Requiring Psychotherapists to Report Patients’ Child Porn Use May Violate Constitutional Right to Privacy

Since 1972, the California Constitution has expressly protected privacy, providing that,

All people are by nature free and independent and have inalienable rights. Among these are enjoying and defending life and liberty, acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining safety, happiness, and privacy.

The California Supreme Court has implemented this provision using the Hill v. NCAA test:

[A] plaintiff alleging an invasion of privacy in violation of the state constitutional right to privacy must establish each of the following: (1) a legally protected privacy interest; (2) a reasonable expectation of privacy in the circumstances; and (3) conduct by defendant constituting a serious invasion of privacy…. A defendant may prevail in a state constitutional privacy case by negating any of the three elements just discussed or by pleading and proving, as an affirmative defense, that the invasion of privacy is justified because it substantively furthers one or more countervailing interests. The plaintiff, in turn, may rebut a defendant’s assertion of countervailing interests by showing there are feasible and effective alternatives to defendant’s conduct which have a lesser impact on privacy interests.

How does this affect limits on psychotherapist-patient confidentiality, and in particular rules requiring psychotherapists to alert law enforcement when a patient has admitted to viewing child pornography? In today’s 4-3 decision in Mathews v. Becera, the court held that such reporting requirements may be unconstitutional, though depending on the facts, which need to be developed in further court proceedings. The majority (Justice Goodwin Liu, joined by Justices Mariano-Florentino Cuellar, Leondra Kruger, and Joshua Groban) relied heavily on the view that California is part of only a small minority of states that require such reporting, so that it “appears that ‘[nationwide] law and social custom’ have not required child welfare reporting or authorized other disclosure of a patient’s admission during voluntary psychotherapy treatment that the patient has possessed or viewed child pornography.” And it went on to explain what facts would bear on any ultimate decision about whether the statute passes muster:

No one disputes that the principal purpose of the reporting requirement—preventing the sexual exploitation and abuse of children—is a weighty one. The main issue on which the parties disagree is whether the reporting requirement actually serves its intended purpose.

Defendants argue that mandatory reporting advances the state’s interest in protecting children by facilitating enforcement of the child pornography laws. As defendants note, the purpose of these laws is to protect children by drying up the market for images of their sexual abuse. And according to the Attorney General, mandatory reporting also helps to “ensur[e] that those with direct access to children do not threaten them with harm” and aids efforts to “rescu[e] children from sexual abuse.”

Plaintiffs, by contrast, contend that there is only a “slim possibilit[y]” that the reporting requirement can assist law enforcement in identifying and rescuing children depicted in child pornography. They assert that patients who have downloaded or viewed child pornography online are “highly unlikely” to have any information about the identities, locations, or other relevant characteristics of the depicted children. Plaintiffs also allege that because child pornography is so freely and easily accessible on the Internet, patients who admit to viewing child pornography online span a wide range of psychological profiles and disorders, and do not present a serious danger of hands-on abuse. Mandatory reporting of patients who do not pose a serious danger of hands-on abuse, plaintiffs allege, would not serve any interest in preventing those patients from causing direct harm to children.

Moreover, plaintiffs’ complaint alleges that the reporting requirement “deter[s] existing or potential patients who have serious sexual disorders … from obtaining needed psychotherapy, despite the lack of any evidence that they have engaged in ‘hands-on’ or ‘contact’ sexual abuse of children.” The complaint specifically alleges that “mandated reporting of child pornography viewing will unnecessarily deter persons with sexual disorders from psychotherapy treatment,” which suggests the contribution of those persons to the market for child pornography will continue unabated.

