An Unreliable Jailhouse Informant May Have Sent an Innocent Florida Man to Death Row

James Dailey has long maintained that he didn’t murder Shelly Boggio in 1985. No physical evidence ties him to the case, and there’s good reason to think the man who originally pointed the finger at Dailey is the actual killer. A story by Pamela Colloff, published by ProPublica and The New York Times, shows how an unreliable jailhouse informant may have doomed an innocent man to the execution chamber in Florida.

On May 6, 1985, Boggio’s nude body was found floating in a Pinellas County waterway; she had been stabbed several times. Dailey and his roommate, Jack Pearcy, became subjects of interest in the case. Pearcy has a history of violence against women. On the last day of her life, Pearcy took Boggio to a bar near the Intracoastal Waterway after spending an afternoon drinking and smoking weed at his apartment.

Though he admitted to stabbing Boggio at least once and provided intimate details of the crime, Pearcy insisted that Dailey was the actual murderer. Pearcy claimed that Dailey joined the pair before they reached the water that night.

Pearcy, who is serving life in prison, has since confessed four times that he was solely responsible for Boggio’s death. He also told two other inmates that Dailey was innocent. Pearcy owned a knife consistent with the stab wounds, knew where investigators could find its sheath, and was the only person who eyewitnesses saw with Boggio the night she was murdered.

Yet Dailey’s fate was sealed by three jailhouse informants, including one Paul Skalnik. Skalnik was one of the county’s most prolific jailhouse informants, testifying in at least 37 cases. Many of those trials ended in convictions or plea deals; four ended with death sentences. Though he spent his days in protective custody, he told investigators that he managed to obtain a confession from Dailey while passing by his cell.

Pearcy refused to testify against Dailey in court, so Skalnik took the stand, testifying that Dailey had confessed to the murder while asking for legal advice. Detective John Halliday vouched for Skalnik because they had worked together before.

Jailhouse informants have an incentive to tell prosecutors what they want to hear, since their cooperation could help with their own cases. After the two other inmates claimed that they heard Dailey admit to the murder, a third later said that they concocted their stories in an effort to get their own sentences reduced. (They succeeded.) The third inmate also said police showed him news clippings of the crime in hopes that he would testify against Dailey. He refused.

Though Skalnik assured the jury that he was receiving nothing for his testimony, he was released five days after Dailey was sentenced to death.

After serving a sentence for grand theft, Skalnik was paroled in March 1985. He quickly violated his parole with various financial cons and returned to jail. Though he was identified as a flight risk, a parole violator, and was called a “danger to society” by his parole officer, a Florida Parole and Probation Commission memo said he was released due to his “cooperation with the State Attorney’s Office in the first-degree murder trial.” Public records show several other instances where Skalnik received benefits for his help in other trials despite assessments that he was a “con artist of the highest degree.” Prosecutors once dismissed a 1982 charge for lewd and lascivious conduct involving a 12-year-old girl. Neither those charges nor their dismissals were mentioned to the jury in Dailey’s case.

There are other reasons to question Skalnik’s honesty. When Colloff interviewed him, he claimed that he’d been shot down in Laos during the Vietnam War. After obtaining his military records, Colloff found that Skalnik was not on combat duty during Vietnam, and did not serve overseas at all.

Dailey was set to die on November 7, but U.S. District Judge William Jung temporarily stayed his execution in October to give lawyers more time to present their case. Yesterday Jung rejected the new appeals.

Dailey’s attorney, Josh Dubin, tells Reason he is asking Gov. Ron DeSantis to grant a clemency hearing to argue the prisoner’s innocence. A coalition of local supporters—including the Innocence Project of Florida, the Catholic Diocese of St. Augustine, a former prosecutor, and a collection of Florida death row exonerees—is also asking the state to exonerate Dailey before it’s too late.

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National Security Surveillance Apologists Are Starting to See the Light

When Justice Department Inspector General Michael Horowitz testifed to the Senate yesterday about the problems with the FBI’s wiretaps on former Trump aide Carter Page, a couple of Republicans acknowledged their history of defending the federal surveillance apparatus from privacy-minded critics.

“[Sen.] Mike Lee [R–Utah] has warned me for four and a half years the potential for abuse in this space is terrible,” said Sen. Ben Sasse (R–Neb.). “I constantly defended the integrity and the professionalism of the bureau and of the department that you couldn’t have something like this happen.”

