The Autobiography of an Ex-Black Man: Thomas Chatterton Williams

“I’d become an ex-black man…not because I’d ceased loving what I’ve been taught to call “black,” or because I…wished my daughter to blend in to what I’d been taught to call “white,” but simply because these categories cannot adequately capture either of us—or anyone else, for that matter. I had no guilt about it anymore because blackness, like whiteness, isn’t real.

That’s a passage from the new memoir Self-Portrait in Black and White: Unlearning Race, by Thomas Chatterton Williams. In a world that is increasingly embracing identity politics that sort people along racial and ethnic lines, Chatterton Williams is moving in a radically different direction. His book is an explicit call to “unlearn race” and embrace individual diversity.

The 38-year-old Chatterton Williams is the author of a previous memoir, Losing My Cool. He is biracial himself and grew up in New Jersey identifying as black. He is married to a white French woman, lives in Paris, and describes how the birth of his first child—a blonde-haired, blue-eyed girl—forced him to interrogate and ultimately discard ideas about identity that he and the rest of us have long taken for granted.

In a wide-ranging discussion, Chatterton Williams and Nick Gillespie talk about race relations in 21st century America; how class and gender intersect with ethnicity; and whether it’s really possible to “unlearn race” in a country that has spent so much time and energy defining national character along racial lines.

Audio production by Regan Taylor and Ian Keyser.

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Forged Court Order Used to Try to Vanish Online Magazine Article About L.A. Businessman

From the L.A. Daily Journal (Ilan Isaacs):

In July 2017, Atavist Magazine, a long-form journalism website, was preparing to publish a piece by David Mark Simpson about Steve Farzam. Farzam is a member of the prominent Farzam hotel family and a top executive at the luxury Shore Hotel — a Santa Monica icon overlooking the Pacific Coast Highway.

The article was an exposé detailing Farzam’s previously untold history of reckless, sometimes criminal behavior. It included law enforcement allegations that Farzam ilegally possessed and trafficked automatic weapons and impersonated FBI officers.

It also included information from Farzam’s 2015 criminal case, where he was charged with 77 counts and pleaded to unauthorized computer access, impersonation of an FBI agent, and possession of an assault rifle….

In July 2017, before the article was published, Atavist received a letter from Rachael Aguirre, general counsel for the Shore Hotel, stating the forthcoming article would likely be libelous and defamatory. Aguirre also noted a court order that sealed all documents related to Farzam’s 2015 criminal case and wrote, “Any information ascertained from [the 2015 case], which is published or made public, is in direct violation of that Court’s June 1, 2015 Court Order sealing all documents related to Mr. Farzam’s criminal matter from public view.” …

Six months after the article was published, … [the Atavist’s lawyer] was sent a “formal demand” from Farzam’s personal attorney, Isabel A. Ashorzadeh of Ash Legal Group. Ashorzadeh demanded the Atavist article be “immediately disabled.” Ashorzadeh … [wrote, among other things, that] “Ms. Aguirre’s letter to you in fact did not contain a misstatement regarding the courts order to seal documents related to the conviction in Los Angeles Superior Court Case No. BA425132. I would suggest you do not rely on a non-certified court transcript as you apparently have made an error. Upon personally inspecting the court’s file last week, the order is absolutely clear, and your clients have violated it.”

After the Atavist article was published, the order was also eventually sent to Google, with a request that Google remove the Atavist article from its indexes, so it wouldn’t show up in Google searches.  And, last month, the order led to Farzam being prosecuted for forgery; the charges are pending.

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Public Funding for Schools Has Increased for 30 Years. Why Doesn’t UVA’s Education Dean Know That?

In a recent op-ed for The Washington Post, Robert Pianta—dean of the University of Virginia’s Curry School of Education and Human Development—claimed that “giving public schools more money” is the one trick education reformers haven’t yet tried.

He’s wrong, and The Washington Post has finally corrected his claim.

In his piece, Pianta said that per-pupil education funding has decreased since the late 1980s. “Schools have been starved for funds,” he complains, and things only became worse in recent years:

This lack of investment was only compounded by the Great Recession, which prompted state legislatures to shift already limited funds and sources of revenue from districts to balance their budgets and bridge spending gaps elsewhere. Nonwhite communities and underserved rural and urban areas particularly suffered the consequences, languishing as a result of regressive funding formulas tied to property taxes. To this day, funding levels have failed to recover from this raid on our schools’ financial reserves.

