Therapist Elizabeth Brokamp Fights for the Right To See Patients Virtually

dc-teletherapy-elizabeth-brokamp-hero_DPV3691-1024×410(1)

Is Zoom therapy a First Amendment issue? Yes, according to a new Institute for Justice (I.J.) lawsuit, which argues that rules banning cross-border video counseling are violations of free speech.

I.J. is representing Elizabeth Brokamp, a therapist who saw patients from her Northern Virginia office before the pandemic hit. These days, Brokamp—who holds a master’s degree in Counseling Psychology and is licensed as a professional counselor by the state of Virginia—exclusively practices teletherapy.

Brokamp doesn’t prescribe drugs or provide clinical diagnoses. She largely offers talk therapy, on topics such as “anxiety, relationships, and mindfulness,” says her lawsuit. Her specialty is “assisting women who are facing issues relating to infertility and postpartum depression.”

Brokamp would like to keep talking to patients who relocate out of Virginia and to accept new clients who live across the river in Washington, D.C. But occupational licensing rules in D.C. and elsewhere make this illegal.

“It is painful for me to have to tell people in D.C. that I am not allowed to help them right now,” said Brokamp in a statement. “People should be able to engage with the counselor who can best meet their needs wherever they live and continue seeing that counselor if they move across the country. I hope my case can start removing senseless boundaries to teletherapy.”

Brokamp’s federal lawsuit takes aim at a District of Columbia rule banning “professional counseling” to people in D.C. by out-of-state counselors except in narrow circumstances.

“D.C.’s licensing laws restrict Elizabeth’s ability to speak with D.C. residents about their professional, educational, personal, or spiritual development—topics one might discuss with a life coach, mentor, self-help guru, religious leader, or close friend,” states the suit, calling D.C.’s rules both “overbroad” and “underinclusive, as D.C. generally does not enforce its laws against speakers without professional training and expertise.”

“If Elizabeth were less qualified, she could in practice offer her services as an unlicensed ‘life coach,’ but, paradoxically, Elizabeth’s training and expertise restrict her ability to talk to D.C. residents without a license,” it says. “This topsy-turvy regime cannot survive First Amendment scrutiny.”

D.C. did temporarily waive licensing requirements during the pandemic for out-of-state care providers with “an existing relationship with a patient who has returned to the District of Columbia” or a connection to a licensed D.C.-based business. Neither situation applies to Brokamp. But her suit argues that the pandemic waiver “highlights the unnecessary and arbitrary nature of D.C.’s general restrictions on cross-border teletherapy.”

“D.C. cannot articulate any reason why the speech permitted by the waiver would pose a danger to public health or should be prohibited,” it says. “Yet, when the waiver expires, that speech will be prohibited once again.”

The issue ultimately goes way beyond Brokamp and her patients, striking at the heart of how to handle telemedicine during the pandemic and beyond. It’s a point of major contention between powerful political groups.

“States generally limit who can practice medicine within their boundaries by requiring providers to be licensed by that state’s medical board,” notes Eric Wicklund at mHealth Intelligence. “This poses a problem for providers treating patients in more than one state as well as those with telehealth platforms designed to reach patients no matter where they’re living.”

Some health care providers want “license portability rules that allow states to recognize the licenses of providers from other states, while others favor interstate licensure compacts that offer an expedited path for providers to apply for and receive licenses in multiple states,” writes Wicklund. “Some have even suggested one license to cover the entire nation.” But up against them “are state lawmakers and others who feel state medical boards should be able to control and regulate who practices medicine in their states.”

Temporary loosening of occupational licensing rules during the pandemic does provide some hope that change is possible. “Red tape that served only to pad established practitioners’ bank accounts in good times became obstructionist menaces when a crisis hit,” notes Reason‘s J.D. Tuccille, pointing out that occupational licensing reform is a rare issue on which libertarians, Republicans, and Democrats (including Joe Biden) find agreement.

I.J. has been taking on cases that involve occupational licensing rules that it believes run afoul of the First Amendment. This has included cases involving tour guides, advice columns, and now virtual counseling visits.

“Counselors use words—they talk to people about their emotions and help them feel better,” said I.J. Senior Attorney Rob Johnson in a statement. “Literally all Elizabeth wants to do in D.C. is talk over the internet. And under the First Amendment, the government cannot prohibit unauthorized talking.”

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Therapist Elizabeth Brokamp Fights for the Right To See Patients Virtually

dc-teletherapy-elizabeth-brokamp-hero_DPV3691-1024×410(1)

Is Zoom therapy a First Amendment issue? Yes, according to a new Institute for Justice (I.J.) lawsuit, which argues that rules banning cross-border video counseling are violations of free speech.

I.J. is representing Elizabeth Brokamp, a therapist who saw patients from her Northern Virginia office before the pandemic hit. These days, Brokamp—who holds a master’s degree in Counseling Psychology and is licensed as a professional counselor by the state of Virginia—exclusively practices teletherapy.

Brokamp doesn’t prescribe drugs or provide clinical diagnoses. She largely offers talk therapy, on topics such as “anxiety, relationships, and mindfulness,” says her lawsuit. Her specialty is “assisting women who are facing issues relating to infertility and postpartum depression.”

Brokamp would like to keep talking to patients who relocate out of Virginia and to accept new clients who live across the river in Washington, D.C. But occupational licensing rules in D.C. and elsewhere make this illegal.

“It is painful for me to have to tell people in D.C. that I am not allowed to help them right now,” said Brokamp in a statement. “People should be able to engage with the counselor who can best meet their needs wherever they live and continue seeing that counselor if they move across the country. I hope my case can start removing senseless boundaries to teletherapy.”

Brokamp’s federal lawsuit takes aim at a District of Columbia rule banning “professional counseling” to people in D.C. by out-of-state counselors except in narrow circumstances.