Similarly, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R–S.C.) has long defended giving virtually any power to the government to fight terrorists—it’s his entire post-9/11 shtick. But now that he’s seen the FBI cutting corners and omitting important information when requesting permission to wiretap Page, he thinks the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Amendments (FISA) court and its secret warrants maybe need some reform after all:

I’m a pretty hawkish guy. But if the court doesn’t take corrective action and do something about being manipulated and lied to, you’ll lose my support. I know a lot about what’s going on out there to hurt us. And they’re real threats and they’re real agents and they’re really bad actors out there. I’d hate to lose the ability of the FISA court to operate at a time probably when we need it the most.

But after your report, I have serious concerns about whether the FISA court can continue unless there’s fundamental reform. After your report, I think we need to rewrite the rules on how you start a counterintelligence investigation and the checks and balances that we need. Mr. Horowitz, for us to do justice to your report, we have to do more than try to shade this report one way or the other. We have to address the underlying problem. The system and the hands in a few bad people can do a lot of damage.

Let’s appreciate, first of all, that Sasse and Graham are acknowledging their past pro-surveillance positions before suggesting they may support reforms. If they had not, this would come off more as defending “their guy” Trump rather than realizing that there are serious problems with the FISA system itself.

But is this really the true reckoning for the government’s ability to secretly snoop on U.S. citizens through the FISA court? Later that same day, the House overwhelmingly passed (with the support of most Republicans) a massive military spending bill that does nothing to reform these problems, prompting disappointment from surveillance critic Rep. Justin Amash (I–Mich.):

Amash, a former member of the GOP, was long denounced by fellow Republicans for his warnings against potential abuses of the warrant process. And now, of course, he and Lee (and Reason, and the American Civil Liberties Union, and FreedomWorks, and a host of other critics) are being proven correct.

Unfortunately, we have no idea how correct we are. As somebody who has been writing about federal surveillance under two presidents, I want to make it clear how unprecedented it is for any of us to get this much information about a specific FISA warrant process. This has made it impossible for national security journalists to contextualize what happened. And that makes it easier to try to pass off the many mistakes in the warrant process as an anomaly that doesn’t represent typical FBI behavior, both for people trying to deflect criticism of the bureau and for people who want to argue that the FBI’s screw-ups were a deliberate effort to get Trump.

Charlie Savage, who has been covering federal surveillance policies for the New York Times for years, describes how unusual it is that we all get such a close look at the inner workings of this FISA warrant process:

Congress enacted FISA in 1978 to regulate domestic surveillance for national-security investigations—monitoring suspected spies and terrorists, as opposed to ordinary criminals. Investigators must persuade a judge on a special court that a target is probably an agent of a foreign power. In 2018, there were 1,833 targets of such orders, including 232 Americans.

Most of those targets never learn that their privacy has been invaded, but some are sent to prison on the basis of evidence derived from the surveillance. And unlike in ordinary criminal wiretap cases, defendants are not permitted to see what investigators told the court about them to obtain permission to eavesdrop on their calls and emails.

Horowitz himself acknowledged Wednesday that this was the first time anybody in the Office of the Inspector General had delved into the contents of a specific FISA warrant application. When Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R–Tenn.) asked him how frequently he found mistakes in these warrant applications, he explained to her that his office had only in the past done “high-level” reviews of the process. None of us outside the FBI can say, with the information we have right now, how typical this behavior is. We do know that while the FISA court has approved nearly all surveillance warrants (99 percent of them), the court has inquired and received additional information or changes to the warrant applications about a quarter of the time.

The good news from Horowitz’s report is that the inspector general is not going to wait for either Congress or Attorney General William Barr to decide what to do in a highly politicized environment. The Office of the Inspector General will audit the FBI to determine how well the warrants against those 232 other Americans will withstand this sort of scrutiny.

Next year we’ll see how serious Sasse and Graham are about FISA reform. An extension of PATRIOT Act surveillance authorities was shoved into a stopgap spending bill passed (primarily by Democrats) in November. That extension expires in March. At that point, Congress will have to decide whether it really wants to reform how secret surveillance is used against Americans or if it just cares how it affects Donald Trump.

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Republicans, Democrats Agree to Dump $738 Billion More Into the Forever War and Space Force

A cosmic adventure squad and lots of new military spending got approved by the U.S. House of Representatives yesterday, while lawmakers rejected a host of measures meant to reign in endless war.

The bill, which passed the House 377–48, greenlights some $738 billion for Defense Department activities, military construction, and Department of Energy national security programs in 2020. It also lays out new policies regarding everything from “the establishment of the Space Force within the Air Force” to military personnel benefits, “election matters,” sanctions for “foreign traffickers of illicit synthetic opioids,” and more.

