospital COVID cases are overwhelmingly large.

Openers thus wonder why more public policy decisions aren’t being made based on a rigorous calculation of that number, now and in a reasonably foreseeable future based on best understanding of our hospital capacity, how quickly we could increase that capacity if that became public policy priority one, and the prevalence, percentage symptomatic, and percentage brought to brink of death by the disease. Openers tend to believe a “testing” solution or a “vaccine” solution are both outside the realm of plausibility now and for any foreseeable future.

The Closers, meanwhile, are seen by hostile Openers as driven by some sinister desire for a scenario in which the only “reasonable” endgame for living anything like a free life is either or both enforced vaccination and constant registered surveillance, or who for partisan political reasons want to make 2020 so miserable in America that Trump will lose the election.

However, the Closers have many reasons that make sense to them to keep things closed that don’t involve a mad desire to tyrannize the country or harm Trump. Closers see and acknowledge the economic damage we are suffering, but see most of that damage already inherent in the unchecked spread of a disease that kills or seriously harms people to a greater extent than any we’ve dealt with in a century. They thus don’t see the economic problems solvable just by “opening up America.”

Closers see anyone who, aware that COVID-19 exists, and can spread asymptomatically, and then does anything that could in any way risk someone else catching it as morally akin to murderers. The Closers are very concerned with the fact that people are dying from this disease, in the tens of thousands—that COVID-19 is indeed after just three months by best available data likely killing so far nearly double as many Americans as were killed by the flu this flu season. Closers thus consider some Openers’ niggling obsessions about marginal accuracy in that fatality count as irrelevant to any policy decision we are now facing. Even if those numbers are not 100 percent accurate they are large enough to make worrying over their precise size peculiarly beside the point.

Closers also recognize that the death count is not the best or most accurate way to assess the threat COVID-19 presents and thus what sacrifices are reasonable or prudent to try to keep it from spreading faster. The disease is known or suspected to be neurotoxic and hepatoxic, not merely a respiratory illness, and might cause serious and possibly long term damage to the heart, blood, liver, and nervous systems of those who contract it even if they “recover.”

Closers are also sure that we can’t know how much damage COVID-19 will eventually cause in our nation just based on the experience of the past 6 weeks, when we have been doing our best to keep people from getting close enough to each other in large enough numbers to truly and quickly unleash COVID-19. Thus to the Closers, any calculations based on “existing data” that are supposed to settle the question of whether we’ve done enough, or even too much, and can now “open up” are beside the point, in a genuinely dangerous way. If it’s not an intolerable nightmare yet, they would say, that’s because we are staying shut down.

The damage done by the disease and/or the policy reaction to the disease is baked into our nation, and will almost certainly echo strongly through at least the rest of this decade. Our nation might be slightly better off, though, if more of us did not compound that civic damage through a ferocious and unmanageable cultural and political squabble based on refusing to consider the reasons the other side thinks what they do with anything approaching intellectual charity and empathy.

We could, though might not ever, know the answer to every currently unanswered question about the disease’s spread, extent, and damage. We might figure out accurately the long term damage to life and prosperity the economic shutdown is causing. Even if or when we do, though, human beings of goodwill and intelligence might come to a different value judgment about what policy is best overall. Because we all have to make those tricky, very hard to discuss dispassionately, decisions (of a sort we have always made every day on the margins without explicit debate) about when we think it best to stop shaping policy toward the sole goal of extending every possible life. The answer either side might come to need not be condemned as based in idiotic recklessness or tyrannical fantasies.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3amYD6B
via IFTTT

In New York State, 1/1000th of the Population Has Died from Coronavirus

This is close to the 1.25/1000 in Lombardy, which to my knowledge is the highest for a state- or province-level region. The typical total yearly death rate in New York State is about 8/1000. (As usual, one should note that measuring such things is imprecise business, and the reporting criteria may vary from place to place, or for that matter even within a place.)

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/2VOTsqS
via IFTTT