“D.C.’s licensing laws restrict Elizabeth’s ability to speak with D.C. residents about their professional, educational, personal, or spiritual development—topics one might discuss with a life coach, mentor, self-help guru, religious leader, or close friend,” states the suit, calling D.C.’s rules both “overbroad” and “underinclusive, as D.C. generally does not enforce its laws against speakers without professional training and expertise.”

“If Elizabeth were less qualified, she could in practice offer her services as an unlicensed ‘life coach,’ but, paradoxically, Elizabeth’s training and expertise restrict her ability to talk to D.C. residents without a license,” it says. “This topsy-turvy regime cannot survive First Amendment scrutiny.”

D.C. did temporarily waive licensing requirements during the pandemic for out-of-state care providers with “an existing relationship with a patient who has returned to the District of Columbia” or a connection to a licensed D.C.-based business. Neither situation applies to Brokamp. But her suit argues that the pandemic waiver “highlights the unnecessary and arbitrary nature of D.C.’s general restrictions on cross-border teletherapy.”

“D.C. cannot articulate any reason why the speech permitted by the waiver would pose a danger to public health or should be prohibited,” it says. “Yet, when the waiver expires, that speech will be prohibited once again.”

The issue ultimately goes way beyond Brokamp and her patients, striking at the heart of how to handle telemedicine during the pandemic and beyond. It’s a point of major contention between powerful political groups.

“States generally limit who can practice medicine within their boundaries by requiring providers to be licensed by that state’s medical board,” notes Eric Wicklund at mHealth Intelligence. “This poses a problem for providers treating patients in more than one state as well as those with telehealth platforms designed to reach patients no matter where they’re living.”

Some health care providers want “license portability rules that allow states to recognize the licenses of providers from other states, while others favor interstate licensure compacts that offer an expedited path for providers to apply for and receive licenses in multiple states,” writes Wicklund. “Some have even suggested one license to cover the entire nation.” But up against them “are state lawmakers and others who feel state medical boards should be able to control and regulate who practices medicine in their states.”

Temporary loosening of occupational licensing rules during the pandemic does provide some hope that change is possible. “Red tape that served only to pad established practitioners’ bank accounts in good times became obstructionist menaces when a crisis hit,” notes Reason‘s J.D. Tuccille, pointing out that occupational licensing reform is a rare issue on which libertarians, Republicans, and Democrats (including Joe Biden) find agreement.

I.J. has been taking on cases that involve occupational licensing rules that it believes run afoul of the First Amendment. This has included cases involving tour guides, advice columns, and now virtual counseling visits.

“Counselors use words—they talk to people about their emotions and help them feel better,” said I.J. Senior Attorney Rob Johnson in a statement. “Literally all Elizabeth wants to do in D.C. is talk over the internet. And under the First Amendment, the government cannot prohibit unauthorized talking.”

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Poetry Tuesday!: “The Naming of Cats” by T.S. Eliot

Here’s “The Naming of Cats” (1939) by T.S. Eliot (1888-1965).

For the rest of my playlist, click here. Past poems are:

  1. “Ulysses” by Alfred, Lord Tennyson
  2. “The Pulley” by George Herbert
  3. “Harmonie du soir” by Charles Baudelaire
  4. “Dirge Without Music” by Edna St. Vincent Millay
  5. “Clancy of the Overflow” by A.B. “Banjo” Paterson
  6. “Лотова жена” (“Lotova zhena”, “Lot’s wife”) by Anna Akhmatova
  7. “The Jumblies” by Edward Lear
  8. “The Conqueror Worm” by Edgar Allan Poe
  9. “Les Djinns” by Victor Hugo
  10. “I Have a Rendezvous with Death” by Alan Seeger
  11. “When I Was One-and-Twenty” by A.E. Housman
  12. “Узник” (“Uznik”, “The Prisoner” or “The Captive”) by Aleksandr Pushkin
  13. “God’s Grandeur” by Gerard Manley Hopkins
  14. “The Song of Wandering Aengus” by William Butler Yeats
  15. “Je crains pas ça tellment” by Raymond Queneau

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Poetry Tuesday!: “The Naming of Cats” by T.S. Eliot

Here’s “The Naming of Cats” (1939) by T.S. Eliot (1888-1965).

For the rest of my playlist, click here. Past poems are:

  1. “Ulysses” by Alfred, Lord Tennyson
  2. “The Pulley” by George Herbert
  3. “Harmonie du soir” by Charles Baudelaire
  4. “Dirge Without Music” by Edna St. Vincent Millay
  5. “Clancy of the Overflow” by A.B. “Banjo” Paterson
  6. “Лотова жена” (“Lotova zhena”, “Lot’s wife”) by Anna Akhmatova
  7. “The Jumblies” by Edward Lear
  8. “The Conqueror Worm” by Edgar Allan Poe
  9. “Les Djinns” by Victor Hugo
  10. “I Have a Rendezvous with Death” by Alan Seeger
  11. “When I Was One-and-Twenty” by A.E. Housman
  12. “Узник” (“Uznik”, “The Prisoner” or “The Captive”) by Aleksandr Pushkin
  13. “God’s Grandeur” by Gerard Manley Hopkins
  14. “The Song of Wandering Aengus” by William Butler Yeats
  15. “Je crains pas ça tellment” by Raymond Queneau

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Mother Forbidden from Mentioning Her Own Name in Criticizing Custody Decision—and the Penn. S. Ct. Upholds This

The father (S.B.) and mother (S.S.) of a child (who is now 14 years old) were involved in a protracted child custody dispute, in which the child (who was 10 at the time of the custody decision) accused the father of sexual abuse. The trial court rejected the accusations, and granted the father sole custody:

[T]he trial court concluded that Father did not sexually abuse Child. The court reached this conclusion after evaluating Child’s testimony in open court; reviewing videos of forensic interviews in which Child made detailed allegations of purported sexual abuse; reading Child’s testimony in the PFA proceeding, which had been introduced into the record of the custody trial; listening to the testimony of experts who evaluated Father; and considering the testimony of witnesses who had observed the nature of the relationships between both Father and Child and Mother and Child, before and after the allegations were made. The trial court explained that the details of Child’s in-court descriptions of the alleged sexual abuse were not credible and that the timing of the allegations were suspect, i.e., they arose shortly after Father’s partial custody time had been expanded.