Voting against the 3,488-page bill were just six Republicans (including Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie), 41 Democrats (including Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard, Californian Rep. Ro Khanna, and the so-called “Squad“), and Michigan independent Justin Amash.

Amash explained on Twitter that he voted no because the bill “allows indefinite detention of Americans without charge/trial, reauthorizes intelligence agencies without reforms to protect Americans’ rights, violates the original budget caps, and makes no reforms to rein in unsustainable spending.”

On the House floor yesterday, Khanna pointed out that when Obama left office the Pentagon budget was already $618 billion. “This defense budget is $120 billion more than what President Obama left us with,” Khanna pointed out.

“The bipartisan provision to stop the war in Yemen? Stripped by the White House,” he added. “The bipartisan amendment to stop the war in Iran? Stripped by the White House. The bipartisan provision to repeal the 2002…authorization for the war in Iraq, which is sending our troops overseas? Stripped by the White House.”

He went on to slam colleagues who applaud when people say they want to stop our endless wars but then continue to vote to fund them.

Rep. Adam Smith (D–Wash.), chair of the House Armed Services Committee, previously called the measure”the most progressive defense bill we have passed in decades.”

Democrats are applauding the bill because it expands paid parental leave for some federal workers and ups reimbursement fees for military spouses who need new occupational licenses when they move.

President Trump is excited about the bill, which contains authorization for the Space Force that he’s been calling for. Read more on the Space Force here and here.


CORRECTION

Wednesday’s Roundup described a New York Times report that President Donald Trump was going to declare Judaism a nationality. But a draft of the order out yesterday morning proved the Times got some things wrong. While the draft executive order does deal with Judaism and Title VI of Civil Rights Act, it does not define Judaism as a race or nationality. Rather, it clarifies that “discrimination against Jews may give rise to a Title VI violation when the discrimination is based on an individual’s race, color, or national origin”—i.e., that anti-Jewish discrimination is not always rooted in religion. Slate has more details.


QUICK HITS

  • Happy Thursday, folks:

  • The Supreme Court will let Kentucky’s contested ultrasound-before-abortion law stand.
  • Trump is giving up on a plan to kill the federal Office of Personnel Management.
  • The U.K. is holding elections today.
  • U.S. interest rates will remain unchanged.
  • Gabbard calls for an Afghanistan investigation:

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Father Sues His 8- and 10-Year-Old Daughters for Slander

The daughters allegedly told police officers, the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services, “and other persons” that the father had punched the 8-year-old and pulled her hair; this led to the father being “arrested on a Domestic Violence charge,” which “remains pending.”

His ex-wife (with whom he had been “involved in an extensive and litigious divorce matter”) allegedly told police, DCFS, “and other persons” that he told the older daughter “that if she behaved as her sister then [he] would also strike her,” and that he “is mentally and emotionally abusive to his children.” According to the complaint, “Upon information and belief, Lisa Peters [the ex-wife] was the primary witness pushing to prosecution of Denny Peters [the father] in that criminal matter.”

Denny Peters says those were lies, so he’s suing the girls, as well as his ex, demanding $50,000 from each of the three, plus an extra $50,000 for civil conspiracy. I can’t say I’ve ever seen a lawsuit quite like this, but perhaps I’m naïve.

The case is Peters v. Peters, just filed by Peters’ lawyer (Timothy M. Barnes) Monday in Cook County, Illinois.

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Exploring Alleged Lawyer Falsehoods in Mediation Proceedings

From Monday’s decision by Judge Jesse M. Furman in Usherson v. Bandshell Artist Mgmt. (S.D.N.Y.):

Pending before the Court in this copyright case is Defendant Bandshell Artist Management’s motion for sanctions against Plaintiff and Plaintiff’s counsel, Richard Liebowitz—a frequent target of sanctions motions and orders imposing sanctions in this District…. “In his relatively short career litigating in this District, Richard Liebowitz has earned the dubious distinction of being a regular target of sanctions-related motions and orders. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that there is a growing body of law in this District devoted to the question of whether and when to impose sanctions on Mr. Liebowitz alone.” …

Defendant’s motion turns in large part on the veracity of factual representations that Liebowitz has made to the Court, some under oath. In particular, Liebowitz asserts that a mediator in the Court-annexed Mediation Program gave advance permission by telephone for (1) an associate to appear instead of Liebowitz at an October 31, 2019 in-person mediation, and (2) Plaintiff Arthur Usherson to appear telephonically at the mediation, rather than in person. Defense counsel asserts that those representations are false—and that the mediator (the “Mediator”) has indicated that, if called upon to do so, would testify to that effect. Determining the truth or falsity of Liebowitz’s assertions is critical to the integrity of both the proceedings before the Court and the Court-annexed Mediation Program itself.

