How San Antonio’s Worst Cops Get Their Jobs Back

Matthew Luckhurst of the San Antonio Police Department (SAPD) tried to feed a homeless man a sandwich made of dog feces. While Luckhurst was initially fired for such crappy behavior, Reason reported in March 2019 that his employment was fully restored.

Luckhurst was able to rejoin the force following an arbitration hearing required by the collective bargaining agreement the San Antonio Police Officers Association has with the city. Since the department could not prove the exact date of the crap sandwich incident, the department had no choice but to accept that it missed the 180-day window in which it could discipline Luckhurst, and the arbitration panel ruled in Luckhurst’s favor.

The San Antonio Current reported this week that Luckhurst’s story is not an exception to the rule. Twenty-seven of the 40 SAPD police officers fired between 2010 and 2019 have managed to get their jobs back through arbitration. Only 13 firings were upheld in that entire time.

Other officers who have benefitted from arbitration include an officer fired for using the N-word while arresting a black suspect and an officer who challenged a prisoner to a fistfight in exchange for his freedom.

The union has long erected barriers that make it difficult to keep bad officers off the force. The union once thwarted suggested reforms and then used them to negotiate a substantial pay increase. One of the suggested reforms at the time would have allowed supervisors to consider suspensions older than two years to factor into discipline for new offenses. The union has also called for the resignation of a chief who angered the group by attempting to reform use-of-force policies.

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Is the FBI Snooping on Political Groups and Ideological Publications?

The Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, is calling on Congress to investigate whether the FBI is spying on it and other domestic political groups after public records requests raised the possibility that the Bureau has files on Cato and others. 

Patrick Eddington, a research fellow at Cato, has submitted more than 200 Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests for FBI files on political advocacy groups, civil liberties organizations, think tanks, and publications across the political spectrum.

For about two dozen of those requests so far, the FBI said it could neither confirm or deny whether it had collected national security or foreign intelligence records on the groups. Those organizations include the immigrant rights group Kids in Need of Defense; the Transgender Law Center; former Rep. Ron Paul’s (R–Texas) Campaign for Liberty; the grassroots Fourth Amendment advocacy group Restore the Fourth; the Cato Institute; and the Reason Foundation, which publishes Reason

(You can see the Justice Department response upholding the FBI’s refusal to confirm or deny the existence of national security or foreign intelligence records on Reason here.)

In a press release issued Tuesday, the Cato Institute said the responses “reveal the need for Congress to launch an aggressive investigation into FBI domestic surveillance practices.”

The well-worn “can neither confirm nor deny” phrase is known as a “Glomar response.” The term originated from a 1975 FOIA lawsuit by a Rolling Stone journalist against the CIA seeking records on the Glomar Explorer, a salvage ship the spy agency used in an audacious attempt to recover a sunken Soviet nuclear submarine.

A federal judge ruled that the CIA could refuse to acknowledge the existence of such records if doing so would in and of itself compromise national security. The Glomar doctrine has since spread to other federal agencies, and even trickled down to state and local government agencies, such as the NYPD.

A Glomar response, by design, obscures any attempt to discern the government’s activities, or lack thereof. The responses Eddington received could mean absolutely nothing.

However, Eddington says that, while the Glomar responses don’t prove that the FBI has collected intelligence on these groups, their selective use at least raises the troubling possibility that the groups mentioned above were targeted for unconstitutional surveillance or information gathering.

“We know for a fact that Glomar invocations have been used to conceal actual, ongoing activities, and we also know that they’re not passing out Glomars like candy,” Eddington, a former CIA analyst, says in an interview with Reason.

The FBI declined to comment on this story.

The FBI has a long and sordid history of spying on dissident political groups, from early 20th century socialists and labor organizers, to civil rights leaders and post-9/11 environmentalists and peace activists, to Black Lives Matter protesters

In 2013, The Guardian reported that the FBI kept files and created “threat assessments” on the co-founders of Antiwar.com for six years because of a mix-up. Last September, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the FBI had to expunge its surveillance records on the site.