To be precise, the trial court did not believe that Child deliberately lied. Rather, the court reasoned that Child may have believed that abuse occurred years earlier, but Child’s testimony contained statements that were “simply not true and which [were] contradicted by other credible evidence.” The trial court further relied upon expert testimony, establishing that Father “is a low risk to perpetrate physical, psychological, emotional, or sexual abuse.” Finally, the trial court concluded that Mother had isolated Child from everything he knew before she adopted him, and alienated Child from Father, as well as Child’s extended family. [Father and his first wife had adopted, and when Father married Mother after the first wife’s death, Mother adopted him in turn.-EV]

The mother and her lawyer (Richard Ducote) then began publicly criticizing the court decision; they had a press conference, and there was indeed some local newspaper coverage of the controversy:

While Child was not named during the press conference, Attorney Ducote identified Mother by name and, notably, included a link providing access to a reproduction of Child’s in-court testimony and forensic interview, during which Child sets forth detailed allegations of Father’s sexual abuse, which the trial court had deemed unfounded. Mother’s name is included in these documents, while Child’s name is redacted and replaced by the first letter of his first name. However, Child obviously could have been identified by virtue of the disclosure of Mother’s identity….

The trial court then ordered,

It is hereby ORDERED that [Mother]; Richard Ducote, Esquire; and Victoria McIntyre, Esquire shall NOT speak publicly or communicate about this case including, but not limited to, print and broadcast media, on-line or web-based communications, or inviting the public to view existing on-line or web-based publications. The following is also ORDERED.

  1. [Mother]; Richard Ducote, Esquire; and Victoria McIntyre shall NOT direct or encourage third parties to speak publicly or communicate about this case including, but not limited to, print and broadcast media, on- line or web-based communications, or inviting the public to view existing on- line or web-based
  2. [Mother]; Richard Ducote, Esquire; and Virginia McIntyre may provide public testimony in the State House and/or Senate and in the United States Congress and Senate about parent alienation, sexual abuse of children in general or as it relates to this case. However, in providing such testimony, they shall NOT disclose any information that would identify or tend to identify the Child. [Mother] shall NOT publically state her name, the name of the Child or [Father’s] name. Attorney Ducote and Attorney McIntyre shall NOT publically refer to [Mother], the Child, or [Father] by name or in any manner that would tend to identify the aforementioned parties.
  3. [Mother] and Counsel shall remove information about this case, which has been publically posted by [Mother] or Counsel, including but not limited to, the press release, the press conference on the YouTube site, the Drop Box and its contents, and other online information accessible to the public, within twenty-four (24) hours…

Today, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court affirmed the injunction (S.B. v. S.S., majority opinion by Justice Baer).

[1.] The court concluded the injunction was content-neutral:

[W]e conclude that, when read in its entirety, the order constitutes a content-neutral restriction on the manner by which Appellants may convey their public speech, which was imposed for the exclusive purpose of protecting the psychological well-being and privacy of Child, and was not intended to, and, indeed, does not restrict Appellants’ message…. [T]he restrictions [in the gag order] were not motivated by hostility toward Appellants’ message and targeted only the method of communication for the exclusive purpose of protecting the psychological well-being and privacy of Child….

[2.] The court suggested that the order was relatively narrow:

[W]hile the gag order precludes Appellants from speaking publicly about “this case,” when read in context, the order affords Appellants ample opportunity to disseminate all of their thoughts into the marketplace of ideas without restriction on the content of their message. The gag order further allows Appellants to voice all of their opinions regarding issues important to them, including parental alienation, child sexual abuse, and placement of children in the custody of sexually abusive parents, and to testify about these issues before governmental bodies in an effort to remedy these vital societal concerns.

The only limitation on Appellants’ speech lies in the manner of communication, as they are precluded from conveying such public speech in a way that exposes Child’s identity and subjects him to harm. Thus, the order does not deny Appellants the opportunity to be the catalyst for social or political change….

[O]nce Appellants remove from the public domain the enumerated information found to be harmful to Child, they are free to criticize the trial court’s decision, assuming they do so in a manner that does not disclose Child’s identity. Hence, the gag order places no restraint on Appellants’ message regarding the governmental actions that were taken in connection with Child’s custody case.

[3.] The court then upheld the order under the “intermediate scrutiny” applicable to content-neutral restriction, concluding that it was narrowly tailored to an important government interest in protecting “Child’s interest in psychological and emotional well-being and privacy,” and left open ample alternative channels for speech.

As a general matter, it is well-settled that protecting a minor from psychological
and physical harm serves an important governmental interest, in fact, in many
circumstances, a compelling state interest. This sentiment was expressed in our decision in Shepp v. Shepp (Pa. 2006), which involved the constitutionality of a custody order prohibiting a father of Mormon faith from teaching his minor daughter about polygamy, which is a crime in Pennsylvania…. [T]his Court … held that a court may prohibit a parent from advocating religious beliefs, which, if acted upon, would constitute a crime, if it is established that the parent’s conduct “would jeopardize the physical or mental health or safety of the child, or have a potential for significant social burdens.” We clarified that the “state’s compelling interest to protect a child in any given case, however, is not triggered unless a court finds that a parent’s speech is causing or will cause harm to a child’s welfare.”