[Footnote moved:] Notably, Liebowitz’s veracity has already been found wanting by other Judges on this Court. See, e.g., Nov. 13, 2019 Minute Entry, Berger v. Imagina Consulting, Inc., 18-CV-8956 (CS) (noting a finding on the record at a conference held on November 13, 2019, that Liebowitz had “willfully lied to the Court”); Sands v. Bauer Media Group USA, LLC, No. 17-CV-9215 (LAK), 2019 WL 6324866, at & n.1 (S.D.N.Y. Nov. 26, 2019) (describing several statements made by Liebowitz as “false”).

Determining the truth or falsity of Liebowitz’s assertions, however, requires delving into an area that is usually beyond the scrutiny of the Court and the public. That is, to repurpose a familiar phrase, what happens in mediation is generally supposed to stay in mediation. See, e.g., Rule 2(a), Procedures of the S.D.N.Y. Mediation Program (Dec. 26, 2018) (“Mediation Rules”) (providing that communications made “exclusively during or for the mediation process shall be confidential”), available at https://ift.tt/2PyYIMg; see also, e.g., In re Teligent, Inc., 640 F.3d 53, 57 (2d Cir. 2011) (“Confidentiality is an important feature of the mediation and other alternative dispute resolution processes.”). The general rule of confidentiality is eminently sound. As the Second Circuit has explained, “confidentiality is ‘essential’ to [the] … vitality and effectiveness” of mediation. “Promising participants confidentiality in [mediation] proceedings promotes the free flow of information that may result in the settlement of a dispute, and protect[s] the integrity of alternative dispute resolution generally.”

That said, there are important exceptions to the rule of confidentiality in the mediation context…. [T]here are cases in which the strong interest in preserving confidentiality in mediation must—and does—give way to other, even weightier interests.

This is such a case. On October 7, 2019, the Court ordered the parties to comply with the Court’s prior Mediation Referral Order, by participating in an “in-person mediation no later than October 31, 2019.” The parties agreed to hold the mediation on the very last possible day—October 31, 2019—but neither Liebowitz nor his client appeared. Instead, two associates from Liebowitz’s firm—neither of whom had (or has since) entered an appearance on behalf of Plaintiff and neither of whom had much, if any, knowledge of the case—arrived and confirmed that Liebowitz and Plaintiff would not be attending in person. After Liebowitz’s associates, Defendant, and defense counsel spoke briefly with Plaintiff on the phone—the details of their conversation are not relevant to Defendant’s motion and, thus, need not be made public—the mediation ended without a resolution.

Liebowitz does not dispute that he and his client failed to appear in person at the mediation, but he contends that the Mediator gave him advance permission to send an associate in his place and for Plaintiff to appear by telephone. Specifically, at a conference before the Court on November 14, 2019, Liebowitz stated on the record that he had “personally advised” the Mediator “before the mediation” that Plaintiff would not appear in person and that the Mediator had “said that was okay.” {It is worth noting that the November 14, 2019 conference was only one day after Liebowitz had appeared before Judge Seibel in connection with the contempt proceedings in Berger, a proceeding in which he was taken to task for lying to the Court.} Several days later, Liebowitz repeated this claim in a sworn declaration, and further averred that he had obtained the Mediator’s permission for Freeman to appear as counsel instead of himself. Liebowitz made the same claims in Plaintiff’s opposition to the sanctions motion. As noted, defense counsel disputes these assertions, stating in a declaration currently filed under seal that the Mediator told counsel that the Mediator never gave Liebowitz such permission and that the Mediator would testify to that effect if called as a witness.

The need to resolve this dispute—and to rule on Defendant’s motion—justifies a limited inquiry into Liebowitz’s communications with the Mediator. Only the Mediator can clarify whether he did, in fact, give Liebowitz advance permission to depart from the Mediation Program’s rules, which applied to the mediation by virtue of Local Civil Rule 83.9. These Rules mandate attendance by “[e]ach party”; mandate attendance “by the lawyer who will be primarily responsible for handling the trial of the matter”; and allow a party who “resides more than 100 miles from the Courthouse” for whom in-person appearance “would be a great hardship” to participate by telephone, but only with the permission of the assigned mediator. Shedding light on these issues is critical for determining whether Liebowitz complied with the Court’s Orders (which incorporated the Local Rules and the Mediation Rules by reference) and whether Liebowitz was truthful in his representations to the Court—some made under penalty of perjury.