“We are a post-Edward Snowden organization, and so it is a matter of particular concern to us that we may be under surveillance in some sense by the FBI,” says Alex Marthews, national chair of Restore the Fourth. “We would consider it highly inappropriate if we were, because we know our activities to be entirely peaceful and constitutional.”

Eddington says that any such surveillance is inimical to freedom of speech.

“Anytime [the FBI] is engaged in gathering that kind of data on news organizations or on domestic groups that are exercising their First Amendment rights, that activity should be expressly prohibited in the absence of a genuine criminal predicate,” Eddington says. “It should absolutely be prohibited.”

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New Evidence From Canada and the U.S. Suggests That Legalizing Marijuana Leads to Less Drinking

One of the most important issues for people worried about the consequences of marijuana legalization is the extent to which cannabis serves as a substitute for alcohol, which is more dangerous is several significant ways. New evidence from Canada and the United States reinforces the hypothesis that people tend to drink less when marijuana is legally available, although the issue is far from settled.

During 2019, the first full year of legalization in Canada, the volume of beer sold there fell by 3 percent as of last November, the Financial Post reports. That drop was large compared to the annual declines seen in the previous five years, which averaged 0.3 percent. Vivien Azer, an industry analyst quoted by the Post, said the accelerated slide is probably related to marijuana legalization, and she predicted that the expansion of cannabis products available from government-licensed (or government-run) sources, which as of this month include vapes, edibles, and beverages, will “perpetuate this trend.”

More rigorous evidence on the relationship between marijuana use and drinking comes from a study reported in the March 2020 issue of the journal Addictive Behaviors. Based on nationwide survey data covering a 10-year period, Zoe Alley and two other researchers at Oregon State University found that college students in states where marijuana had been legalized for recreational use were 6 percent less likely to report binge drinking than college students in other states after taking into account pre-existing trends and several potential confounding variables.

In a second analysis that excluded data from the 2017-18 academic year, when there was a sharp drop in binge drinking among college students in states that had legalized marijuana (regardless of whether legalization had just taken effect), the main result was no longer statistically significant for college students in general. But the researchers found a statistically significant 9 percent decline in binge drinking among students 21 or older, the cutoff for legally purchasing marijuana.

This apparent substitution effect, the authors note, is consistent with earlier studies that found “reductions in alcohol consumption (especially binge drinking in young adults) and alcohol related traffic accidents” following the legalization of medical marijuana. A causal connection is plausible in those studies if we assume that some ostensibly medical use is actually recreational (or that some drinking is functionally medical), such that cannabis consumption would displace the use of alcohol. Another possibly relevant consideration, in addition to marijuana’s less dramatic impact on driving ability, is that drinking is more apt to happen in public settings, making driving under the influence more likely.

“For students ages 21 years and over, binge drinking decreased following” recreational legalization, Alley et al. conclude. “A prior national study of how marijuana and alcohol use change in the years before and after turning 21 may put the present findings in context: Although substance use generally declines across this age period, there is a pronounced decrease in marijuana use that coincides with marked increases in alcohol use after minors reach the legal drinking age. This suggests that once alcohol is more accessible and its use is no longer prohibited, young adults may substitute an illegal substance (marijuana) with a legal one (alcohol). We speculate that legalizing recreational marijuana use may temper this effect, such that college students over the age of 21 who otherwise would have engaged in binge drinking continue using marijuana instead.”

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California Cities and State Regulators Are Coming for Your Gas-Powered Leaf Blower

Californians blows a little too much for the likes of state regulators and city governments, both of whom have been leading the charge against gas-powered leaf blowers and lawnmowers.

Some 60 cities in the Golden state have already passed bans or restrictions on gas-powered landscaping equipment. Now the California Air Resources Board (CARB)—which regulates emissions in the state—is crafting long-term plans to phase them out statewide, according to reporting from the San Francisco Chronicle.

CARB will lower the allowable amount of emissions these machines can produce this year, with an eye toward zeroing out all such emissions by 2022. Other local governments have been less patient, passing or proposing immediate bans that have Earth-saving potential.