This is a shocking claim, writes the Cato Institute’s Neal McCluskey, in that it’s completely wrong.

K-12 spending since 1979-80, inflation-adjusted
Via Neal McCluskey / Cato Institute

“This spending data is well-known among wonks, and while it is open to some interpretation, I can find nothing supporting Pianta’s claim,” writes McCluskey.

Indeed, as is evident from the graph above, inflation-adjusted per-pupil spending has actually increased dramatically over time.

“Robert Pianta’s claim is incorrect regardless of how the data is sliced,” writes my colleague Corey DeAngelis, director of school choice reform at the Reason Foundation, in a piece for The Washington Examiner. “According to the National Center for Education Statistics’ database, inflation-adjusted education funding increased by at least 36% since 1989—whether you look at state, local, federal, or total dollars per pupil. The increases are much larger if you look at overall spending amounts rather than per-pupil totals.”

The Washington Post has finally conceded defeat and posted the following correction at the top of the article:

Correction: An earlier version of this piece stated that, adjusting for constant dollars, public funding for schools had decreased since the late 1980s. This is not the case. In fact, funding at the federal, state and local levels has increased between the 1980s and 2019.

I emailed Pianta to ask whether he thought this correction undercut the op-ed’s argument, but did not immediately receive a response.

I can understand not knowing the exact numbers, but it strikes me as extremely disappointing that the dean of a prestigious education school would not be aware of the general trajectory of public education funding.

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Impeachment Is Good for a Healthy Democracy. But What About for the U.S.?

Donald Trump has almost certainly engaged in impeachable acts. Without getting into the wilder charges against the president, such as accusations of “treason,” his dealings with the Ukrainian government demonstrate him misusing the powers of his office to get a foreign government to act against (also corrupt) political opponents.

But is yet another round of posturing for the television cameras with little hope of convicting and removing the president worth widening the yawning partisan chasm that divides Americans and turns the dysfunctional government into a weapon over which factions fight for control?

The answer to that question isn’t clear.

As to impeachability, many legal experts agree that President Trump has overstepped the bounds of acceptable conduct.

“Impeachment has always been, first and foremost, a constitutional defense against executive misuse of power,” writes University of Missouri Law Professor Frank O. Bowman III, author of High Crimes and Misdemeanors: A History of Impeachment for the Age of Trump. “Mr. Trump’s behavior is a classic example of abuse of presidential power for personal or political gain, and is therefore properly impeachable,” he adds about the president’s Ukraine dealings.

“An impeachable abuse of power can be based on a corrupt scheme that misuses powers that the President had been given to faithfully exercise,” agrees the Berkeley School of Law’s Orin S. Kerr, writing for the Volokh Conspiracy. “What Trump did strikes me as pretty much the scenario you would have described if someone had asked you, before the Trump presidency, what kind of Presidential acts are impeachable.”

And that’s exactly what the first of two articles of impeachment passed last week by the House Judiciary Committee specifies (the second cites obstruction of Congress):

Using the powers of his high office, President Trump solicited the interference of a foreign government, Ukraine, in the 2020 United States Presidential election. He did so through a scheme or course of conduct that included soliciting the Government of Ukraine to publicly announce investigations that would benefit his reelection, harm the election prospects of a political opponent, and influence the 2020 United States Presidential election to his advantage.

Officeholders aren’t supposed to abuse the power of their office for personal gain, or to benefit themselves politically, or to punish their enemies.

If you’re about to point out that abusing power is business as usual for government officials… well, you’re right. Even if we just confine ourselves to abuses intended to benefit friends and punish enemies, we can point to the long-established role of the IRS as a political hit squad at the very least. We could also point to the FBI’s long and unsavory history of meddling in politics on behalf of the powers-that-be.

Presidents generally get away with such abuses because they can—they have the political cover to turn the power of the state to their own ends. Repeated without consequences, corrupt conduct becomes normalized and contributes to the metastasizing power of the presidency at the hands of both Republicans and Democrats.

