Retired Law Professor Sues Lawyer-Commenters on Law Blog

[1.] In the Dec. 2018 SFM, LLC v. Corcamore, LLC decision, the Trademark Trial & Appeal Board had some harsh things to say about Corcamore’s litigation tactics, including:

It is obvious from a review of the record that Respondent has been engaging for years in delaying tactics, including the willful disregard of Board orders, taxing Board resources and frustrating Petitioner’s prosecution of this case. In view thereof, Petitioner’s motion for sanctions in the form of judgment against Respondent also is granted pursuant to the Board’s inherent authority to sanction.

Corcamore’s lawyer in the case was Charles L. Thomason (listed in the docket as being in Columbus, Ohio), who was a clinical professor at Ohio State University Moritz College of Law until his recent retirement. The TTAB’s decision is now on appeal to the Federal Circuit.

[2.] A few days later, the TTABlog, written by trademark lawyer John L. Welch, posted an item summarizing the case (though not mentioning Prof. Thomason’s name), and adding (as an exhibit to the Prof. Thomason’s Complaint notes), “TTABlog comment: What about a sanction against counsel?” This led to three comments, which I quote from another exhibit to the Complaint:

[3.] Last week, Prof. Thomason sued the three commenters for libel; but it seems to me that his legal theory is not sound.

[A.] The Dreitler comment began with what seems to be a correct statement of two facts—that Corcamore’s lawyer was an Ohio State law professor, and that the client was sanctioned. It seems to err in saying that the “case [was] dismissed”; rather, it was the client’s opposition to the cancellation proceeding that was effectively dismissed, and the other side prevailed. But that mischaracterization of the procedural situation wouldn’t be damaging to Prof. Thomason’s reputation; the implication of “case [was] dismissed” is that the client lost, and that is correct. (Note also that Prof. Thomason has apparently retired, and the last class I could find him teaching was in Spring 2018, so it’s possible that the Dreitler comment was slightly imprecise in its tense; but any error as to that wouldn’t be damaging to Prof. Thomason’s reputation, either, and Thomason’s Complaint more generally speaks of Thomason as a law professor, in the present tense.)

The Dreitler comment then turned to an inference that the lawyer is responsible for the result and the litigation tactics, followed by an opinion about what should happen, and what the lawyer allegedly deserves: “the Board certainly ought to sanction” the lawyer. But such opinions, however derogatory they may be, aren’t actionable libel.

Now libel law recognizes that “a statement in the form of an opinion” may be actionable “if it implies the allegation of undisclosed defamatory fact as the basis for the opinion.” (That’s from the Restatement (Second) of Torts § 566, which the Kentucky Supreme Court has expressly adopted.) But “where the commentator states the facts on which the opinion is based, or where both parties to the communication know or assume the exclusive facts on which the comment is clearly based,” there can be no liability. And that seems to be what happened here: The initial TTABlog post summarized the court opinion (in a way that Thomason’s Complaint doesn’t claim is defamatory); the comment accurately stated a further fact (that Thomason was a law professor) and then expressed an opinion based on those facts.

Thomason’s Complaint says,

[31.] Defendant Joseph Dreitler’s comments defamed plaintiff, in particular, plaintiff’s professionalism, legal ability, as well as his standing as a full-time faculty member teaching at the College of Law of The Ohio State University.

[32.] Defendant Joseph Dreitler’s comments stated or indicated that plaintiff was unfit for his job and duties as a law professor.

But this doesn’t explain why Dreitler’s comment contained any false factual allegation, as opposed to derogatory opinions. Later, the Complaint asserts (in ¶ 63) that, “each defendants’ comments imply or give the impression that they have knowledge of other false and defamatory facts, on which they relied when writing the comments they published on non-party Welch’s blog.” But I don’t see how that’s so: Rather, the comments appear to just refer to the original post and the opinion cited in it, plus, in Ms. deWolf’s case, the other opinion that she cites.