“What I think we need to realize is that we have to do something different for climate change in the world,” said Pat Eklund, the Mayor Pro Tem of the California city of Novato, who proposed a gas-powered leaf blower ban in December, to the Chronicle. “If not, we are going to see a different world than we do today. Every little bit is going to help.”

In addition to the global implications of prohibiting certain types of lawnmowers, there also appears to be some smaller-minded motivations at play: The noise produced by these machines is disturbing quiet suburban neighborhoods.

Groups like Citizens for a Quieter Sacramento have been leading the charge against leaf blowers on noise pollution grounds since the 1990s, arguing that even if these machines produced conversation-levels of noise (65 decibels), their use is still rude and invasive.

“Don’t be fooled by comparison of 65 decibels from a leaf blower to the volume of a normal conversation. You wouldn’t want a noise in your home as loud as a normal conversation that you had not invited and could not control,” reads one post from the group.

Indeed, despite all the talk of fighting global warming, cities like Palo Alto have banned gas leaf blowers only in residential neighborhoods. Emissions produced by landscaping commercial properties, I assume, could still affect the environment.

According to a CARB factsheet, small off-road engines (aka SOREs) are a significant source of emissions in the state. “Operating the best-selling commercial lawn mower for one hour emits as much smog-forming pollution as driving the best-selling 2017 passenger car, a Toyota Camry, about 300 miles,” notes the agency.

These bans can nevertheless be hard on landscaping businesses. Electric lawncare equipment, they say, isn’t practical, and doesn’t offer the same level of performance as gas-powered equivalents. One business owner told the Chronicle he had stopped accepting jobs in the city of Mill Valley after they banned gas-powered leaf blowers.

A well-manicured lawn, maintained by loud, gas-guzzling machines, has long been a symbol of freedom, prosperity, and the American dream. A people who would trade that away for fewer emissions and a slightly quieter neighborhood are letting their liberties go to seed.

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Is Trump Winning the Middle East or Doubling Down on Previous Failures?

Last week, the United States military took out Iran’s top military leader, Gen. Qassem Soleimani. Iran has responded by raining down missiles on two American bases in Iraq (no casualties were reported) and with promises to do much, much more. “We promise to continue down martyr Soleimani’s path as firmly as before with help of God, and in return for his martyrdom we aim to get rid of America from the region,” vowed Esmail Ghaani, who now leads Iran’s military.

Are we going to war with Iran? Is the flare-up a sign that President Donald Trump, who as a candidate said previous administrations “got us” into Iraq “by lying,” charting a bold, new course in the Middle East or following the failed footsteps of Barack Obama and George W. Bush?

To answer these questions—and define what a uniquely libertarian foreign policy should look like—Nick Gillespie talks with Christopher A. Preble, vice president for defense and foreign policy studies at the libertarian Cato Institute. From 1990 to 1993, Preble served as an officer in the U.S. Navy on the USS Ticonderoga and he holds a Ph.D. in history from Temple University. He’s the co-author of Fuel to the Fire: How Trump Made America’s Broken Foreign Policy Even Worse (and How We Can Recover) and the author Peace, War, and Liberty: Understanding U.S. Foreign Policy.

Preble says that two decades of failed wars pushed by Republican and Democratic presidents in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen have rightly made Americans, especially younger people, skeptical of the use of force abroad to secure the safety and interests of the United States. Increasingly, people want a foreign policy that is “skeptical of the bipartisan consensus” and predicated upon “peaceful global engagement through which [the United States] trades with the rest of the world, engages diplomatically with the rest of the world, and uses our cultural influence in a positive way.” Preble also ranks the 2020 Democratic presidential candidates in terms of foreign policy, evaluates the foreign policy legacies of Lyndon Johnson, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, and praises recent revelations about internal military dissent over the war in Afghanistan.

Audio production by Ian Keyser.