Some of my colleagues hope that Trump’s vulnerability allows an opening to not just punish a misbehaving official, but to rein-in the presidency itself. By finally imposing a penalty for abusing the powers of the office, Congress might reassert some of its own surrendered authority and put clearer boundaries around the behavior of chief executives to come, they suggest.

That’s an attractive argument in many ways, since it recognizes that getting rid of one politician doesn’t solve the problems inherent in the office he holds. We just might be able to impose some limits on government as a whole by impeaching Trump and (although this is unlikely to happen) removing him from office. Or, we just may fan the flames of political warfare in a country that has turned elections and policy choices into a vindictive grudge match that’s escalating toward an uncertain but nasty outcome.

A general perception of impeachment as mere inter-party brawling seems highly likely given the partisan divide over the issue. The general public is evenly divided with 45 percent favoring impeachment and 47 percent opposed in the latest CNN poll—but support for the effort coming from 77 percent of Democrats and only 5 percent of Republicans.

The process is almost certain to stop short of removal from office, since Republicans control the Senate and show little interest in deposing the head of their own party, no matter his flaws.

Impeachment, then, seems fated to exacerbate political tensions without resolving anything.

Does that mean abusive presidents should get free passes if their followers are sufficiently angry and the political climate is tense? That seems unjust and unwise—especially since the most dangerous politicians are often those with the most fanatical base. But lots of presidents have enjoyed free passes simply because their followers dominated the government. Larger considerations beyond the specific misdeeds of officials are inherent to efforts to remove them from office outside regularly scheduled elections.

“The impeachment of presidents is a political act, performed with one eye on history, but ultimately constrained only by the political norms, popular expectations, and factional alignments of the era in which a particular impeachment is attempted,” Bowman noted in his book.

America’s political culture, less than a year before a national election, is a hot mess. Its government is broken and a danger to the people. The country is presided over by a chief executive who not only abuses his power but flaunts his conduct. In doing so, he enjoys the support of a faction of the public equal in size to the one that despises him—and those factions hate each other. The impeachment process is one more reason for them to fight.

Reining-in not just this president, but the presidency itself, is a worthy and necessary goal. But it’s not obvious that impeachment is the best way to solve the country’s serious political ills.

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The Feds Get Permission To Seize Edward Snowden’s Book Profits

A federal judge in Virginia has ruled that the U.S. government has the authority to seize the proceeds of Edward Snowden’s book because he failed to submit his book to the CIA and National Security Agency (NSA) for pre-publication review to analyze any classified information printed within.

The ruling, by Liam O’Grady, U.S. District Judge of the Eastern District of Virginia, is a perfect encapsulation of the letter of the law and also the bizarreness of its application. Snowden’s book, Permanent Record, documents his decision to blow the whistle on the NSA’s secret surveillance and mass unwarranted collection of Americans’ communication data. He is currently a fugitive from the Department of Justice (DOJ), living in Russia, charged with espionage, though many Americans see him as a hero.

Snowden’s former work agreements with the CIA and NSA are clear that he (and any other employee) must submit the contents of books or speeches for review. There is no exception to account for him blowing the whistle on what many Americans see as misconduct. He’s still supposed to submit his book for review to the very agencies whose misbehavior he was revealing. So in response to the book’s publication, the DOJ sued Snowden and his publishers, demanding the money from both the book and from Snowden’s public presentations.

It seems very unlikely that Permanent Record would get a fair review from the CIA and NSA but the rules don’t care. O’Grady even canceled a planned hearing for verbal arguments because he said they weren’t necessary. O’Grady notes in the ruling that “there is no genuine dispute of material fact publicly disclosed the type of information and materials described above in Permanent Record and his speeches…” So, he loses and the feds will get to take the money he would have made from the book, a New York Times bestseller.

Brett Max Kaufman, a senior staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union who helps represent Snowden, put out a statement saying, “It’s farfetched to believe that the government would have reviewed Mr. Snowden’s book or anything else he submitted in good faith. For that reason, Mr. Snowden preferred to risk his future royalties than to subject his experiences to improper government censorship.” He also calls for reforms to an “unfair and opaque pre-publication review system affecting millions of former government employees.”

Snowden’s team is considering their options.