The impetus for issuance of the gag order was Appellants’ online press conference, which contained a link to pleadings from the custody case, a transcript of Child’s testimony, and a copy of Child’s forensic interview, setting forth, in Child’s own words, detailed allegations of sexual abuse by Father, which the trial court had found did not occur. While Child’s name was not mentioned in the press conference, Mother’s identity was disclosed, thereby allowing those in the community to ascertain easily the identity of Child. A few weeks later, although not identifying Child, a local paper quoted the same detailed account of Child’s sexual assault allegation that had appeared in the press conference.

The sensitive nature of the information disclosed during Appellants’ press conference is troubling as it reveals Child’s description of what he mistakenly thought may have occurred in terms of sexual abuse by Father. The online public posting allowing the community and the world to view Child’s own words regarding his most intimate thoughts and fears of parental sexual abuse would undoubtedly leave an indelible mark on an innocent twelve-year-old boy, as will the entire protracted and contentious custody battle.

The trial court made specific factual findings, explaining that Appellants’ quest to take the custody case to the media was particularly harmful to Child and not in his best interests because when parents, students and teachers in Child’s small private school read the graphic account, it will subject Child to “undue scrutiny, ridicule, and scorn.” …

While at first blush it may seem severe to preclude Mother from stating her name when publicly speaking about societal issues that arose in the case, the simple fact remains that public release of the identity of Mother discloses the identity of Child, undermining the essence of what the trial court was seeking to accomplish; protection of Child’s psychological and emotion well-being and his privacy….

Chief Justice Saylor and Justice Dougherty joined the majority, “subject to the understanding that the common pleas court’s order does not restrict private speech about the underlying custody dispute.”

Justice Wecht, joined by Justice Donohue, dissented:

No doubt, there are countries in our world where overbroad prior restraints on speech of this sort pass muster. But not here. Or so I thought, until today. {Without a doubt, Mother and Counsel engage in otherwise protected activity when they speak about this case pending in our courts. As they say, this is America…. [But] the trial court entered a sweeping order that prohibited Mother and Counsel from speaking publicly about the case except in starkly limited form and in two narrow contexts. Even in those two contexts, Mother could not identify herself. That is, she could not speak her own name. That latter restriction is breathtaking. If that is not an overly broad restriction, nothing is.} …

Let’s be honest. Mother is no Girl Scout. There are appealing reasons why a judge might seek to limit Mother’s speech and that of her attorneys. These reasons arise from the extraordinary and potentially psychologically injurious pattern of public conduct in which Mother and her attorneys … have engaged. But if one thing ought to be clear from American legal history, it is that we should not allow hard cases to make bad law. Certainly, most of our constitutional protections have been forged in unseemly crucibles….

The dissent concluded that the restriction was content-based; it began by quoting Reed v. Town of Gilbert (2015):

Government regulation of speech is content based if a law applies to particular speech because of the topic discussed or the idea or message expressed. This commonsense meaning of the phrase “content based” requires a court to consider whether a regulation of speech “on its face” draws distinctions based on the message a speaker conveys. Some facial distinctions based on a message are obvious, defining regulated speech by particular subject matter, and others are more subtle, defining regulated speech by its function or purpose. Both are distinctions drawn based on the message a speaker conveys, and, therefore, are subject to strict scrutiny.

Our precedents have also recognized a separate and additional category of laws that, though facially content neutral, will be considered content-based regulations of speech: laws that cannot be justified without reference to the content of the regulated speech, or that were adopted by the government because of disagreement with the message the speech conveys. Those laws, like those that are content based on their face, must also satisfy strict scrutiny….

It then reasoned,

The restriction in today’s case was based upon the content of speech. It was based upon a particular subject matter. It was based upon the message. It was directed at the ideas expressed. The first sentence of the gag order categorically bans Mother and Counsel from speaking about the custody case; the preclusion extends only to that topic and that message. This is the very essence of a content-based restriction. To survive, it must withstand strict scrutiny. The perceived laudability of the trial court’s goal does not change the nature of this restriction.

In addition to the fact that the gag order in this case is a content-based restriction, it also is a prior restraint on speech….

And the dissent concluded that the order couldn’t pass the strict scrutiny applicable to content-based restrictions:

The Majority believes that this order provides ample opportunity for Mother and Counsel to express their views. I disagree. In its first sentence, the order categorically prevents Mother and Counsel from speaking or communicating about the case publicly. There are only two limited and very specific exceptions for Mother and Counsel to express their views, and Mother is precluded in all circumstances from doing so in her own name, ostensibly because this might tend to identify Child. This sweeping gag order all but precludes Mother from speaking about this case to anyone other than Counsel. Moreover, the order is not limited in time…. [T]he restriction is essentially endless and it is anything but narrowly tailored….

My view of the matter:

[A.] The restriction is clearly content-based, given Reed—it singles out a particular subject (speech about this case) for special prohibition, and it does so precisely because of the communicative impact of the speech (as opposed to content-neutral factors, such as its loudness). Just as a restriction on identifying a rape victim is content-based (see Florida Star v. B.J.F. (1989), as described in Cohen v. Cowles Media Co. (1991)), so is a restriction on indirectly identifying a child who alleged he was a sex crime victim. Likewise, the restriction is content-based under the McCullen v. Coakley (2014) test: a government action is “content based if it require[s] ‘enforcement authorities’ to ‘examine the content of the message that is conveyed to determine whether’ a violation has occurred.”

[B.] Requiring people to speak anonymously when criticizing the government, and to fuzz out any facts that might let people in the community figure out who the speakers are (and thus who the child is), is a massive restriction on the ability to engage in such criticism.

[C.] Under the majority’s rationale, anyone (not just the mother) could be restricted from discussing the case in a way that identified the mother (and therefore the child). A newspaper article written even without the mother’s involvement could be enjoined, again on the theory that its publication could undermine the child’s emotional well-being.