[B.] The Reidl comment likewise seems to be opinion: An overt “guess” that Thomason, as the lawyer, was responsible for the party’s filings (an inference from the disclosed facts), followed by an inference about Thomason’s mental state coupled (that he is one of those “lawyers who think this is all a game that they … ‘win’ by being jerks”). “[A]nyone is entitled to speculate on a person’s motives from the known facts of his behavior.” Haynes v. Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 8 F.3d 1222, 1227 (7th Cir. 1993); see also Scholz v. Delp, 473 Mass. 242, 251, 41 N.E.3d 38, 46 (2015); Gacek v. Owens & Minor Distribution, Inc., 666 F.3d 1142, 1147-48 (8th Cir. 2012).

The Complaint asserts,

[37.] The comments defendant Paul Reidl published to non-party Welch’s blog post were defamatory and directed at the plaintiff, and were defamatory per se under Kentucky law….

[38.] Defendant’s comments stated or indicated that plaintiff was unfit for his job and duties as a law professor, and separately as an IP litigation attorney….

[63.] The defendants’ comments include false assertions about the plaintiff “teaching at the Ohio State law school,” false reference to attorney-client privileged communications about “TTAB procedure” and false assertions about the client not “being advised” but un-advised and so knowing “nothing” about such procedures, malicious comments that plaintiff is a “lawyer who thinks” adjudicative procedures are “a game,” and is a “jerk,” and that the plaintiff is “unprofessional” even though that word never appears in the Cancellation decision referenced in non-party Welch’s blog post.

But again it doesn’t explain how the comments contained false factual assertions, as opposed to pejorative characterizations and opinions.

[C.] The deWolf comment correctly points out that Thomason had “been called out for unprofessional conduct” by the Thomason v. Lehrer opinion (issued Aug. 21, 1998); that opinion begins,

In what has unfortunately become a far too frequent occurrence in this era of “scorched-earth” litigation tactics, an errant attorney has lost sight of his professional obligations to his client, his profession, and this Court.

And it continues,

The circumstances of this case, however, present the unhappy picture of a lawyer who has crossed the boundary of legitimate advocacy into personal recrimination against his adversary. Lawyers are not free, like loose cannons, to fire at will upon any target of opportunity which appears on the legal landscape. The practice of law is not and cannot be a “free fire zone.” While I will impose these sanctions pursuant to the authority conferred upon me by Rule 11, I join with those who urge the legal profession to return to the standards of professionalism which have characterized the bar throughout the history of our nation.

Thomason’s complaint objects (¶ 45) that “Defendant deWolf’s comment omitted mentioning that a later decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit abrogated the Lehrer case.” Indeed, the Third Circuit decision in U.S. Express Lines, Inc. v. Higgins, did reverse one of the legal conclusions in a later (Oct. 27, 1998) opinion in Thomason: The District Court in Thomason had rejected Thomason’s abuse of process claim, on the grounds that alleged misconduct in a federal case should be dealt with within that case, rather than through a new lawsuit; the Third Circuit in U.S Express Lines rejected that position. But the heart of the Aug. 21, 1998 Thomason opinion pointed to by deWolf seems to me to have been unaffected by U.S. Express Lines; the court wrote in that opinion,

Thomason’s section 1983 claim, specifically, the allegation that Lehrer acted under color of state or federal law by representing Absolute and Knight in asserting counterclaims against Thomason, is sanctionable under, inter alia, Rule 11(b)(2) because it is not warranted by existing law or nonfrivolous arguments for an extension or expansion of existing law….

As I have already held, Thomason’s allegations that Lehrer acted under color of state or federal law in representing Absolute and Knight when Absolute and Knight named Thomason as a Defendant to their counterclaims, are wholly without merit. Even a casual investigation, let alone the reasonable inquiry required by Rule 11, see Fed.R.Civ.P. 11(b), would have revealed to Thomason that much more participation by the state and invocation of state powers and procedures is required to transform the attorney representing the client who merely alleges those claims into a state actor for the purposes of section 1983. Count I of the Second Amended Counterclaim was not “warranted by existing law or by a nonfrivolous argument for the extension, modification, or reversal of existing law or the establishment of new law.”