With no facts developed at this stage of the litigation, we are unable to evaluate these competing claims as to whether the reporting requirement serves its intended purpose. Our precedent includes varied assertions on whether mandatory reporting deters psychotherapy patients from seeking treatment. (Compare Tarasoff, supra, 17 Cal.3d at p. 440, fn. 12 [dismissing as “entirely speculative” the concern that reporting of dangerous patients will discourage them from seeking counseling] with Stritzinger, supra, 34 Cal.3d at p. 514 [“it is impossible to conceive of any meaningful therapy” if the patient knows “at the outset that [the therapist] will violate his confidence and will inform law enforcement of their discussions”] and Lifschutz, supra, 2 Cal.3d at p. 431 [“‘”It would be too much to expect [patients] to [reveal intimate thoughts and behaviors during treatment] if they knew that all they say … may be revealed to the whole world from a witness stand.”‘”].) The dissent relies on cases that cite decades-old studies and involve reporting requirements not at issue here. (Dis. opn., post, at pp. 24–25, citing Regents of University of California v. Superior Court (2018) 4 Cal.5th 607, 632 [discussing 2000 article on deterrence effects of reporting potentially violent patients], People v. Wharton (1991) 53 Cal.3d 522, 558 [discussing deterrence effects of reporting patients whom psychotherapists believe to be dangerous], Tarasoff, supra, 17 Cal.3d at p. 440, fn. 12 [discussing 1974 article that found “little if any empirical data” on deterrence effects of reporting potentially violent patients], and Lifschutz, at pp. 426–427 [discussing deterrence effects in context of “compel[ling] disclosure of only those matters which the patient himself has chosen to reveal by tendering them in litigation”].) No court has yet explored the ramifications of the reporting requirement challenged in this case.

At its core, plaintiffs’ argument is that the reporting requirement does not further, and may in fact undermine, its intended purpose of protecting children from sexual abuse and exploitation. If substantiated, this mismatch between means and ends would render the reporting requirement unconstitutional under any standard. We thus have no need, in advance of factual development on this critical issue, to decide whether the reporting requirement must satisfy the compelling interest test or a general balancing test.

On remand, the parties may develop evidence on a variety of relevant issues, including but not limited to the number of reports that psychotherapists have made regarding the possession or viewing of child pornography since the 2014 amendment; whether the reports have facilitated criminal prosecutions, reduced the market for child pornography, aided the identification or rescue of exploited children, or otherwise prevented harm to children; and whether there are less intrusive means to accomplish the statute’s objectives. The parties may also introduce evidence on the extent to which the reporting requirement deters psychotherapy patients from seeking treatment for sexual disorders, inhibits candid communication by such patients during treatment, or otherwise compromises the practical accessibility or efficacy of treatment.

The dissent (Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye, joined by Justices Ming Chin and Carol Corrigan) disagreed on various grounds, but in particular had this to say about the likely efficacy of the law:

Based on the demonstrated countervailing state interest in protecting children from the harm caused by sexual exploitation over the Internet and plaintiffs’ speculative contentions regarding whether the 2014 amendment furthers that interest, it is apparent that the state interest will almost certainly outweigh the alleged privacy invasion….

[T]his court has already laid bare plaintiffs’ conjecture that mandatory reporting of psychotherapist-patient communications will deter patients from seeking therapy. Most recently in Regents of University of California v. Superior Court (2018) 4 Cal.5th 607, 632, we explained: “To a large extent, … the conditions that might influence [patient] perceptions about confidentiality already exist. Psychotherapists’ duty to warn about patient threats is well established in California. Indeed, despite fears that this duty would deter people from seeking treatment and irreparably damage the psychotherapist-patient relationship [citation], empirical studies have produced ‘no evidence thus far that patients have been discouraged from coming to therapy, or discouraged from speaking freely once there, for fear that their confidentiality will be breached.'” (Ibid.; see also People v. Wharton (1991) 53 Cal.3d 522, 558.) Similarly, in In re Lifschutz (1970) 2 Cal.3d 415 (Lifschutz), we rejected the petitioner’s claim that if the state could compel disclosure of some psychotherapeutic communications, psychotherapy could no longer be practiced successfully. We observed “that the practice of psychotherapy has grown, indeed flourished, in an environment of non-absolute privilege,” and “psychotherapists certainly have been aware of the limitations of their recognized privilege for some time.” (Id. at p. 426.) In Tarasoff v. Regents of University of California (1976) 17 Cal.3d 425, we observed that “it does not appear that our decision [in Lifschutz] in fact adversely affected the practice of psychotherapy in California. Counsels’ forecast of harm in the present case strikes us as equally dubious.” (Tarasoff, at p. 440, fn. 12.) …