[D.] However important the interest in protecting children’s emotional well-being might be, it can’t justify such a sharp restriction on parents’ speech to the public about what the government has done to them.

There may well be a cert. petition filed here, so perhaps the U.S. Supreme Court will have the occasion to consider it. (As the dissent pointed out, other courts have struck down similar restrictions, which is an important factor in the Court’s deciding whether to take a case.)

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Mother Forbidden from Mentioning Her Own Name in Criticizing Custody Decision—and the Penn. S. Ct. Upholds This

The father (S.B.) and mother (S.S.) of a child (who is now 14 years old) were involved in a protracted child custody dispute, in which the child (who was 10 at the time of the custody decision) accused the father of sexual abuse. The trial court rejected the accusations, and granted the father sole custody:

[T]he trial court concluded that Father did not sexually abuse Child. The court reached this conclusion after evaluating Child’s testimony in open court; reviewing videos of forensic interviews in which Child made detailed allegations of purported sexual abuse; reading Child’s testimony in the PFA proceeding, which had been introduced into the record of the custody trial; listening to the testimony of experts who evaluated Father; and considering the testimony of witnesses who had observed the nature of the relationships between both Father and Child and Mother and Child, before and after the allegations were made. The trial court explained that the details of Child’s in-court descriptions of the alleged sexual abuse were not credible and that the timing of the allegations were suspect, i.e., they arose shortly after Father’s partial custody time had been expanded.

To be precise, the trial court did not believe that Child deliberately lied. Rather, the court reasoned that Child may have believed that abuse occurred years earlier, but Child’s testimony contained statements that were “simply not true and which [were] contradicted by other credible evidence.” The trial court further relied upon expert testimony, establishing that Father “is a low risk to perpetrate physical, psychological, emotional, or sexual abuse.” Finally, the trial court concluded that Mother had isolated Child from everything he knew before she adopted him, and alienated Child from Father, as well as Child’s extended family. [Father and his first wife had adopted, and when Father married Mother after the first wife’s death, Mother adopted him in turn.-EV]

The mother and her lawyer (Richard Ducote) then began publicly criticizing the court decision; they had a press conference, and there was indeed some local newspaper coverage of the controversy:

While Child was not named during the press conference, Attorney Ducote identified Mother by name and, notably, included a link providing access to a reproduction of Child’s in-court testimony and forensic interview, during which Child sets forth detailed allegations of Father’s sexual abuse, which the trial court had deemed unfounded. Mother’s name is included in these documents, while Child’s name is redacted and replaced by the first letter of his first name. However, Child obviously could have been identified by virtue of the disclosure of Mother’s identity….

The trial court then ordered,

It is hereby ORDERED that [Mother]; Richard Ducote, Esquire; and Victoria McIntyre, Esquire shall NOT speak publicly or communicate about this case including, but not limited to, print and broadcast media, on-line or web-based communications, or inviting the public to view existing on-line or web-based publications. The following is also ORDERED.

  1. [Mother]; Richard Ducote, Esquire; and Victoria McIntyre shall NOT direct or encourage third parties to speak publicly or communicate about this case including, but not limited to, print and broadcast media, on- line or web-based communications, or inviting the public to view existing on- line or web-based
  2. [Mother]; Richard Ducote, Esquire; and Virginia McIntyre may provide public testimony in the State House and/or Senate and in the United States Congress and Senate about parent alienation, sexual abuse of children in general or as it relates to this case. However, in providing such testimony, they shall NOT disclose any information that would identify or tend to identify the Child. [Mother] shall NOT publically state her name, the name of the Child or [Father’s] name. Attorney Ducote and Attorney McIntyre shall NOT publically refer to [Mother], the Child, or [Father] by name or in any manner that would tend to identify the aforementioned parties.
  3. [Mother] and Counsel shall remove information about this case, which has been publically posted by [Mother] or Counsel, including but not limited to, the press release, the press conference on the YouTube site, the Drop Box and its contents, and other online information accessible to the public, within twenty-four (24) hours…

Today, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court affirmed the injunction (S.B. v. S.S., majority opinion by Justice Baer).

[1.] The court concluded the injunction was content-neutral:

[W]e conclude that, when read in its entirety, the order constitutes a content-neutral restriction on the manner by which Appellants may convey their public speech, which was imposed for the exclusive purpose of protecting the psychological well-being and privacy of Child, and was not intended to, and, indeed, does not restrict Appellants’ message…. [T]he restrictions [in the gag order] were not motivated by hostility toward Appellants’ message and targeted only the method of communication for the exclusive purpose of protecting the psychological well-being and privacy of Child….

[2.] The court suggested that the order was relatively narrow:

[W]hile the gag order precludes Appellants from speaking publicly about “this case,” when read in context, the order affords Appellants ample opportunity to disseminate all of their thoughts into the marketplace of ideas without restriction on the content of their message. The gag order further allows Appellants to voice all of their opinions regarding issues important to them, including parental alienation, child sexual abuse, and placement of children in the custody of sexually abusive parents, and to testify about these issues before governmental bodies in an effort to remedy these vital societal concerns.

The only limitation on Appellants’ speech lies in the manner of communication, as they are precluded from conveying such public speech in a way that exposes Child’s identity and subjects him to harm. Thus, the order does not deny Appellants the opportunity to be the catalyst for social or political change….

[O]nce Appellants remove from the public domain the enumerated information found to be harmful to Child, they are free to criticize the trial court’s decision, assuming they do so in a manner that does not disclose Child’s identity. Hence, the gag order places no restraint on Appellants’ message regarding the governmental actions that were taken in connection with Child’s custody case.