And that “call[ing] out” of Thomason, to my knowledge, had not been reversed by the Third Circuit.

[4.] I’m also skeptical that the federal court in Kentucky has personal jurisdiction over the commenters, who seem to be in Ohio, California, and New York. The caselaw on Internet libel jurisdiction is complicated, but the most on-point Sixth Circuit case seems to cut against Thomason here. (That decision is unpublished and therefore only persuasive precedent rather than binding precedent, but it has been cited over 40 times by federal district courts in the Sixth Circuit.) In that case, the Sixth Circuit held that there was no jurisdiction in Ohio over Internet commenters who spoke about an Ohioan:

[W]hile the “content” of the publication was about an Ohio resident, it did not concern that resident’s Ohio activities. Furthermore, nothing on the website specifically targets or is even directed at Ohio readers, as opposed to the residents of other states. Appellant argues that if [defendant’s] goal was only to reach Massachusetts readers, then he should have used only local media, not the internet. The law does not require that people avoid using the internet altogether in order to avoid availing themselves of the laws of every state. See Revell v. Lidov, 317 F.3d 467, 473 (5th Cir.2002) (finding that Columbia University’s maintenance of a website and internet message board, on which one of its professors posted an article that criticized the Texas plaintiff, was insufficient to confer personal jurisdiction in Texas over the university or the professor, because the “article written by Lidov about Revell contains no reference to Texas, nor does it refer to the Texas activities of Revell, and it was not directed at Texas readers as distinguished from readers in other states”). Additionally, although Appellant claims that [defendant]’s website links to a class action form and thereby solicits litigants, there is nothing in this form that targets Ohio, let alone mentions [plaintiff], and there is no allegation that [defendant] used this form to make repeated online contacts with Ohio residents. Consequently, because the website was not directed toward Ohio in its content or in its target audience, the case is closer to Revell and Reynolds than Calder.

Change Ohio here to Kentucky (the state in which Thomason sued), and the quote fits well: The commenters weren’t speaking about Kentucky, deliberately addressing Kentucky residents, or opining about some Kentucky-specific activities on Thomason’s part.

So my guess is that defendants can quickly get the case dismissed on personal jurisdiction grounds, or, if necessary, on a 12(b)(6) motion to dismiss for failure to state a claim. I’ll try to keep our readers posted as to any substantive developments.

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From the Archives: January 2020

15 Years Ago

January 2005

“Perhaps in their ideal world, where President Kerry and Secretary of State Biden run the show, such precision is possible. In the event, they must now either admit they were wrong or stick with the war Bush delivered for them. If it succeeds, perhaps they’ll take some of the credit. They’ve already shown they won’t take any of the blame.”
Tim Cavanaugh
“Iraq’s Summer Soldiers”

20 Years Ago

January 2000

“It’s no wonder, then, that the conservative movement seems intellectually and politically moribund so soon after rising to electoral power in the mid-1990s. Even as conservatives wrap themselves in the mantle of Reagan, they cannot fully embrace his rejection of tax policy as a means of social engineering, perhaps because it would mean renouncing control too soon after finally grabbing it. But the result is an intellectual and political jumble that underscores the point that conservatives, like the liberals they define themselves against, are more interested in wielding power than in giving it back to individuals.”
Max Schulz
“Code Breakers”

“These mothers and grandmothers are the very people in whose name liberal Democrats and public school officials have long been designing government programs. Now the help these families want most is help leaving government schools.”
Michael Lynch
“Rampaging Toward Choice”