Furthermore, even though the task of identifying sexually exploited children online is challenging, it does not mean that Assembly Bill 1775 fails to advance its purpose, as plaintiffs assert. In examining a similar federal statute, the Office of Legal Counsel determined that “[p]ornography may well involve ‘a’ specific, potentially identifiable child even if neither covered professionals nor their patients know the child’s identity. Even if covered professionals (or their patients) do not know the identity of any children depicted in pornography viewed by a patient, a report may lead authorities to specific, identifiable children. While some child pornography may be the work of professionals and therefore difficult to link to specific identifiable children, other such images are homemade recordings, taken in domestic contexts, of sexually abusive acts ‘committed against young neighbors or family members’ and therefore traceable through law enforcement investigation to a particular child or children.” Indeed, we have recognized that “[o]ftentimes, reporting by third parties [under CANRA] is the only way the proper authorities become aware of an incident of child abuse.” Therefore, plaintiffs’ claim—that the reporting statute does not actually serve its intended purpose because identifying children online is difficult—is unconvincing.

In addition, by asserting that, on the record before us, we cannot “evaluate … whether the reporting requirement serves its intended purpose,” the majority completely ignores the direct (albeit “hands-off”) harm caused by the viewing of child pornography over the Internet. Child pornography is not limited to hands-on abuse. “‘[T]he “victimization” of the children … does not end when the pornographer’s camera is put away. The consumer, or end recipient, of pornographic materials may be considered to be causing the children depicted in those materials to suffer as a result of his actions in at least three ways. [¶] First, the simple fact that the images have been disseminated perpetuates the abuse initiated by the producer of the materials…. The consumer who “merely” or “passively” receives or possesses child pornography directly contributes to this continuing victimization. [¶] Second, … [t]he recipient of child pornography obviously perpetuates the existence of the images received, and therefore the recipient may be considered to be invading the privacy of the children depicted, directly victimizing these children. [¶] Third, the consumer of child pornography instigates the original production of child pornography by providing an economic motive for creating and distributing the materials …. The underlying point … is that there is no sense in distinguishing … between the producers and the consumers of child pornography. Neither could exist without the other.'”

As the Attorney General argues, the 2014 amendment to CANRA “reflects the accepted position that ‘every viewing of child pornography is a repetition of the victim’s abuse.’ [Citation.] Mandated reporting of such behavior helps authorities locate and confiscate these images and stop instances of this harmful conduct.” Consequently, even were it true, as plaintiffs assert, that the new reporting requirement will not reduce hands-on abuse or facilitate the rescue of exploited children, “the State’s interest in protecting against the harms visited upon children when sexual images of them are downloaded, accessed, or streamed is alone sufficient to outweigh any asserted privacy interest.” As the District Attorney similarly asserts, “Obviously, the reduction of persons who duplicate, print, exchange, download, access or stream child pornography, will reduce the ongoing sexual exploitation of children.” That should be enough to establish that the amendment furthers the state’s compelling interest in protecting children and reducing abuse. The majority’s contrary view depends, not on allegations in the complaint, but on the majority’s speculation that “the contribution … to the market for child pornography” of persons allegedly deterred by the reporting requirement from seeking treatment for their sexual disorders “will continue unabated.”

 

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How Vaping ‘Might Just Save Your Life!’

Every week seems brings a new story about how vaping is really, really, really bad for you.

Only a few years ago, electronic cigarettes were being hailed as a new and healthier way for people to consume nicotine and pot. The number of vapers worldwide has grown sevenfold since 2011, to an estimated 41 million users. But now, vaping is being attacked as a dangerous trend that’s luring teenagers into a deadly habit that might be as bad for you as conventnional smoking. Reports of vaping-related deaths and respiratory illnesses appear daily on cable news shows, in newspapers, and online. The FDA is considering a ban on flavored e-cigarettes, and many states have already instituted strict regulations on vaping sales and use. Congress has voted to change the age for legal tobacco and e-cigarette sales to 21, up from 18.

Is vaping bad for you? Should we be panicking? What sorts of policies should govern the use of e-cigarettes? To answer these and other questions, Nick Gillespie sat down with Reason‘s Jacob Sullum, who has written extensively—and authoritatively—about the issue for years.

Produced by Justin Monticello. Camera by Meredith Bragg and Regan Taylor. Music by Silent Partner, Topher Mohr and Alex Elena, and Jingle Punks.