Read the ruling here. Read an excerpt from Permanent Record here.

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Justice Ginsburg Opines on Biased Senators and President Trump’s Knowledge about the Constitution

Justice Ginsburg sat for an interview with BBC host, Razia Iqbal. The full recording of the event has not yet been released, but the BBC has released a two-minute clip. (Reason’s CMS does not allow me to embed the video.) Here is my (rough) transcript of one exchange:

[I think a question was asked about whether a member of the Senate, sitting in an impeachment trial, should be impartial]

Ginsburg: The House indicts, and the Senate tries. Should a trier be impartial? Of course, that’s the job of an impartial judge.

[Applause]

Iqbal: You will be very aware that there are Senators who are already saying before the impeachment gets to the Senate or the trial in the Senate. They’ve already made their minds up. That’s problematic.

Ginsburg: Well if a judge said that, a judge would be disqualified from sitting on the case.

[Laughter and applause]

Iqbal: But it’s about the level of accountability. So if a Senator says I’ve already made my mind up and the trial doesn’t even exist at the moment, there is no accountability is there?

Ginsburg: My old Chief, Chief Justice Rehnquist put it very well. He said, “The day a judge stops being impartial, and starts to do things to please the home crowd, whatever your home crowd is, that’s the day that judge should step down from office.”

[Applause]

At that point, the video cuts to another portion of the interview.

Iqbal: What’s your reading of the Constitution in the context of the President of the United States saying that the Supreme Court of the United States should stop this impeachment. Is there a reading that you can present–

Ginsburg: Well the President is not a lawyer, he’s not law trained.

[Ginsburg pauses, and smirks, while there is laughter and applause]

The video cuts off. WWD offered this account of of Ginsburg’s remarks:

“The president is not a lawyer,” Ginsburg replied. “He’s not law-trained. But the truth is, the judiciary is a reactive institution. We don’t have a program, we don’t have an agenda. We react to what’s out there.”

Justice Ginsburg exercised terrible judgment in this interview. First, there is no reason for Ginsburg to inject herself into debates about whether Senators should be disqualified. Indeed, her analogy between Senators-as-jurors and judges is a strained one. I agree with co-blogger Keith Whittington: disqualification is not required, even for Senators who have made up their mind. But here, Ginsburg, with the gravitas of a Supreme Court justice, weighed in on a divisive constitutional question. I would not be surprised if some members of the Senate quoted RBG’s remarks to criticize their colleagues neutrality.

The second quoted remark (for which I do not have full context) is even more troubling. The interviewer asked about Trump’s tweets that the Supreme Court could get involved in impeachment. How should Ginsburg have responded? “I cannot comment on a matter that could come before the Court.” Instead, she criticized the President’s knowledge about the Constitution. To say “the President is not a lawyer, he’s not law trained” is a gentle way of calling him an idiot–he has no idea what he’s talking about. I would never criticize something a non-lawyer says, because they are not trained in law. Lawyers, and especially judges, could learn a lot from what other people think about the Constitution.

Putting aside the propriety of her remarks, Ginsburg’s snide remark is wrong. Walter Nixon v. U.S. left open at least three circumstances in which courts could review an impeachment. Moreover, Alan Dershowitz wrote in his book that there are additional circumstances in which an impeachment could be reviewed in Court. Agree or disagree with these positions, Ginsburg was rude and arrogant to suggest that Trump’s views should be dismissed due to his lack of legal training.

Moreover, Ginsburg’s comments are even worse, in light of the President’s unique station in our Republic. The President is charged with taking an oath to that Constitution. To say the President doesn’t even understand the document he is charged with faithfully executing the Constitution, is to say the President cannot comply with that oath. (I think a lot of judicial decisions we’ve seen are quietly motivated by what Ginsburg publicly stated.)

It gets worse. The Supreme Court will likely have to consider cases that turn on President’s knowledge of the Constitution, and whether he is in fact faithfully executing the laws, or acting for “corrupt” purposes. Now, the Notorious RBG has told us what she really thinks about the President.

Ginsburg, alas, has a record of making such inappropriate comments about President Trump. In 2016, she told the New York Times:

“I can’t imagine what this place would be — I can’t imagine what the country would be — with Donald Trump as our president,” she said. “For the country, it could be four years. For the court, it could be — I don’t even want to contemplate that.”