30 Years Ago

January 1990

“We cannot base sound policy on frenzied efforts to retain the climate of the 20th century. Rather, we must seek accommodation to the forthcoming warming. It does little good, as some environmentalists do, to propose that governmental actions can retain the climate to which we are accustomed. That is like saying that government ukases could have kept us in the age of coal, preventing us from ever tapping the world’s wealth of petroleum and natural gas. Instead, we must understand the real threats posed by the greenhouse effect and learn to cope.”
T.A. Heppenheimer
“Keep Your Cool”

“Totaling it all up, Georgetown’s [Gary] Hufbauer estimates that U.S. trade barriers cost American consumers about $80 billion each year. Talk about Christmas spirit! Ripping off consumers, forcing up prices, leaving baby dolls naked, running candy cane makers out of business—compared to Uncle Sam, Ebenezer Scrooge was a kind old man.”
Charles Oliver
“The Ghost of Christmas Presents”

35 Years Ago

January 1985

“Without question, space will be developed. Also without question, Americans will be involved in some way—whether or not their efforts originate from American soil. In the really long run, space represents more than something American or Japanese—it is the domain of individualists, people with political, cultural, and economic claustrophobia. The bureaucratic barriers are therefore destined to fall. The question now is how soon. A lot of us can’t quite give up hope that it will happen in time for us to help shape those vast promised lands above.”
Patrick Cox
“Space Entrepreneurs”

“Examples of political myopia abound, but the point by now is clear. Government is far from a flawless substitute for any market short-sightedness. And indeed, failures of the market are often accentuated by government attempts to correct them. At no time is this more true than when the complaint against the market is that profit-seeking business people shortchange the future. They are in fact the future’s best hope.”
Dwight Lee
“Patience Is a Market Virtue”

50 Years Ago

January 1970

“Whatever reason a parent might have for leaving his children in the care of the state, it will not diminish their intellectual death, nor mitigate their emotional torture. If you wish to see your children happy, you must do the necessary things. There ain’t no such thing as a free lunch. Somehow, parents must plan their children’s rescue from the monster….It’s too bad we can’t liberate all the tots (America’s youngest political prisoners), but social change just doesn’t work that way. Chip loose your own youngsters and you’ll have done probably as much as could be expected.”
Lanny Friedlander
“Where Have All the Children Gone?”

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From the Archives: January 2020

15 Years Ago

January 2005

“Perhaps in their ideal world, where President Kerry and Secretary of State Biden run the show, such precision is possible. In the event, they must now either admit they were wrong or stick with the war Bush delivered for them. If it succeeds, perhaps they’ll take some of the credit. They’ve already shown they won’t take any of the blame.”
Tim Cavanaugh
“Iraq’s Summer Soldiers”

20 Years Ago

January 2000

“It’s no wonder, then, that the conservative movement seems intellectually and politically moribund so soon after rising to electoral power in the mid-1990s. Even as conservatives wrap themselves in the mantle of Reagan, they cannot fully embrace his rejection of tax policy as a means of social engineering, perhaps because it would mean renouncing control too soon after finally grabbing it. But the result is an intellectual and political jumble that underscores the point that conservatives, like the liberals they define themselves against, are more interested in wielding power than in giving it back to individuals.”
Max Schulz
“Code Breakers”

“These mothers and grandmothers are the very people in whose name liberal Democrats and public school officials have long been designing government programs. Now the help these families want most is help leaving government schools.”
Michael Lynch
“Rampaging Toward Choice”

30 Years Ago

January 1990

“We cannot base sound policy on frenzied efforts to retain the climate of the 20th century. Rather, we must seek accommodation to the forthcoming warming. It does little good, as some environmentalists do, to propose that governmental actions can retain the climate to which we are accustomed. That is like saying that government ukases could have kept us in the age of coal, preventing us from ever tapping the world’s wealth of petroleum and natural gas. Instead, we must understand the real threats posed by the greenhouse effect and learn to cope.”
T.A. Heppenheimer
“Keep Your Cool”