Image credits:

Hollandse-Hoogte/ZUMA Press/Newscom
RICHARD B. LEVINE/Newscom
Nicolas Maeterlinck/ZUMA Press/Newscom
Douglas Graham/Newscom
Alex Milan Tracy/Sipa USA/Newscom
Blaine Harrington/agefotostock/Newscom
Nancy Kaszerman/ZUMA Press/Newscom
GKUA.COM/MEGA / Newscom
Jim West/ZUMA Press/Newscom
Keiko Hiromi/Polaris/Newscom
Douglas Graham/Newscom

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The Wall Street Journal Blames Marijuana Legalization for Vaping-Related Lung Injuries, a Black-Market Hazard

Demonstrating a fundamental misunderstanding of how black markets work, a Wall Street Journal editorial blames marijuana legalization for vaping-related lung injuries involving illicit cannabis extracts. “A surge in vaping related lung illnesses this year caught the medical community by surprise, with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reporting more than 2,500 lung illnesses and 54 deaths,” the Journal says. “This is another reminder that America is undertaking a risky social experiment by legalizing and especially destigmatizing cannabis, and the potential effects are hard to foresee or control.”

Since those lung illnesses overwhelmingly involve black-market marijuana products, the lesson from the outbreak is exactly the opposite of the one the Journal draws. The CDC’s map of cases shows they are concentrated in states where marijuana remains illegal for recreational use, including Florida, Illinois (where legal recreational sales do not begin until next week), Minnesota, New York, Pennsylvania, Texas, and Utah. The one major exception is California, where illegal dealers still account for nearly three-quarters of the market, thanks to heavy taxes, licensing delays, onerous regulations, and local bans.

The CDC itself highlights the dangers of THC vapes obtained from “informal sources like friends, family, or in-person or online dealers.” In a CDC survey reported last month, 96 percent of patients who developed respiratory symptoms after vaping THC said they had obtained the products “informally.” While two people in Oregon died after vaping THC cartridges they said they had bought from state-licensed shops, those are exceptions to the general pattern. The main problem is a black market in which consumers do not know the provenance and composition of the products they are buying.

In a legal market, it is much easier to guard against potential hazards. Legal manufacturers tell consumers the ingredients in their vapes, and they are liable for fraud if they lie. Marijuana regulators in Colorado, Oregon, and Washington have banned the use of vitamin E acetate, a cutting and thickening agent strongly implicated in the lung injuries, and state-licensed laboratories in places where marijuana is legal can test products for that ingredient and other potentially harmful additives or contaminants. Vitamin E acetate, which the CDC has found in nearly all of the lung fluid samples from patients it has tested, is a relatively new additive that started showing up in illegal THC cartridges this year, which coincides with the recent outbreak.

The Journal‘s reasoning, in short, is completely backward. By the same logic, the hazards of black-market booze, such as government-mandated poison in diverted industrial ethanol, would have counted as an argument against repealing alcohol prohibition.

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How Vaping ‘Might Just Save Your Life!’

Every week seems brings a new story about how vaping is really, really, really bad for you.

Only a few years ago, electronic cigarettes were being hailed as a new and healthier way for people to consume nicotine and pot. The number of vapers worldwide has grown sevenfold since 2011, to an estimated 41 million users. But now, vaping is being attacked as a dangerous trend that’s luring teenagers into a deadly habit that might be as bad for you as conventnional smoking. Reports of vaping-related deaths and respiratory illnesses appear daily on cable news shows, in newspapers, and online. The FDA is considering a ban on flavored e-cigarettes, and many states have already instituted strict regulations on vaping sales and use. Congress has voted to change the age for legal tobacco and e-cigarette sales to 21, up from 18.

Is vaping bad for you? Should we be panicking? What sorts of policies should govern the use of e-cigarettes? To answer these and other questions, Nick Gillespie sat down with Reason‘s Jacob Sullum, who has written extensively—and authoritatively—about the issue for years.

Produced by Justin Monticello. Camera by Meredith Bragg and Regan Taylor. Music by Silent Partner, Topher Mohr and Alex Elena, and Jingle Punks.