[3.] The court then upheld the order under the “intermediate scrutiny” applicable to content-neutral restriction, concluding that it was narrowly tailored to an important government interest in protecting “Child’s interest in psychological and emotional well-being and privacy,” and left open ample alternative channels for speech.

As a general matter, it is well-settled that protecting a minor from psychological
and physical harm serves an important governmental interest, in fact, in many
circumstances, a compelling state interest. This sentiment was expressed in our decision in Shepp v. Shepp (Pa. 2006), which involved the constitutionality of a custody order prohibiting a father of Mormon faith from teaching his minor daughter about polygamy, which is a crime in Pennsylvania…. [T]his Court … held that a court may prohibit a parent from advocating religious beliefs, which, if acted upon, would constitute a crime, if it is established that the parent’s conduct “would jeopardize the physical or mental health or safety of the child, or have a potential for significant social burdens.” We clarified that the “state’s compelling interest to protect a child in any given case, however, is not triggered unless a court finds that a parent’s speech is causing or will cause harm to a child’s welfare.”

The impetus for issuance of the gag order was Appellants’ online press conference, which contained a link to pleadings from the custody case, a transcript of Child’s testimony, and a copy of Child’s forensic interview, setting forth, in Child’s own words, detailed allegations of sexual abuse by Father, which the trial court had found did not occur. While Child’s name was not mentioned in the press conference, Mother’s identity was disclosed, thereby allowing those in the community to ascertain easily the identity of Child. A few weeks later, although not identifying Child, a local paper quoted the same detailed account of Child’s sexual assault allegation that had appeared in the press conference.

The sensitive nature of the information disclosed during Appellants’ press conference is troubling as it reveals Child’s description of what he mistakenly thought may have occurred in terms of sexual abuse by Father. The online public posting allowing the community and the world to view Child’s own words regarding his most intimate thoughts and fears of parental sexual abuse would undoubtedly leave an indelible mark on an innocent twelve-year-old boy, as will the entire protracted and contentious custody battle.

The trial court made specific factual findings, explaining that Appellants’ quest to take the custody case to the media was particularly harmful to Child and not in his best interests because when parents, students and teachers in Child’s small private school read the graphic account, it will subject Child to “undue scrutiny, ridicule, and scorn.” …

While at first blush it may seem severe to preclude Mother from stating her name when publicly speaking about societal issues that arose in the case, the simple fact remains that public release of the identity of Mother discloses the identity of Child, undermining the essence of what the trial court was seeking to accomplish; protection of Child’s psychological and emotion well-being and his privacy….

Chief Justice Saylor and Justice Dougherty joined the majority, “subject to the understanding that the common pleas court’s order does not restrict private speech about the underlying custody dispute.”

Justice Wecht, joined by Justice Donohue, dissented:

No doubt, there are countries in our world where overbroad prior restraints on speech of this sort pass muster. But not here. Or so I thought, until today. {Without a doubt, Mother and Counsel engage in otherwise protected activity when they speak about this case pending in our courts. As they say, this is America…. [But] the trial court entered a sweeping order that prohibited Mother and Counsel from speaking publicly about the case except in starkly limited form and in two narrow contexts. Even in those two contexts, Mother could not identify herself. That is, she could not speak her own name. That latter restriction is breathtaking. If that is not an overly broad restriction, nothing is.} …

Let’s be honest. Mother is no Girl Scout. There are appealing reasons why a judge might seek to limit Mother’s speech and that of her attorneys. These reasons arise from the extraordinary and potentially psychologically injurious pattern of public conduct in which Mother and her attorneys … have engaged. But if one thing ought to be clear from American legal history, it is that we should not allow hard cases to make bad law. Certainly, most of our constitutional protections have been forged in unseemly crucibles….

The dissent concluded that the restriction was content-based; it began by quoting Reed v. Town of Gilbert (2015):

Government regulation of speech is content based if a law applies to particular speech because of the topic discussed or the idea or message expressed. This commonsense meaning of the phrase “content based” requires a court to consider whether a regulation of speech “on its face” draws distinctions based on the message a speaker conveys. Some facial distinctions based on a message are obvious, defining regulated speech by particular subject matter, and others are more subtle, defining regulated speech by its function or purpose. Both are distinctions drawn based on the message a speaker conveys, and, therefore, are subject to strict scrutiny.

Our precedents have also recognized a separate and additional category of laws that, though facially content neutral, will be considered content-based regulations of speech: laws that cannot be justified without reference to the content of the regulated speech, or that were adopted by the government because of disagreement with the message the speech conveys. Those laws, like those that are content based on their face, must also satisfy strict scrutiny….

It then reasoned,

The restriction in today’s case was based upon the content of speech. It was based upon a particular subject matter. It was based upon the message. It was directed at the ideas expressed. The first sentence of the gag order categorically bans Mother and Counsel from speaking about the custody case; the preclusion extends only to that topic and that message. This is the very essence of a content-based restriction. To survive, it must withstand strict scrutiny. The perceived laudability of the trial court’s goal does not change the nature of this restriction.

In addition to the fact that the gag order in this case is a content-based restriction, it also is a prior restraint on speech….

And the dissent concluded that the order couldn’t pass the strict scrutiny applicable to content-based restrictions:

The Majority believes that this order provides ample opportunity for Mother and Counsel to express their views. I disagree. In its first sentence, the order categorically prevents Mother and Counsel from speaking or communicating about the case publicly. There are only two limited and very specific exceptions for Mother and Counsel to express their views, and Mother is precluded in all circumstances from doing so in her own name, ostensibly because this might tend to identify Child. This sweeping gag order all but precludes Mother from speaking about this case to anyone other than Counsel. Moreover, the order is not limited in time…. [T]he restriction is essentially endless and it is anything but narrowly tailored….