“Totaling it all up, Georgetown’s [Gary] Hufbauer estimates that U.S. trade barriers cost American consumers about $80 billion each year. Talk about Christmas spirit! Ripping off consumers, forcing up prices, leaving baby dolls naked, running candy cane makers out of business—compared to Uncle Sam, Ebenezer Scrooge was a kind old man.”
Charles Oliver
“The Ghost of Christmas Presents”

35 Years Ago

January 1985

“Without question, space will be developed. Also without question, Americans will be involved in some way—whether or not their efforts originate from American soil. In the really long run, space represents more than something American or Japanese—it is the domain of individualists, people with political, cultural, and economic claustrophobia. The bureaucratic barriers are therefore destined to fall. The question now is how soon. A lot of us can’t quite give up hope that it will happen in time for us to help shape those vast promised lands above.”
Patrick Cox
“Space Entrepreneurs”

“Examples of political myopia abound, but the point by now is clear. Government is far from a flawless substitute for any market short-sightedness. And indeed, failures of the market are often accentuated by government attempts to correct them. At no time is this more true than when the complaint against the market is that profit-seeking business people shortchange the future. They are in fact the future’s best hope.”
Dwight Lee
“Patience Is a Market Virtue”

50 Years Ago

January 1970

“Whatever reason a parent might have for leaving his children in the care of the state, it will not diminish their intellectual death, nor mitigate their emotional torture. If you wish to see your children happy, you must do the necessary things. There ain’t no such thing as a free lunch. Somehow, parents must plan their children’s rescue from the monster….It’s too bad we can’t liberate all the tots (America’s youngest political prisoners), but social change just doesn’t work that way. Chip loose your own youngsters and you’ll have done probably as much as could be expected.”
Lanny Friedlander
“Where Have All the Children Gone?”

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Brickbat: Professional Courtesy

Aurora, Colorado, City Manager Jim Twombly has asked former U.S. Attorney John Walsh to review how the police department treated an on-duty officer found drunk and unresponsive behind the wheel of his patrol car in the middle of a street. A local TV station reports officer Nate Meier had a blood alcohol level above 0.45. He told internal affairs investigators he had gone home during his shift and drank vodka and did not remember anything until he woke up in a hospital. Meier was not charged with DUI and was not fired.

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Brickbat: Professional Courtesy

Aurora, Colorado, City Manager Jim Twombly has asked former U.S. Attorney John Walsh to review how the police department treated an on-duty officer found drunk and unresponsive behind the wheel of his patrol car in the middle of a street. A local TV station reports officer Nate Meier had a blood alcohol level above 0.45. He told internal affairs investigators he had gone home during his shift and drank vodka and did not remember anything until he woke up in a hospital. Meier was not charged with DUI and was not fired.

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Meet the Grandmothers Who Rule Kenya’s Legal Drug Markets

At Soko ya Nadhif market in Garissa, Kenya, the ones who come to buy the drugs are men. They arrive early in the morning, sometimes before dawn, waiting in the hot dark air for a good deal. New white Land Cruisers pull into the market, kicking up clouds of red dust behind them. The ones who rush to offload the cargo are men, too. They toss heavy bags of leaves over their shoulders before sorting them into sections: Sareye, Khadija, Fatuma. Each bag is marked with a woman’s name. Because although almost everyone who comes to Soko ya Nadhif market is a man, the ones who sell the drugs are women.

Sareye Budul Shafat, 52, is a soft-spoken mother of 10 who favors neon technicolor hijabs. While she calls herself a businesswoman, her gold jewelry and poker face hint at something more illicit.

Shafat is the founder of the Al-Amin Women’s Group, a collective organization of 10 women—mostly single mothers and grandmothers in their 40s, 50s, and 60s—who dominate Garissa’s khat industry. Attacks on the industry come from all sides, so women in the khat business are evasive about how much money they make. Shafat claims to bring in 20,000 Kenyan shillings (about $193) per month. But her shoes, her accessories, and the size of her house, as well as the number of men and women who call her “boss,” suggest much higher earnings.