Image credits:

Hollandse-Hoogte/ZUMA Press/Newscom
RICHARD B. LEVINE/Newscom
Nicolas Maeterlinck/ZUMA Press/Newscom
Douglas Graham/Newscom
Alex Milan Tracy/Sipa USA/Newscom
Blaine Harrington/agefotostock/Newscom
Nancy Kaszerman/ZUMA Press/Newscom
GKUA.COM/MEGA / Newscom
Jim West/ZUMA Press/Newscom
Keiko Hiromi/Polaris/Newscom
Douglas Graham/Newscom

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The Wall Street Journal Blames Marijuana Legalization for Vaping-Related Lung Injuries, a Black-Market Hazard

Demonstrating a fundamental misunderstanding of how black markets work, a Wall Street Journal editorial blames marijuana legalization for vaping-related lung injuries involving illicit cannabis extracts. “A surge in vaping related lung illnesses this year caught the medical community by surprise, with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reporting more than 2,500 lung illnesses and 54 deaths,” the Journal says. “This is another reminder that America is undertaking a risky social experiment by legalizing and especially destigmatizing cannabis, and the potential effects are hard to foresee or control.”

Since those lung illnesses overwhelmingly involve black-market marijuana products, the lesson from the outbreak is exactly the opposite of the one the Journal draws. The CDC’s map of cases shows they are concentrated in states where marijuana remains illegal for recreational use, including Florida, Illinois (where legal recreational sales do not begin until next week), Minnesota, New York, Pennsylvania, Texas, and Utah. The one major exception is California, where illegal dealers still account for nearly three-quarters of the market, thanks to heavy taxes, licensing delays, onerous regulations, and local bans.

The CDC itself highlights the dangers of THC vapes obtained from “informal sources like friends, family, or in-person or online dealers.” In a CDC survey reported last month, 96 percent of patients who developed respiratory symptoms after vaping THC said they had obtained the products “informally.” While two people in Oregon died after vaping THC cartridges they said they had bought from state-licensed shops, those are exceptions to the general pattern. The main problem is a black market in which consumers do not know the provenance and composition of the products they are buying.

In a legal market, it is much easier to guard against potential hazards. Legal manufacturers tell consumers the ingredients in their vapes, and they are liable for fraud if they lie. Marijuana regulators in Colorado, Oregon, and Washington have banned the use of vitamin E acetate, a cutting and thickening agent strongly implicated in the lung injuries, and state-licensed laboratories in places where marijuana is legal can test products for that ingredient and other potentially harmful additives or contaminants. Vitamin E acetate, which the CDC has found in nearly all of the lung fluid samples from patients it has tested, is a relatively new additive that started showing up in illegal THC cartridges this year, which coincides with the recent outbreak.

The Journal‘s reasoning, in short, is completely backward. By the same logic, the hazards of black-market booze, such as government-mandated poison in diverted industrial ethanol, would have counted as an argument against repealing alcohol prohibition.

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New York Is Ringing In the New Year With Major Criminal Justice Reforms

New York State will kick off 2020 by implementing reforms that allow some criminal defendants to remain free during trial, as well as require prosecutors to turn over evidence to the defense earlier in the case. Gov. Andrew Cuomo made the reforms part of his budget plans for 2019.

Cash bail will no longer be demanded from people charged with misdemeanors in New York (exceptions: misdemeanor sex offenses and protection order violations in domestic violence cases), and pretrial detentions for those defendants are eliminated. Money bail will be eliminated for most non-violent felonies, with exceptions related to witness intimidation, crimes toward children, and other high-risk cases. Money bail will still be permitted for most violent felonies.

When a judge does demand money bail, he or she will be required to consider the defendant’s financial resources and provide several choices. The goal here is to prevent defendants from being stuck behind bars simply because they don’t have money for bail, and to reserve pre-trial detention for defendants who may commit additional crimes as their cases wind through the courts.

In the event that a judge does deem a defendant to be a flight risk, the judge can set a number of restrictions on release, including electronic monitoring for more serious charges. (Read more about the new bail rules here.)

These reforms are more modest than what’s been adopted in New Jersey, where cash bail has been almost completely eliminated. Under the new guidelines, according to the Center for Court Innovation, only about 10 percent of defendants arraigned for crimes in New York City in 2018 would have been subjected to cash bail demands.

The criminal justice system tends to apply pressure on defendants to get them to plead guilty without the hassle of a trial. Cash bail is one of those mechanisms—a defendant who cannot afford bail for a minor crime is much more likely to accept a guilty plea. Studies show that defendants who are unable to make bail end up with harsher sentences and less hospitable plea deals than those who are able to fight from the outside.