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Motion to Stop Me from Publishing Material …

Two weeks ago, I objected to a sealing motion in a District of Colorado case, Cowles v. Bonsai Design LLC. The motion sought to seal an entire proposed amended complaint and an entire reply to a motion to dismiss, as well as some exhibits. (All the documents had already been filed in the open court record.) I argued that the sealing was unjustifiable, and would violate the public’s right of access to court records—and that includes my own right of access (which is why I have standing to object).

Monday, the movant filed a much-narrowed revised motion, which asks for sealing of only a few exhibits and a redaction of references to those exhibits. I think that is still not justifiable, but I agree that such narrower proposed restrictions are potentially more defensible than the initial proposal.

But the revised motion also adds this:

Finally, to ensure that the Restriction is implemented, and in the face of Professor Volokh’s expressed desire to publish documents from this case, which publication would seriously harm Bonsai’s business interests, Bonsai requests that this Court’s order specify that no publication of these documents (or redacted portions of documents) be published, regardless of whether these documents were previously available on the court’s website or otherwise.

That, it seems to me, would violate my free speech and free press rights, and not just my right of access to court records. Once someone has downloaded publicly accessible documents, that person has a right to quote them and write about them, and that right cannot be taken away by retroactively sealing the documents. The sealing order could bar future access to the documents in the court file, and might also constrain the parties to the case. But it can’t bar continued speech about those documents by outsiders who had lawfully accessed them.

Indeed, under the logic of Florida Star v. B.J.F., such outsiders are free to publish even information that the government was supposed to have kept confidential all along, but had released erroneously. It should be even clearer that people are free to publish information that had been properly released, even if later the government (here, the court) concluded that it shouldn’t be released in the future. The renewed motion doesn’t actually cite any precedent for the no-publication order that it seeks.

Still, it’s an interesting issue, potentially made more complicated by my being a member of the bar (including of the District of Colorado bar), which might be seen as imposing greater obligations on me. I don’t think that those obligations would include a prohibition on publishing such downloaded-while-publicly-available-but-later-sealed documents; but that is one of the matters that the Court will need to decide.

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Illinois Dispensaries Ran Out of Weed During First Week of Legal Sales

Illinois’ first week of recreational marijuana sales appears to be going so well that dispensaries have actually run out of product.

Illinois passed legislation last summer to become the 11th state to legalize recreational marijuana. The legislation not only allows adults to possess up to 30 grams of recreational marijuana but sets itself apart from other legalization efforts by including language that would grant clemency to those convicted of low-level marijuana offenses.

The legislation took effect on January 1.

With about 40 dispensaries licensed, many people celebrated the beginning of legal weed in the state on the first day of the new year. Even Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton posed for a picture at a dispensary after purchasing edibles.

By the end of the first day, dispensaries had made $3.2 million in sales. By the end of the first week, the figure was almost $11 million.

A handful of dispensaries have had to temporarily shut down operations since demand was so high. Some dispensaries have turned to creating limits on how much product a single customer can buy and shortening hours to help mitigate the shortages until new shipments arrive. Business owners note that the most popular product has been flower, the dry bud that is smokeable via pipe, bong, or similar apparatus.

The day before legalization went into effect, Governor J.B. Pritzker, a Democrat, issued 11,017 pardons for low-level marijuana offenses. The pardons were then forwarded to the state attorney general’s office for expungement. An estimated 700,000 records are eligible for a pardon or record expungement under the new law.

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Trump’s Speech Confirms That Soleimani Strike Didn’t Prevent Imminent Attack or Make Americans Safer

In the aftermath of the assassination of Iranian general Qassem Soleimani and an Iranian attack on American military bases in Iraq, President Donald Trump signaled Tuesday morning that he’s prepared to step back from the brink of war.

“We want you to have a future, and a great future,” Trump said, speaking directly to the Iranian government and the people of Iran. “The United States is ready to embrace peace with all who seek it.”

This is unequivocally good news. While Trump did not offer to open direct negotiations with Iran and spoke glowingly about the power of the American military—all while being flanked by uniformed military officials—his Tuesday morning address seems to suggest that the immediate danger of open war has, for now, been reduced ever so slightly. Iran’s government has already expressed a desire to avoid further escalation, so you can expect the president’s supporters to claim that developments in the past 24 hours vindicate Trump’s reckless and unpredictable version of Ronald Reagan’s “peace through strength” theory.