Khat—a stimulant leaf from the Catha edulis plant that is criminalized in the United States and most of Europe but wildly popular in East Africa—has somehow become women’s work. Khat leaves are usually chewed, sometimes with bubble gum or peanuts to mask the herbal taste. Although the vast majority of khat users are men, women play an unmistakably dominant role in its production and sale. The Al-Amin Women’s Group dominates the Garissa market, but women’s influence in the khat (also called miraa) industry has deep roots throughout the region. In Somaliland, a self-declared breakaway state in the Horn of Africa, an estimated 72 percent of khat vendors are women. In Ethiopia, one of the country’s richest people, Suhura Ismail, turned a roadside miraa stand into an international business empire with its own fleet of charter planes that transport the drug between Jijiga, a city in the Somali Regional State of eastern Ethiopia, and Somalia itself. (Like a boss, Suhura named the airline after herself.)

In Kenya, the economic power of khat is so huge that in 2016, when Somalia banned imports of the drug for a single week, it cost Kenyan farmers millions of dollars. Today, the khat trade brings the latter country an estimated $400,000 every day.

Shafat got into the business for the same reasons any other good entrepreneur does: instinct and need. In 1997, her husband, a former truck driver, was left unable to work by advancing glaucoma, the leading cause of irreversible blindness worldwide. Desperate to support their children, Shafat tried selling secondhand clothes. But business wasn’t good, and Shafat couldn’t even make enough to pay back her family’s 5,000 shillings ($48) in debt.

“I might stay in the [clothes] emporium and not sell anything for three days,” Shafat recalled. “I decided I would rather have a quick loss or profit than wait three, five, seven days for nothing.”

During the months she languished at the clothes market, Shafat noticed that some women would regularly come in with no husbands but an endless supply of money to spend. She decided to ask about the secret to their independent success. The industry she discovered would change her life.

Criminalization

Khat is an enigma: People can’t seem to agree whether it’s dangerous or not. It has been likened to everything from coffee to cocaine. In Hong Kong, the leaf is regarded as so risky that traffickers risk a fine of up to HK$5 million ($623,411 in U.S. dollars) and life imprisonment. Even the Netherlands, famous for its permissive drug use policies, banned khat in 2012. But in Canada, where the substance is illegal, a young woman who brought 34 kilograms of khat into the country in 2012 was able to successfully appeal her arrest on the grounds that the drug is not harmful.

“This is an important ruling, because it recognized that while khat is illegal in Canada, there is no empirical evidence that this drug is harmful to the individual or the community at large,” defense lawyer Mark Halfyard, who argued the appeal, told Toronto’s The Star at the time. “There is a body of scientific literature that suggests khat is significantly less harmful on an individual level and in terms of the social costs than alcohol, tobacco, or marijuana.”

But prohibition has addictive qualities, and the war on miraa is self-reinforcing. In his 2007 book The Khat Controversy, author David Anderson recounts the story of how a businesswoman named Yasmin moved from Somalia to Kenya in the 1970s and became one of the first people to export the drug to the United Kingdom. After the 2012 Dutch ban, the British government announced its own plans to criminalize the leaf. That move came despite a 2013 report from the British Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs that found “insufficient evidence” that khat caused health problems and “no evidence” that the leaf was linked to serious or organized crime.

“On the basis of the available evidence, the overwhelming majority of Council members consider that khat should not be controlled under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971,” the report concluded. “Although there may be a correlation or association between the use of khat and various negative social indicators, it is not possible to conclude that there is any causal link.”

Opponents of the ban argued that, since khat was almost exclusively popular with East African and Yemeni immigrant communities, the criminalization of khat would be, in effect, the criminalization of specific ethnic minorities. But members of the British-Somali diaspora had mixed feelings about the ban: Some supported it, saying a prohibition would promote health and cultural integration.