And she told CNN:

“He is a faker,” she said of the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, going point by point, as if presenting a legal brief. “He has no consistency about him. He says whatever comes into his head at the moment. He really has an ego. … How has he gotten away with not turning over his tax returns? The press seems to be very gentle with him on that.”

The emphasized portion directly bears on the current litigation over Trump’s tax returns.

Ginsburg issued a carefully word-smithed non-apology.

“On reflection, my recent remarks in response to press inquiries were ill-advised and I regret making them. Judges should avoid commenting on a candidate for public office. In the future I will be more circumspect.”

She was not circumspect. Rather, Justice Ginsburg reinforced the appearance of partiality with respect to President Trump. I’m not sure these a remarks warrants recusal in cases brought against President Trump in his official capacity; that is, where the government (not Donald Trump) is the actual defendant, and it is sued in his name. In such appeals, Trump is merely a stand-in for the sovereign; his name only appears as a placeholder. Any relief would run against the United States, and if Trump was no longer President for whatever reason, the case would continue with Mike Pence as the defendant. But in a case where Trump is sued in his individual capacity, or where Trump’s personal actions could violate the Constitution, Ginsburg’s partiality is now suspect. Ginsburg’s own words should appear front and center in a disqualification motion filed by Trump’s attorneys. She only has herself to blame.

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‘This Should Never Happen to Another President Again,’ Tweets Trump as House Preps for Impeachment Vote

Impeachment day is here for the House of Representatives, with the full House scheduled to vote today on whether President Donald Trump abused his power and obstructed justice. Then we get to do all this again in the Senate in the new year. Happy holidays?

Trump has been bringing some A-game crazy in anticipation of today’s vote, tweeting this morning:

Can you believe that I will be impeached today by the Radical Left, Do Nothing Democrats, AND I DID NOTHING WRONG! A terrible Thing. Read the Transcripts. This should never happen to another President again. Say a PRAYER!

This was followed up by him tweeting an extended flattering quote from Fox News.

On Tuesday, Trump sent House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D–Calif.) a six-page letter accusing her and Democrats of destroying democracy itself.

The letter’s “most notable quality is its lack of any coherent structure. It does not build an argument, or even group like points together,” writes Jonathan Chait, who thinks the letter supports the case for impeaching Trump:

First, he portrays impeachment as constitutionally illegitimate. By this, Trump doesn’t mean simply that his actions do not rise to an impeachable offense, or even that the accusations are completely meritless. He repeatedly denies that the House has any constitutional right to undertake impeachment at all. …

Of course the Constitution gives the House of Representatives the power to determine what presidential acts constitute impeachable offenses. Trump seems to believe that he as president has the power to determine whether a president’s actions are impeachable. Trump argues that if Congress can impeach him, which is a clearly delineated power, then he can prosecute Congress for crimes of Trump’s choosing, a power that exists nowhere in the Constitution.

Chait concludes that the letter “makes plain his mental unfitness for the job.” Jonah Goldberg of The Dispatch offered a similar assessment, tweeting that the letter was “a pristine example of how Trump himself is patient zero of Trump Derangement Syndrome.”

But no matter what Trump is doing or saying now, Congress still failed to make a sufficient case for his impeachment, suggest some.

“One can oppose President Trump’s policies or actions but still conclude that the current legal case for impeachment is not just woefully inadequate, but in some respects, dangerous, as the basis for the impeachment of an American president,” Jonathan Turley, a law professor at George Washington University, told Reason‘s Jacob Sullum. “This is an exceptionally narrow impeachment resting on the thinnest possible evidentiary record.”

Sullum writes that while “there is compelling evidence that [Trump] did both” things he’s accused of in the articles of impeachment, congressional investigators failed to do enough to dispel Trump’s defenses. Which leaves us in a bad place:

As the record stands, it is not likely to persuade anyone who was otherwise inclined to support Trump, meaning we will get a party-line impeachment in the House, followed by a party-line acquittal in the Senate. What should have been a debate about the limits of tolerable presidential behavior has instead become another bitter partisan squabble signifying nothing but reflexive allegiance to arbitrarily defined tribes. While impeachment is inherently a political process, it cannot properly function as a check on presidential power when the public believes it is driven by nothing but politics.