The other major reform concerns the discovery process. In New York, pretrial discovery has been a thorn in the side of defense attorneys for years, allowing prosecutors to withhold evidence from the defense until the last possible moment. (New York has some of the most restrictive discovery rules in the nation.)

With the start of 2020, new discovery rules require prosecutors to hand over much more evidence—including grand jury testimony and police reports—to the defense within 15 days of arraignment. The new discovery rules require that a defendant have three days to look over the evidence presented against him or her before accepting a prosecutor’s plea offer. The new rule also contains a continued duty to disclose and share evidence that either party uncovers during an investigation and trial.

These “new” rules are similar to discovery regulations in the rest of the country already. New York residents may look down on southern states like North Carolina and Texas as having more punitive courts and judges willing to throw the book at defendants, but those states have already made these reforms. It’s New York that’s lagging behind. And state prosecutors have been fighting these reforms for decades.

Prosecutors who withhold evidence have the upper hand with defendants who are offered plea deals without fully understanding the strength of the case against them. The pressure of case bail and state-friendly discovery rules have contributed to 98 percent of all felony convictions in New York being obtained via plea deal.

Police and prosecutors have voiced their concerns about how this system will work, particularly on the bail front. While New York is eliminating most forms of cash bail, it is not implementing the significant, statewide pretrial monitoring reforms that New Jersey put into place. Each county will have to figure out its own plans.

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New York Is Ringing In the New Year With Major Criminal Justice Reforms

New York State will kick off 2020 by implementing reforms that allow some criminal defendants to remain free during trial, as well as require prosecutors to turn over evidence to the defense earlier in the case. Gov. Andrew Cuomo made the reforms part of his budget plans for 2019.

Cash bail will no longer be demanded from people charged with misdemeanors in New York (exceptions: misdemeanor sex offenses and protection order violations in domestic violence cases), and pretrial detentions for those defendants are eliminated. Money bail will be eliminated for most non-violent felonies, with exceptions related to witness intimidation, crimes toward children, and other high-risk cases. Money bail will still be permitted for most violent felonies.

When a judge does demand money bail, he or she will be required to consider the defendant’s financial resources and provide several choices. The goal here is to prevent defendants from being stuck behind bars simply because they don’t have money for bail, and to reserve pre-trial detention for defendants who may commit additional crimes as their cases wind through the courts.

In the event that a judge does deem a defendant to be a flight risk, the judge can set a number of restrictions on release, including electronic monitoring for more serious charges. (Read more about the new bail rules here.)

These reforms are more modest than what’s been adopted in New Jersey, where cash bail has been almost completely eliminated. Under the new guidelines, according to the Center for Court Innovation, only about 10 percent of defendants arraigned for crimes in New York City in 2018 would have been subjected to cash bail demands.

The criminal justice system tends to apply pressure on defendants to get them to plead guilty without the hassle of a trial. Cash bail is one of those mechanisms—a defendant who cannot afford bail for a minor crime is much more likely to accept a guilty plea. Studies show that defendants who are unable to make bail end up with harsher sentences and less hospitable plea deals than those who are able to fight from the outside.

The other major reform concerns the discovery process. In New York, pretrial discovery has been a thorn in the side of defense attorneys for years, allowing prosecutors to withhold evidence from the defense until the last possible moment. (New York has some of the most restrictive discovery rules in the nation.)

With the start of 2020, new discovery rules require prosecutors to hand over much more evidence—including grand jury testimony and police reports—to the defense within 15 days of arraignment. The new discovery rules require that a defendant have three days to look over the evidence presented against him or her before accepting a prosecutor’s plea offer. The new rule also contains a continued duty to disclose and share evidence that either party uncovers during an investigation and trial.

These “new” rules are similar to discovery regulations in the rest of the country already. New York residents may look down on southern states like North Carolina and Texas as having more punitive courts and judges willing to throw the book at defendants, but those states have already made these reforms. It’s New York that’s lagging behind. And state prosecutors have been fighting these reforms for decades.

Prosecutors who withhold evidence have the upper hand with defendants who are offered plea deals without fully understanding the strength of the case against them. The pressure of case bail and state-friendly discovery rules have contributed to 98 percent of all felony convictions in New York being obtained via plea deal.