“Khat has been slowly killing our community, but no one has paid any attention,” a U.K.-based former khat user named Abukar Awali told The Christian Science Monitor. “It’s no exaggeration to say it is preventing us from integrating. When you chew, you don’t work or meet anyone apart from Somalis.” Awali later traveled to East Africa to campaign for the British ban to be adopted elsewhere.

But the comparisons between khat and clearly legal substances such as alcohol, tobacco, and coffee were hard to ignore. One survey of British Somalis in London found that 90 percent would prefer their children use khat than alcohol, and 77 percent would prefer they use khat than cigarettes. There were also concerns that the British ban would be an economic blow to East Africa: In 2013, a group of Kenyan lawmakers led by Florence Kajuju, a member of the Parliament of Kenya, urged the British government not to “condemn” the Kenyan farmers and exporters who relied on the trade.

Prohibition

Nevertheless, it became a criminal offense to buy, sell, or chew khat in the U.K. on June 24, 2014. The loss of tax revenue has been estimated at 150 million pounds ($182 million) over 10 years, on top of the blow to jobs and businesses.

The British decision had an immediate impact on Kenya’s khat export market. Before the ban, an estimated 20 tons of the drug arrived at London’s Heathrow airport each day, most of it from Kenya. Khat had been a huge boost to that country’s economy. In 2010 alone, it was responsible for 12.7 million pounds ($15.4 million) of remittances to Kenya from the United Kingdom. For the people and communities that had relied on the British market, such as small towns in the picturesque highlands near Meru, the sixth-largest city in Kenya, the effect of the ban was devastating. One exporter told The Guardian that his monthly income plummeted from 2,100 pounds per month to 250.

The creeping criminalization of khat has become a political issue on the African continent as well. “What happens in the Somali diaspora does cycle back to East Africa,” says Neil Carrier, a lecturer in social anthropology at the University of Bristol and expert in the Kenyan khat industry. “Those debates weren’t isolated to the U.K.” In Uganda, efforts to criminalize khat—known there as mairungi—have been a source of heated debate since 2014. In Kenya, criminalization campaigns have largely happened at the local level. Lamu, a town northeast of Mombasa, for instance, has been an epicenter of attempts to ban the sale of the leaf since 2001. In May 2019, Nyandarua County Governor Francis Kimemia announced plans to prohibit sale and consumption in his county.

Drug prohibition tends to hit women who work in the industry harder than it hits men. A report from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime found that, globally, the proportion of women who are in prison for drug-related crimes is higher than the proportion of men—possibly because it is easier for police to target workers in lower-level stages of the drug industry, such as cultivation, who are more likely to be female. It may also be that women in the drug industry are less able to afford fines or bail.

Prohibition’s particularly insidious effect on women is evident in Kenya, too. Although khat is legal right now, a staggering 64 percent of women in the country who are currently in prison are there for brewing and selling alcohol without a license. So when local politicians call for banning khat, women in the industry worry.

“We are very concerned about prohibition,” says Isabela Gacheri, 52, who grows khat on a quarter-acre farm near Meru. The plant is so important to the economic survival of the region that even schools and churches there support themselves on the proceeds from small gardens. “They say miraa is a drug, but you cannot compare miraa to a drug like marijuana or cigarettes. It’s more like coffee or tea,” she says.

Gacheri theorizes that calls to ban khat are a specific attack on the women, like her, who support their families with the leaf. “They are jealous of the money we are getting,” she says. “They have a problem with women in the business. It scares them.”

Condemnation

Shafat, the founder of the Al-Amin Women’s Group, lives in a house that is furnished a lot like your grandmother’s house—if your grandmother were a Kenyan-Somali drug tycoon. The throw pillows are soft, the color palette is warm, and the cardamom tea is mouth-puckeringly sweet.

Shafat isn’t scary at all. But she has some scary stories. 

“We always hear threats from al-Shabab,” she said, referring to the Al Qaeda–linked terrorist group that prohibits khat under its own harsh interpretation of Sharia law. “The day before yesterday, we had to run away from the market because we heard a rumor they were going to attack.” (In 2018, five people were killed and another 10 were wounded when al-Shabab attacked a khat market 55 miles north of Mogadishu.)