In any event, the House opened debate about impeachment at 9 a.m. today.

“After an hour of debate on the ‘rule’ governing the proceedings, six hours of debate on the articles will be divided equally between Democrats and Republicans, who could introduce procedural obstacles that would stretch the proceedings into the evening,” notes CBS News.

After debate, each article of impeachment will be voted on.


FREE MARKETS

“Both parties will pass this swamp legislation.”


FREE MINDS

“On a scale of 0 to 10, where 10 represents more freedom, the average human freedom rating for 162 countries in 2017 was 6.89,” write Ian Vásquez and Tanja Porcnik in the latest Human Freedom Index from the Cato Institute. The most free countries, according to the index:

1) New Zealand

2) Switzerland

3) Hong Kong

4) Canada

5) Australia

6) Denmark and Luxembourg (a tie)

8) Finland and Germany (a tie)

10) Ireland

11) Sweden and the Netherlands

13) Austria

14) United Kingdom

15) United States and Estonia

17) Norway

18) Iceland

19) Taiwan

20) Malta

At the bottom of the index were Burundi (145), Mauritania, Chad, Myanmar, Saudi Arabia, the Central African Republic, Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Iran, Algeria, Libya, Egypt, Iraq, Sudan, Yemen, Venezuela, and Syria (162).


FOLLOWUP

The Pacific Legal Foundation (PLF) is suing over AB5, the California law that is killing freelancer jobs (see yesterday’s Roundup), on behalf of the American Society of Journalists and Authors and the National Press Photographers Association. “For journalists stuck in the 35-submission trap, the law’s selective carveouts violate their rights to earn an honest living free from irrational government interference and regulation based solely on the content of their speech,” PLF says.


QUICK HITS

  • The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court slammed the FBI’s handling of applications for surveillance warrants for Carter Page.
  • Rep. Ro Khanna (D–Calif.) has officially introduced legislation to study the effect of FOSTA. (I interviewed Khanna about the legislation earlier this month.)
  • The Trump administration “is arguably responsible for fewer human tragedies so far than more high-minded, less personally degraded presidencies,” writes Ross Douthat.
  • “Congressional Democrats are set to vote this week to restore a huge tax break that primarily benefits wealthy Americans—one that effectively shifts the federal tax burden onto middle- and lower-income earners,” reports Eric Boehm.
  • A lot of journalists lost their jobs in 2019.
  • A 16-year-old girl allegedly kidnapped from the Bronx now says it was a hoax.
  • New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, a Democrat, is proposing changes to the state’s rape laws.
  • Protecting and serving:

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16-Year-Old Girl Admits Her Kidnapping Was a Hoax to Fool ‘Overprotective’ Mom

A 16-year-old girl abducted by four men in a car as she walked down a Bronx street with her mom on Monday night—an incident captured on a video grainier than the moon landing—has admitted this was a hoax.

Karol Sanchez’s family is from Honduras and The New York Times reports that they were thinking of moving back there—something Sanchez did not want to do. The Times also said that the girl mentioned something to the cops about her mom being “overprotective.”

If this was a ploy to make mom less overprotective, we’ll have to chalk it up as a fail.

In any case, everyone who was very worried about this girl should be happy about the news. She’s safe—not raped or murdered or sold into sex slavery.

But let’s also keep reality in mind next time one of these things happens. While only a cynic would have said I’ll bet this is a hoax the second the Amber Alert went out, it does look pretty fish in hindsight.

How so? Well, it’s just extremely rare for a child to be kidnapped by strangers, especially when the child is not alone. It happens a lot more on Law & Order SVU than it does in real life where, according to the Crimes Against Children Resource Center, 105 people under the age of 18 endured what’s called a “stereotypical kidnapping” in 2012, the most recent year for which we have the data. (About 92 percent of them made it back alive.)

It feels as if the girl, Karol Sanchez, may have suffered from the same misperception as Ronald Clark O’Bryan. He’s the man who poisoned his son’s candy on Halloween, back in 1974. He was easily caught because he had taken out several insurance policies on the boy. But my guess is what really did him in was his incorrect assumption that Halloween poisonings are so common what happened to his son wouldn’t stand out. I’ll bet that Sanchez thought stranger abductions are a lot more common than they really are, too.