But once the threat of war has mostly passed, observers should start asking: What exactly has the saber-rattling of the past week accomplished for the United States?

For starters, it should be obvious by now that the most immediate justification for Soleimani’s assassination was either an outright lie or a strategic miscalculation. Killing Soleimani did not prevent an attack on American troops in Iraq; if anything, it appears to have triggered an attack, though thankfully there were no casualties.

It’s telling that the White House has already largely dispensed with the notion that the assassination was conducted in order to stop some impending attack. On Tuesday, Trump called Soleimani “the world’s top terrorist,” and talked up Soleimani’s history of organizing and planning militia attacks that have killed and maimed American troops in Iraq over the course of the past decade-plus. As other observers have noted, it’s now fairly obvious that Soleimani’s killing was about vengeance, not deterrence.

One could argue that killing Soleimani removed a dangerous opponent from the battlefield and that Soleimani’s absence will weaken Iran’s hand in Iraq, Syria, and elsewhere in the wider Middle East long-term. That’s certainly possible—plausible, even—but it probably overstates the extent to which Soleimani was dictating Iran’s foreign policy and  underestimates the resilience of the Iranian regime. It also ignores the potential dangers of using assassinations as a tool of foreign policy. And it gives the Trump administration credit for a strategic angle that even the administration itself has not publicly claimed. Indeed, the White House has tried to justify killing Soleimani in the present tense (“imminent threat”) and past tense (retribution for killing Americans in Iraq), but never in such a hypothetical, future-looking way.

What else has the assassination accomplished? It’s given the Iranian regime an even stronger incentive to obtain nuclear weapons as a deterrent against future American aggression. It’s exposed, once again, the extent to which Trump has alienated America’s allies. It’s caused the United States to deploy more troops to the Middle East, thus making any eventual withdraw during Trump’s first term even less likely than it already was. And it’s given the Iranian government a martyr to use for domestic political purposes in rallying anti-American sentiment.

Yes, Trump’s speech on Tuesday has reduced the chance of war with Iran. No, this was not a successful week for U.S. foreign policy, or for the man in charge of it.

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May an Individual Claim Minority Status Based on a DNA Test Showing a Small Amount of African Heritage?

Statutes that define African Americans or Blacks typically define them as individuals with “origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa.” This raises the question of whether someone who has lived his life as a white person, but discovers that he has Black African ancestry, is entitled to minority status, which in turn presumptively qualifies a company he owns for disadvantaged business enterprise status, which in turns provides for preferential treatment in bidding for government contracts. Perhaps surprisingly, while there are several cases regarding whether simply having Spanish ancestry is sufficient to make one “Hispanic” for legal purposes (one SBA case, for example, concludes that Sephardic Jews are all “Hispanic” if they self-identity as such), I’ve only been able to locate one case discussing whether the statutory language should be taken literally, and any African ancestry is sufficient to make one legally African American. The case is Orion Insurance Group v. Washington’s Office of Minority & Women’s Business Enterprises 54 Fed. Appx. 556 (9th Cir. 2018), though you won’t learn many of the facts of the case from reading that opinion. Below is a summary of the case, from a draft law review article (hint to law review-editor readers) I plan to submit soon:

Ralph Taylor, a Washington State resident, owns Orion Insurance Company. Taylor is of Caucasian appearance and lived his life as white man. Apparently inspired (or disturbed) by competitors that received certification as Minority Business Enterprise status based on owners with only remote minority ancestry, Taylor took a DNA test. The test concluded that he had 6% Indigenous American origin, and 4% Sub-Saharan African origin. The test had a 3.3% margin of error. Based on those results, Orion applied for MBE status for state contracting purposes with the Washington State Office of Minority & Woman’s Business Enterprises (OMWBE), based on Taylor’s African ancestry.