Police and prosecutors have voiced their concerns about how this system will work, particularly on the bail front. While New York is eliminating most forms of cash bail, it is not implementing the significant, statewide pretrial monitoring reforms that New Jersey put into place. Each county will have to figure out its own plans.

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Highly Recommended: Trader Joe’s Nantucket Style Cranberry Pie

I bought it just to try, and I thought it was delicious. It’s more a tart than a pie; the cranberries are sweet, sour, and flavorful, and the crust is moist, nutty, and buttery. If you have a TJ’s around you, check it out (and at $5.99 for 16.5 oz, it’s not a risky experiment).

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Two Years After Licensed Marijuana Merchants Began Operating in California, They Account for Just a Quarter of Sales

Two years after state-licensed marijuana merchants began serving recreational consumers in California, those retailers account for just a quarter of the estimated market, according to a new draft report from the state’s Cannabis Advisory Committee (CAC). The CAC says the lackluster progress in displacing the black market is due to a combination of high taxes, local bans on pot shops, licensing bottlenecks, and heavy regulation.

The CAC report, which was obtained by the Los Angeles Times, projects that licensed marijuana sales will total $3.1 billion this year, compared to $8.7 billion in unlicensed sales. That means the black market still accounts for nearly three-quarters of marijuana sales. Tax revenue from legal sales for the fiscal year that ended last June was just $288 million, less than a third of the $1 billion that was expected.

California legislators do not seem to have learned much from the experience of states that legalized marijuana earlier. If they had been paying attention, they would have figured out that maximizing tax rates is not a smart way to maximize tax revenue, since legal sellers have to compete with black-market dealers who do not collect any tax at all. The combination of state and local taxes currently adds as much as 45 percent to the retail price, and both the cultivation tax and the excise tax are scheduled to increase on January 1.

Three-quarters of California cities have prohibited marijuana stores, a policy allowed by Proposition 64, the 2016 ballot initiative that legalized cannabis for recreational use. Partly because of those bans, California has just 568 licensed marijuana retailers, less than a tenth of the expected number. That amounts to about 14 stores for every 1 million residents. By comparison, Colorado, where marijuana was legalized in 2012 and licensed sales began in 2014, had 572 recreational retailers as of December 2, or 100 per 1 million residents.

Even in places where pot shops are allowed, the state and local licensing process is a “nightmare,” William Panzer, who co-authored California’s 1996 medical marijuana initiative, told the Times. As of September, Scott Shackford noted, Los Angeles had received more than 1,600 applications from would-be retailers. So far it has granted only 188 licenses.

In addition to the licensing ordeal and the heavy taxes, says California NORML Director Dale Gieringer, legal marijuana businesses have to deal with regulatory burdens that include legally mandated middlemen, “excessively costly” testing requirements, and “multifarious petty regulations” regarding storage, security, transportation, labeling and packaging, financial reporting, and waste disposal. “Illegal retail operations outnumber legal shops 3-to-1,” Lindsay Robinson, executive director of the California Cannabis Industry Association, told the Times. “Almost two years into legalization, we continue to be plagued by local bans, untenable taxation, onerous regulations, an illicit vape crisis, slow growth, and a thriving illicit market.”

So far the main official response has been a crackdown on unlicensed sellers, perpetuating a war on weed that Proposition 64 was supposed to end. The CAC is urging the state to consider tax and regulatory relief, possibly through a new ballot initiative. Legislation introduced in January would temporarily reduce the excise tax from 15 percent to 11 percent and temporarily eliminate the cultivation tax, which is currently $9.25 per ounce for buds and will rise by 40 cents on January 1. That bill is still bottled up in committee.

Gov. Gavin Newsom (D), who says he is sympathetic to the complaints of marijuana business owners, is mostly preaching patience. But the lesson from California’s bumpy rollout of legal marijuana should be clear: The harder the government makes it to sell pot legally, the larger the continuing black market will be.

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Highly Recommended: Trader Joe’s Nantucket Style Cranberry Pie

I bought it just to try, and I thought it was delicious. It’s more a tart than a pie; the cranberries are sweet, sour, and flavorful, and the crust is moist, nutty, and buttery. If you have a TJ’s around you, check it out (and at $5.99 for 16.5 oz, it’s not a risky experiment).

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via IFTTT