 

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Maybe the Status Quo Isn’t So Bad? Thoughts on Two Proposals about Law Review Reform from the AALS

Brian Galle, writing on behalf of an Advisory Committee on Law Journal Reform of the AALS Section on Scholarship, has posted two proposals to reform the law review submission process.  The proposals are very interesting, but I’m skeptical they would work.  On the whole, I suspect they would do more harm than good.  In this post, I will explain why.

Let me start with an overview of the proposals. According to the recently-posted discussion draft, the main problem with the law review submission process is that its scale makes for poorly-informed decisions.  In the current system, there are hundreds of general-interest law reviews and thousands of law review authors. This means that a single journal can receive several thousand submissions.  Editors can’t possibly make informed decisions about them in the time-crunch of submission season.  And in the crunch of decision-making time, journals typically receive hundreds of expedite requests requiring them to make very quick decisions about whether to accept articles.  They can’t make decisions in an informed way, so they rely too often on proxies and just can’t make the thoughtful evaluations of scholarship that would be best.

The authors offer two proposals for reform.

The first proposal is to mandate limits on submissions and acceptances.  Authors would be forced to limit how many submissions they make at any one time (say 10 or 20), and they would be required to accept the first offer they receive.  Also, journals would be forbidden from making offers in a short period of time after submission (say, a month).  The result, according to the idea’s proponents, would be a more orderly system of submissions and acceptances.  The rules to implement this proposal would be promulgated by a selected committee of law professors called the “Selection Committee.”  The Selection Committee would police violations of its rules and could punish violators with sanctions, such as temporarily forbidding access to the submission system.

The second proposal is a matching system. Every author would choose a set of journals in which they would be willing to publish.  Every journal would go through all the submissions and decide which ones they are willing to publish. A computer would then match article to journal based on the mutually expressed preferences.  The results would be binding on both authors and journals.  The matching system would be run by the Selection Committee, as above.

I appreciate the group’s very thoughtful engagement with hard design questions.  But I’m skeptical that either of these proposals would be an improvement.  My initial reaction is that both proposals would just make the system worse.

Here’s my thinking.

Let me start with what I take to be the big problem here.  It’s a problem that the proposal hints at, but as far as I can tell doesn’t actually identify: The prominence of the general-interest law review.  For quirky historical reasons, most of the major law reviews are general.  They will consider any article that remotely touches on anything relating to law.  An article could cover any field of law, whether it is constitutional law, comparative law, tax law, jurisprudence or any other legal field.  An article could be theoretical, doctrinal, or empirical.  And the connection to law can be (and often is) modest.  An article could really be about history, or economics, or psychology, or sociology, or any other field as it touches on some aspect of law.  Everything under the sun can be considered by any general-interest law review.

As I see it, the general-interest law review is the real source of the problem the new proposal identifies.  Several thousand law-related submissions are created every year. If you’re in charge of a general-interest law review, you’re open to considering every single one of those several thousand submissions.  And if most of the major journals are general-interest law reviews, that means that most of the journals are open to considering every single one of those submissions.  And because all of those general-interest law reviews are offering essentially the same service, they compete for author interest based primarily on prestige.  In a world in which submitting an article is relatively inexpensive, authors have an incentive to submit widely to find the most prestigious journal that will accept their papers.

In short, the prominence of the general-interest law review makes the scale of the problem inherently unmanageable.  From the journal side, we have hundreds of journals competing for the best articles they can get from thousands of submissions on every legal topic under the sun.  And from the author side, we have thousands of authors competing for the best placement they can from hundreds of journals.  If you want an orderly system in which decisions are made slowly and deliberately, figuring out a way to match up that many articles with that many spots in journals is an incredible challenge. (Professors often complain that student editors don’t do a good job selecting papers, but I doubt professors could do much better faced with these sorts of numbers.)

If that’s the problem, what’s the answer?