My view of the matter:

[A.] The restriction is clearly content-based, given Reed—it singles out a particular subject (speech about this case) for special prohibition, and it does so precisely because of the communicative impact of the speech (as opposed to content-neutral factors, such as its loudness). Just as a restriction on identifying a rape victim is content-based (see Florida Star v. B.J.F. (1989), as described in Cohen v. Cowles Media Co. (1991)), so is a restriction on indirectly identifying a child who alleged he was a sex crime victim. Likewise, the restriction is content-based under the McCullen v. Coakley (2014) test: a government action is “content based if it require[s] ‘enforcement authorities’ to ‘examine the content of the message that is conveyed to determine whether’ a violation has occurred.”

[B.] Requiring people to speak anonymously when criticizing the government, and to fuzz out any facts that might let people in the community figure out who the speakers are (and thus who the child is), is a massive restriction on the ability to engage in such criticism.

[C.] Under the majority’s rationale, anyone (not just the mother) could be restricted from discussing the case in a way that identified the mother (and therefore the child). A newspaper article written even without the mother’s involvement could be enjoined, again on the theory that its publication could undermine the child’s emotional well-being.

[D.] However important the interest in protecting children’s emotional well-being might be, it can’t justify such a sharp restriction on parents’ speech to the public about what the government has done to them.

There may well be a cert. petition filed here, so perhaps the U.S. Supreme Court will have the occasion to consider it. (As the dissent pointed out, other courts have struck down similar restrictions, which is an important factor in the Court’s deciding whether to take a case.)

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Is there Criminal Liability For Airline Passengers Who Knowingly Conceal COVID-19 Symptoms?

On December 14, a passenger boarded a United flight from Orlando to Los Angeles. Before the flight, the passenger exhibited several COVID-19 symptoms, such as lost of taste and smell. Indeed, the passenger’s wife said the passenger was short of breath, and was flying back to Los Angeles to get tested for COVID. The United check-in process asks passengers if they are exhibiting any COVID symptoms. If they have any symptoms, they cannot obtain a boarding pass. Here the passenger lied to the airline.

During the flight, the passenger stopped breathing. Another passenger on the flight performed CPR. The flight made an emergency landing in New Orleans. The passenger was rushed to the hospital, where he died. The flight then continued to Los Angeles. Now, the good samaritan has coronavirus symptoms, including a headache, cough, and body aches. And United is scrambling to notify all of the other passengers.

Could the passenger (had he survived) been charged with some sort of criminal liability? More generally, can a person with COVID-19 be charged with recklessly putting others at risk of spreading the virus? My South Texas colleague Geoff Corn, and Professor Rachel E. VanLandingham, wrote an op-ed on this broader question. Here is an excerpt:

An American student was jailed in the Cayman Islands last week for violating the British territory’s strict COVID-19 rules. The United States needs to start treating the reckless exposure of others to such risk as what it is: a crime. Whether charged as a violation of public health regulations, reckless endangerment or even criminal assault, the bottom line is that at some point people need to be held accountable for their indifference to the health and safety of others they interact with. And with the evolving ability to establish a real evidentiary link between such reckless indifference and a resulting COVID-19 death, even the prospect of involuntary manslaughter prosecution is not out of the question.

Proving such a serious crime might seem implausible, but it’s not as much of a leap as some may assume. One example is a recent report about nursing home workers in Washington state whose decision to attend a wedding appears to be directly linked to the deaths of some of their patients. As with drunken driving, where prosecutors can prove a victim’s death was a reasonably foreseeable consequence of a defendant’s recklessness, involuntary manslaughter is an appropriate charge.

Criminal prosecution for reckless conduct serves to deter others from putting the rest of us at risk. We recognize prosecuting such cases would be neither routine nor easy, and that it would be challenging to prove a causal link between a defendant’s reckless conduct and a subsequent COVID-19 death. Nonetheless, do these challenges justify continuing to simply shrug our collective shoulders at such blatant, knowingly risky — that is, reckless —  conduct? Should those who recklessly endanger the rest of us as the result of this behavior do so with impunity?

In this case, the passenger died. But his wife knew, and perhaps encouraged him to fly, knowing that he had symptoms. Could she be charged on some sort of accomplice liability theory?

These questions are beyond my area of expertise, but I wanted to flag them here.

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Is there Criminal Liability For Airline Passengers Who Knowingly Conceal COVID-19 Symptoms?

On December 14, a passenger boarded a United flight from Orlando to Los Angeles. Before the flight, the passenger exhibited several COVID-19 symptoms, such as lost of taste and smell. Indeed, the passenger’s wife said the passenger was short of breath, and was flying back to Los Angeles to get tested for COVID. The United check-in process asks passengers if they are exhibiting any COVID symptoms. If they have any symptoms, they cannot obtain a boarding pass. Here the passenger lied to the airline.

During the flight, the passenger stopped breathing. Another passenger on the flight performed CPR. The flight made an emergency landing in New Orleans. The passenger was rushed to the hospital, where he died. The flight then continued to Los Angeles. Now, the good samaritan has coronavirus symptoms, including a headache, cough, and body aches. And United is scrambling to notify all of the other passengers.

Could the passenger (had he survived) been charged with some sort of criminal liability? More generally, can a person with COVID-19 be charged with recklessly putting others at risk of spreading the virus? My South Texas colleague Geoff Corn, and Professor Rachel E. VanLandingham, wrote an op-ed on this broader question. Here is an excerpt:

An American student was jailed in the Cayman Islands last week for violating the British territory’s strict COVID-19 rules. The United States needs to start treating the reckless exposure of others to such risk as what it is: a crime. Whether charged as a violation of public health regulations, reckless endangerment or even criminal assault, the bottom line is that at some point people need to be held accountable for their indifference to the health and safety of others they interact with. And with the evolving ability to establish a real evidentiary link between such reckless indifference and a resulting COVID-19 death, even the prospect of involuntary manslaughter prosecution is not out of the question.