When determining MBE status, Washington state law (uniquely) decrees that a state official first look at the picture submitted with an application. A OMWBE official determined that Taylor did not look African American, and therefore requested further information from him documenting his minority status, including other documentation of ethnicity; a narrative and documentation regarding the “cultural community” he considered himself to be a part of and how he held himself out in that particular community; a narrative and documentation regarding how “his cultural community” viewed him; and a narrative regarding how he had experienced social and economic disadvantage. Taylor submitted his DNA results, along with.other evidence, and Orion was certified as an MBE.

Having been so certified, Orion applied with the state for DBE status for federally-funded contracts based on Taylor’s Native American and African ancestry. A state official responded that the finding of state MBE status was not binding for federal DBE purposes, and requested further information documenting Taylor’s minority status. Orion responded with Taylor’s DNA test results, along with other evidence discussed below. Orion noted that the definition for “Black Americans” in the statute was solely “Having origins in any of the black racial groups of Africa,” and argued that failing to recognize Taylor as “Black” would amount to discriminating against him based on his appearance and skin color.

Orion also presented evidence that Taylor’s DNA test showed that he had more than ten times as much Native American heritage as the owner of a company that had been granted DBE status based on the owner’s membership in a Native American tribe. Orion noted that under Washington law, Native American status is not dependent on membership in a tribe.

In discovery, OMWBE later acknowledged that it had never asked any applicant the sorts of questions it asked Taylor, and that it had no formal procedures or rules for determining race and ethnicity other than interpreting the relevant statute. Doing so, OMWBE ruled that Orion failed to show that Taylor was a member of a minority group, or that others considered him to be a member of such a group. In its letter rejected Orion’s DBE application, OMWBE stated:

Mr. Taylor submitted a birth certificate that did not indicate race, so this document failed to prove that he is a member of a minority group. Mr. Taylor provided documentation of a Negro woman he claimed is an ancestor. This documentation is incomplete and does not prove that the individual is an ancestor of Mr. Taylor. Even if the individual is an ancestor of Mr. Taylor’s, it fails to prove that he is a member of a minority group, or regarded as a member of a minority group.

Mr. Taylor submitted a DNA test to prove he is 4% Sub-Saharan African and 6% Native American. The test results for Mr. Taylor and his father are highly inconsistent and incomplete. Half of a son’s DNA comes from his father and half comes from his mother. OMWBE acknowledges that the pieces of DNA from each parent are random and will not equal exactly half from each parent. The two DNA tests between father and son should, however, be related. Without a complete picture of Mr. Taylor’s mother’s DNA, OMWBE contends that the tests are not reliable to determine ethnicity. This information fails to prove that Mr. Taylor is a member of a minority group, or regarded as a member of a minority group.

Also, there is a 3.3% statistical noise associated with each test performed by Ancestry by DNA. Eliminating the statistical noise from the DNA test results provided would indicate that Mr. Taylor’s ancestry is 2.7% Indigenous American and 0.7% Sub-Saharan African. [DB: This is not how it works, it instead means instead there is a 95% probability, assuming the test is otherwise sound, that Taylor is of between .7 and 7.3 percent African origin.] Additionally, from reviewing the information on the Ancestry by DNA website, it is unclear if the website’s use of the term Sub-Saharan African corresponds to the definition of Black American in the CFR, which refers to “persons having origins in the Black racial groups of Africa.” Regardless, the low figures combined with the inconsistencies with the results for Mr. Taylor and his father render the test as insufficient to prove that Mr. Taylor is a member of a minority group, or regarded as a member of a minority group.
Mr. Taylor submitted two letters where the authors state they consider Mr. Taylor to be of mixed heritage, however, they do not identify Mr. Taylor as Black or Native American. These letters do not establish that Mr. Taylor, who is visually identifiable as Caucasian, is a member of a non-Caucasian group. Mr. Taylor has failed to meet his burden that he is a member of a minority group, or regarded as a member of a minority group.