One obvious answer would be to simply abolish general-interest law reviews.  We could instead have a siloed system like we normally have in other academic fields.  Each journal would have a specific subject matter or methodology.  For example, instead of the Harvard Law Review, you could have the Harvard-based Journal of Constitutional Theory.  Instead of the Yale Law Journal, you could have the Yale-based Jurisprudence Review.  Instead of the Stanford Law Review, you could have the Stanford-located Papers in Intellectual Property Law.  Instead of the Columbia Law Review, you could have a Columbia-based Business Law Review.  (Of course, there are many subject-based law reviews today, including, as it turns out, a Columbia Business Law Review. But my sense is that more of the placement angst surrounds the general-interest law reviews.)

If scale is the real problem, that strikes me as the real way to solve it.  If every journal picked a subject area or methodology, each would only consider a limited subset of articles.  This narrowing would mean that authors would have only a handful of journals that would even consider their papers.  Authors would submit to only those journals, and would accept at the best of them or not publish the article if they receive no offers.  Each journal would get a limited number of submissions simply because they would not consider submissions outside their narrow field.  The scale problem would be solved.

Am I actually recommending that general-interest law reviews should be abolished?  No. Although this would solve the scale problem, I think it would also eliminate some of the major strengths of the status quo.  For example, the prominence of the general-interest law review creates an incentive to write in a more accesssible way.  General-interest law reviews also circumvent the gate-keeping function of subject matter silos that I suspect would block new ideas from entering the academy.  So I don’t actually want them gone. My point is just that the scale problem the discussion draft tries to solve is unavoidable when you have so many general-interest journals being open to publishing so many submissions.  The discussion draft doesn’t question the prominence of general-interest law reviews, so it necessarily offers proposals to deal with the crazy scale of the matching problem rather than to change it.

Let’s turn to the two specific proposals.  Would they make the probem better or worse?  I suspect they would make the problem worse.  Here’s why.

The first proposal, limiting submissions and acceptances, strikes me as an overly heavy-handed way to limit choice.   Limiting the number of submissions will, as a practical matter, force authors to eliminate the journals that they think are unlikely to accept their articles.  I worry that authors would limit themselves by foregoing the opportunities of getting more prestigious placements, which will have the effect of deepening existing hierarchies.  The lost opportunity for authors would be matched by the lost opportunity for journals, preventing the matching that is the current system’s main strength,  And requiring journals to wait a month before accepting an article will draw out the process for too long.  Maybe I am too much of a libertarian.  But I think it’s better both for authors and for journals to have a greater set of choices.

The second proposal, a complete ranking system, strikes me as impractical.  If it could work, it sounds like a good answer:  Everyone’s preference is optimized.  But how is any journal supposed to rank several thousand submissions?  And how is every journal supposed to do that?  It’s like making a committee of law students grade thousands of 60-page papers.  And it’s worse than that: Journals not only would have to grade the papers, but they have to put each of them in exact order of preference (up to some quality standard they need to identify, if they can do so in the abstract).  I’ve been on committees of professors where we tried to rank a handful of law review articles in one field, and it was highly contested and difficult.  How can we expect law students to do that for hundreds or even thousands of articles from every field at once?  If I am understanding the proposal correctly, it doesn’t seem like something that editors can do.

If I had to pick one of the three options—the status quo, the first proposal, or the second proposal—I would favor the status quo.   The current selection process is messy and imperfect.  But it also has considerable strengths that are too-often overlooked.  Editors can look through submissions for diamonds in the rough.  The expedite process can focus journals on a subset of admissions that have been judged by peers as worthy of consideration.  Granted, it’s understandably frustrating for editors when a higher-ranked journal picks off an article they found.  But it’s a frustration that some amount of market sorting is going to produce (and my sense is that editors frustrated by losing to higher-ranked competitors have less of a problem with picking off articles from journals ranked below them).  Finally, because journals are competing primarily on prestige, the stakes of journals measuring quality incorrectly are relatively low.

As I said above, the status quo is imperfect.  But I see a lot of that imperfection as the fault of the general-interest law review.  In a world with hundreds of general-interest law reviews and thousands of eligible articles, the matching process is destined to be difficult. If we’re not going to abolish general-interest law reviews, we need to pick which set of serious problems with article selection are less troublesome than others.  And my own sense is that the status quo is likely less troublesome than the particular alternatives discussed by the AALS Advisory Committee.

 

 

 

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