Proving such a serious crime might seem implausible, but it’s not as much of a leap as some may assume. One example is a recent report about nursing home workers in Washington state whose decision to attend a wedding appears to be directly linked to the deaths of some of their patients. As with drunken driving, where prosecutors can prove a victim’s death was a reasonably foreseeable consequence of a defendant’s recklessness, involuntary manslaughter is an appropriate charge.

Criminal prosecution for reckless conduct serves to deter others from putting the rest of us at risk. We recognize prosecuting such cases would be neither routine nor easy, and that it would be challenging to prove a causal link between a defendant’s reckless conduct and a subsequent COVID-19 death. Nonetheless, do these challenges justify continuing to simply shrug our collective shoulders at such blatant, knowingly risky — that is, reckless —  conduct? Should those who recklessly endanger the rest of us as the result of this behavior do so with impunity?

In this case, the passenger died. But his wife knew, and perhaps encouraged him to fly, knowing that he had symptoms. Could she be charged on some sort of accomplice liability theory?

These questions are beyond my area of expertise, but I wanted to flag them here.

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Mother Has Son Tested for Covid-19, Gets Threatened with Contempt of Court

Longtime VC readers may recall Ohio Judge Timothy Grendell, a juvenile and probate court judge on the Geauga County Court of Common Pleas, who threatened to hold people in contempt for saying negative things about him in private. That was but one of example of the sort of outrageous behavior Judge Grendell has been accused of in his time on the bench, as Ken White of Popehat detailed here.

Well, here is a new one. As detailed in this extensive report from ProPublica, Judge Grendell threatened to hold a mother in contempt of court for getting a Covid-19 test for her son. From the report:

A few weeks after he testified to lawmakers [about Covid-19 policies], he referred to the pandemic as a “panic-ademic” in the midst of a custody proceeding in his courtroom in Geauga County, outside Cleveland. And he has claimed that 15 mothers in his court have used the virus as an excuse in custody cases to “mess with” their exes’ parenting time.

Then, on Oct. 2, Grendell made an order that legal experts call unheard of, and medical experts say could cause harm. The judge banned two parents, who were wrangling over custody of their young boys, from having the “children undergo COVID-19 testing” without his approval, according to the court record.

A doctor subsequently ordered a coronavirus test for one of the boys before admitting him to a children’s hospital for severe breathing problems. When Grendell found out, he threatened to find the mother in contempt of court, a move that could lead to her being thrown in jail.

The story also includes Judge Grendell’s response to the allegations:

Grendell declined ProPublica’s request to be interviewed for this story. In his most recent judgment entry, on Dec. 9, he said the mother at the center of the COVID-19 testing case had failed to return the children on several occasions, “using COVID-19 or her concerns about the children and COVID-19 as the reason for not complying with the Court’s orders.”

Through his court administrator, Grendell said that he was prohibited from commenting on pending cases, or about broader accusations related to his conduct. He said his decisions are “always in the best interest of the children” and “based on sound law and the actual facts in the case.” Grendell reiterated that he has seen situations where one parent repeatedly misuses COVID-19 testing and quarantining to prevent the other parent from spending court-ordered time with children.

“The court is fully cognizant of the seriousness of COVID and understands the need for all members of the public to be careful and to engage in the necessary and recommended safeguards,” Grendell said.

Judge Grendell was unopposed in the November 2020 election, and has said he may retire before the end of his term, enabling him to collect his salary and a pension.

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Mother Has Son Tested for Covid-19, Gets Threatened with Contempt of Court

Longtime VC readers may recall Ohio Judge Timothy Grendell, a juvenile and probate court judge on the Geauga County Court of Common Pleas, who threatened to hold people in contempt for saying negative things about him in private. That was but one of example of the sort of outrageous behavior Judge Grendell has been accused of in his time on the bench, as Ken White of Popehat detailed here.

Well, here is a new one. As detailed in this extensive report from ProPublica, Judge Grendell threatened to hold a mother in contempt of court for getting a Covid-19 test for her son. From the report:

A few weeks after he testified to lawmakers [about Covid-19 policies], he referred to the pandemic as a “panic-ademic” in the midst of a custody proceeding in his courtroom in Geauga County, outside Cleveland. And he has claimed that 15 mothers in his court have used the virus as an excuse in custody cases to “mess with” their exes’ parenting time.

Then, on Oct. 2, Grendell made an order that legal experts call unheard of, and medical experts say could cause harm. The judge banned two parents, who were wrangling over custody of their young boys, from having the “children undergo COVID-19 testing” without his approval, according to the court record.

A doctor subsequently ordered a coronavirus test for one of the boys before admitting him to a children’s hospital for severe breathing problems. When Grendell found out, he threatened to find the mother in contempt of court, a move that could lead to her being thrown in jail.

The story also includes Judge Grendell’s response to the allegations:

Grendell declined ProPublica’s request to be interviewed for this story. In his most recent judgment entry, on Dec. 9, he said the mother at the center of the COVID-19 testing case had failed to return the children on several occasions, “using COVID-19 or her concerns about the children and COVID-19 as the reason for not complying with the Court’s orders.”

Through his court administrator, Grendell said that he was prohibited from commenting on pending cases, or about broader accusations related to his conduct. He said his decisions are “always in the best interest of the children” and “based on sound law and the actual facts in the case.” Grendell reiterated that he has seen situations where one parent repeatedly misuses COVID-19 testing and quarantining to prevent the other parent from spending court-ordered time with children.

“The court is fully cognizant of the seriousness of COVID and understands the need for all members of the public to be careful and to engage in the necessary and recommended safeguards,” Grendell said.

Judge Grendell was unopposed in the November 2020 election, and has said he may retire before the end of his term, enabling him to collect his salary and a pension.

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