Mr. Taylor submitted insufficient evidence when he was asked in an additional information request about his membership in the Black and/or Native American group. The only substantive evidence provided was a statement that he is a member of the NAACP, has a subscription to Ebony magazine, and he is very interested in Black social issues. All individuals, regardless of minority status, may join the NAACP and subscribe to Ebony magazine, or be concerned about issues. This fails to prove that Mr. Taylor is a member of a minority group, or regarded as a member of minority group.

As federal DOT rules permit, Orion appealed the decision to the DOT. The DOT, in turn, upheld the state denial of DBE status, ruling that the OMWBE’s decision did not fail the applicable “arbitrary and capricious” test because there was substantial evidence supporting it. The DOT ruling stated:

Orion does not demonstrate that its owner is a member of a group that is presumed to be socially and economically disadvantaged under § 26.67(n). The uncontroverted evidence is that Ralph Taylor is as much as 99.3 percent non-Black. The same evidence shows Mr. Taylor to be, minimally, 92.7% non-Black. [OMWBE] states that the bulk of available evidence indicates that Ralph Taylor is Caucasian or at least primarily, overwhelmingly, Caucasian. Accordingly, the Department agrees with [OMWBE] that the seeming inconsistencies (including between Mr. Taylor’s appearance and his notarized statement claiming group membership) gave rise to a question under § 26.63 which required [OMWBE] to make further inquiries of the kind described in that provision.

[OMWBE] consequently had grounds (“a well founded reason to question group membership”) under § 26.63(a) to request additional information under § 26.63(b). By operation of § 26.63(b)(1), Orion’s owner must demonstrate that he meets the § 26.67(d) requirements for individual social and economic disadvantage. Under the latter provision, the guidance found at Appendix E applies. As noted in the preceding section, Orion did not produce the evidence that Appendix E requires for an individual showing, of social and economic disadvantage. Accordingly, the firm is ineligible for certification. Orion protests this result as burdensome and discriminatory, but it accurately reflects the analysis that the Regulation requires.

On appeal, Orion would change the inquiry. Orion relies exclusively on the technical argument that one portion of the § 26.5 definitional provision speaks simply of “origins,” and Orion asserts that the Regulation nowhere prescribes an explicit percentage relating to ancestry. Orion is correct that Black Americans are defined to include persons with “origins” in the Black racial groups of Africa. Orion, however, neglects to note that the broader § 26.5 definition of “socially and economically disadvantaged individual” also requires that the person “have been subjected to racial or ethnic prejudice or cultural bias within American society because of his or her identity as a members [sic] of groups and without regard to his or her individual qualities.” We find no substantial evidence of such bias. See generally § 26.67(d) and the Regulation’s Appendix E.

Further, construing the narrower definition as broadly as Orion advocates would strip the provision of all exclusionary meaning. It is commonly acknowledged that all of mankind “originated” in Africa. Therefore, if any (Black) African ancestry; no matter how attenuated, sufficed for DBE purposes, then this particular definition would be devoid of any distinction-which was clearly not the Department’s intent in promulgating it. There is little to no evidence that Mr. Taylor ever suffered any adverse consequences in business because of his genetic makeup.

Sections 26.61.; 26.63(b)(l), and 26.67(d), in any event, independently require the applicant to demonstrate social and economic disadvantage. Orion fails to make that showing on the record before us, by a preponderance of the evidence. There is little to no persuasive evidence that Mr. Taylor has personally suffered social and economic disadvantage by virtue of being a Black American.

Orion appealed to federal district court. The court, like the DOT, found that there was substantial evidence supported OMWBE’s decision. With regard to Orion’s claim that it was inherently improper and discriminatory for Washington State to investigate Taylor’s background because he didn’t ‘look” Black or Native American the court responded that any discrimination by the state was based on Taylor appearance, not his genetic makeup, and that such discrimination was proper because it is not arbitrary and capricious way of determining whether Taylor was a member of the “Black or Native American groups.” The court did not discuss the relevant statutory language, which seems to rely purely on ancestry rather than appearance.