Two days before the rumored attack at the Garissa market, Shafat says, one of her distributors, a middle-aged man named Abdi Hirig, was abducted by the terrorist group in Somalia. “My phone rang, and they said: ‘Don’t bother sending his miraa today. He has been taken.'”

In some ways, those terrorist threats are less worrying to women in the khat industry than are standard religious objections to the drug—and to the subverted gender roles that the women who sell it represent. Many influential Islamic leaders regard the leaf as makruh (detested or discouraged) or haram (forbidden). That stigma trickles down to women in the industry. In Eastleigh, Nairobi’s predominantly Somali neighborhood, there is a rumor that when a woman who had made her fortune in the khat business tried to make a charitable donation to the local mosque, she was turned away.

“Women involved in crime are more stigmatized than men in society,” says Heidi Grundetjern, an assistant professor of sociology and criminology at Villanova University who specializes in women’s roles in drug markets. “We often say that they are doubly deviant: Not only are they breaking the law and receive stigma related to that, but they also break with society’s normative expectations of what it means to be a woman.” In Kenya, that often means that miraa money is considered “dirty,” and so are the women who support their families with it.

“Islamically, [the drug] is haram,” said Halima Haji, 53, a mother of six and anti-khat activist in Garissa. “The women who work in that business don’t even care that they’re spoiling other people’s kids, so long as they get the money. Nobody likes them.” This year, Haji successfully campaigned to get a popular Garissa khat garden called “The Shade” shut down. The garden had previously hosted roughly 50 customers a day in a beer garden–like atmosphere.

To an extent, Haji is correct to assume that some of the women in the khat industry don’t worry about the drug’s effect on kids. “Miraa doesn’t spoil anything,” says Shafat, scoffing at the implication. “I’ve got five boys and five girls, and none of them chew. It’s all about how you raise them. Miraa doesn’t spoil people—people spoil themselves.” Shafat says she is proud of the way khat has enabled her to provide for her family, including paying for a university education for all of her kids, without needing to rely on her disabled husband.

“I hail single mothers who work in this business and take care of their children,” she says. “We do everything. We pay the kids’ school fees. We cook their food. We do everything.”

Regional politics also pose a threat. In 2019, as disputes between Kenya and Somalia over their maritime boundary escalated, the Kenyan khat export industry took a hit. According to a statement from Kimathi Munjuri, the spokesman for the Nyambene Miraa Traders Association, khat flights from Kenya to Somalia dropped to a low of four per day from the usual 20. He added that new Kenyan tax laws have provoked a shift in the Somali market toward khat exporters in Ethiopia.

Competition

In addition to competition from Ethiopian farmers and exporters, in recent years muguka—a different variety of the Catha edulis plant—has emerged to challenge khat’s formerly unquestioned dominance as Kenya’s social drug of choice. Muguka is cheap, strong, and trendy—so trendy, in fact, that the mostly middle-aged and senior women who sell miraa say they can’t diversify into muguka. People just won’t buy it from them.

“It’s not a job for elderly women,” says Khadija Dabar, 52, another mother of 10 and the current chairwoman of the Al-Amin Women’s Group. “Muguka has taken Garissa by storm, but it’s a job for youth.”

But Shafat, the businesswoman who built an empire from nothing, refuses to fail. She has already launched a new collective of female entrepreneurs, called the Upendo Women’s Group. This time, they specialize in soap, bleach, and disinfectant. Every month, Shafat reinvests 10,000 Kenyan shillings ($96) of her khat profits into the soap business—just in case.

“You know what women are like,” she says. “Even if miraa goes down, we won’t.”


Additional reporting was provided by NASIBO KABALE, a reporter with the Nation Media Group, the biggest media house in East and Central Africa. This article was reported in partnership with the Fuller Project.

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