Orion then appealed to the Ninth Circuit. Considering the interesting statutory and constitutional issues the case raises, the Ninth Circuit’s affirmance of the district court was surprisingly conclusory: “OMWBE did not act in an arbitrary and capricious manner when it determined it had a ‘well founded reason’ to question Taylor’s membership claims and, after requesting additional documentation from Taylor, determined that Taylor did not qualify as a ‘socially and economically disadvantaged individual.'”

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Is Climate Change Making Australia’s Bushfires Worse?

“Australia is committing climate suicide,” declares the headline of a New York Times op-ed. An op-ed in The Washington Post similarly admonishes, “Australia’s apocalyptic fires are a warning to the world.” Apocalyptic as a descriptor is not far off for the folks experiencing the fires in southeastern Australia that have burned 15.6 million acres (an area about the size of West Virginia) and killed 24 people so far.

“Australia is a fire continent,” states Arizona State University environmental historian Stephen Pyne in his (2015) book World Fire: The Culture of Fire on Earth. A 2009 report to the Australian Senate confirmed Pyne’s moniker when it noted that “about 50 million hectares [123 million acres] of land are burned across Australia each year on average and about 80% of fire-affected areas are in northern savanna regions.”

In any case, is man-made climate change a significant contributor to the current conflagration?

Certainly, the last year in Australia has been one of the hottest and driest on record.

Hot enough for you?
Fire weather

Australia’s weather patterns are driven in part by the Indian Ocean Dipole—a phenomenon in which hotter and cooler water sloshes back and forth between the east coast of Africa and the western islands of Indonesia. During its positive phase warmer water near east Africa produces lots of rain there while cooler water near Indonesia dries out Australia. In the past year or so, the IOD has been in an unusually strong positive phase, reaching record values for at least the past 60 to 80 years. The result has been widespread drought Down Under.

Not a drop to drink
Widespread drought

November rainfall was the lowest on record for Australia, according to the country’s Bureau of Meteorology. The southeastern state of New South Wales experienced record low rainfall in 2019.

Water water nowhere
New South Wales Drought

Is climate change contributing to the current outbreak of fires? A September 2019 article by two Australian researchers in the journal PLoS One notes that the trend in the McArthur Forest Fire Danger Index has been rising since 1973. The index assesses dryness, based on rainfall and evaporation, along with temperature, humidity, and wind speed. After taking into consideration the effects of various global weather oscillations, the researchers propose that “anthropogenic climate change is the primary driver of the trend, through both higher mean temperatures and potentially through associated shifts in large-scale rainfall patterns.” They specifically note that rise in the fire danger index is strongest in southeastern Australia, and that is exactly where the fires have been worst this year.

Of course, fires need fuel. Landscape management for fire prevention, specifically using prescribed burning to reduce fuel loads in the Australian bush, is controversial. In the wake of devastating fires in 2009, a royal commission issued a report that recommended raising the target of burning across all public lands from 1.7 to 5 percent annually in the southeastern state of Victoria where massive fires are currently burning. The state never met that goal. The current outbreak has torched around 3 million acres in that state so far.

As Wired observes there is an ongoing “tension in Australia between pro-fire foresters and urban environmentalists who lamented the destructive potential of fire, for wildlife in particular.” Sadly, University of Sydney environmental scientist Chris Dickman estimates that at least 480 million animals have been killed by the fires.

The fire disaster has predictably been used by climate activists to cudgel Australian politicians, including Prime Minister Scott Morrison, who oppose deep cuts in their country’s greenhouse gas emissions. (And it certainly didn’t help that Morrison went on vacation to Hawaii as the fire emergency intensified.) But as the politicians correctly point out, man-made global warming is a global commons problem. Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions amount to only about 1.3 percent of the annual global total, so cutting all of them would have essentially no impact on warming trends. On the other hand, as politicians like Morrison observe, the economic impacts of steep immediate emissions cuts would not be negligible.

The good news is that some rain has now fallen in southeastern Australia as the IOD has shifted into its neutral phase. However, Australian authorities expect only a brief reprieve from the recent rains and cooler temperatures.

As the world likely continues to warm over the course of this century, it is clear that Australians will need to be more vigorously proactive in managing their wild landscapes to ameliorate future fire risks.

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