The Court does not call upon the Mediator to involve himself further in this litigation lightly. A mediator should generally not be dragged into litigation beyond the mediation itself—both to protect the confidentiality of mediation communications and (mindful that the lawyers who serve as mediators in this Court’s Mediation Program do so on a volunteer basis) to avoid disincentivizing lawyers from serving as mediators. In the unique circumstances of this case, however, it is necessary to call upon the Mediator to provide evidence.

To minimize the burdens on him (and the Mediation Program generally), the Court will carefully limit the evidence required from the Mediator regarding his communications with Liebowitz. Moreover, rather than holding an evidentiary hearing in the first instance, the Court will proceed in steps, beginning with a declaration from the Mediator. In particular, the Mediator shall submit a declaration detailing any and all communications with Liebowitz regarding Liebowitz’s personal attendance at the mediation and Plaintiff’s participation by telephone in the mediation. The Mediator should specify whether (and if so, when and how) he gave Liebowitz permission (1) not to appear personally at the mediation (and to send an associate instead); and (2) for Plaintiff not to appear at the mediation in person and to appear by telephone instead.

Significantly, limiting the Mediator’s disclosures to these issues protects the confidentiality of the information discussed at the mediation itself, which is the primary focus of the rule of confidentiality. That is, the Court’s inquiry concerns only a narrow set of communications about procedural matters that occurred before the mediation proper—not communications about the substance of the case or the parties’ settlement negotiations. Indeed, although Liebowitz casts aspersions on the conduct and good faith of Defendant and defense counsel during the mediation itself in his opposition papers, the Court will not permit inquiry into such matters. These allegations have no bearing on the veracity of Liebowitz’s representations to the Court or the Court’s resolution of Defendant’s sanctions motion—and impinge more directly on the core of the rule of confidentiality….

Moreover, this case falls squarely within the exceptions to the rule of confidentiality recognized by the Second Circuit …. Liebowitz’s representations to the Court in response to Defendant’s sanctions motion, including some under penalty of perjury, have created a special need for the confidential material. Failing to discover the limited information necessary to resolve this factual dispute would not only result in unfairness to Defendant, but would also threaten the integrity of the proceedings before the Court and the integrity of the Court-annexed Mediation Program itself. Given the nature of the communications sought and the careful restrictions the Court has drawn, any remaining interest in confidentiality is outweighed by the need for the Mediator’s evidence….

There is one more matter impinging on the general rule of confidentiality that the Court must address: whether and to what extent the Mediator’s declaration, the transcript of the November 14, 2019 conference, the motion papers filed thus far, and any future filings and proceedings should be made public. “Given the interest in maintaining the confidentiality of negotiations and discussions conducted as part of the Court-annexed Mediation Program,” the Court issued an Order on November 20, 2019 that temporarily sealed any filings made in connection with the sanctions motion pending a final determination by the Court and directed the parties to file letters stating “their views on whether and to what extent the motion filings should remain under seal given the strong presumption in favor of public access to judicial documents.” Amazingly, Liebowitz did not comply with the Court’s Order by filing a letter. Defendant did comply, stating that sealing is not necessary.

For the most part, the Court agrees with Defendant and concludes that the presumption in favor of public access to judicial documents and judicial proceedings requires that the filings and proceedings relating to the sanctions motion should be public. The presumption in favor of public access is especially weighty here, as Defendant has filed a formal motion asking the Court to exercise its coercive authority in the form of sanctions.

In addition, the public has a strong interest in knowing about the additional aspersions cast on Liebowitz’s truthfulness. Following the Court’s warning to “be very, very, very careful” about any representations made to the Court, Liebowitz repeatedly asserted—both in person and in filings—that his and his client’s absences from the mediation were justified because he had received permission in advance. The public—including other litigants—and other judges who may come into contact with Liebowitz, a frequent litigant in this District, have an interest in the Court’s determination of the veracity of these representations.

By contrast, the considerations cutting against public access here are generally weak. As discussed, the interest in confidentiality with respect to the communications that are relevant to the Court’s inquiry is limited. The parties have also expressed no objections to unsealing. Nevertheless, the Court concludes that some redactions are warranted to preserve the confidentiality of substantive mediation discussions and the integrity of the Mediation Program. Specifically, the allegations made in the parties’ submissions about the parties’ conduct at the mediation proper—and, in particular, the content of their negotiations—shall be redacted, as they have no bearing on the sanctions motion and directly implicate the core purpose of the rule of confidentiality. The same is true of the identities of the Mediator and court employees working in the Court-annexed Mediation Program, which shall also be redacted to protect their privacy. The Court finds that the presumption in favor of public access is much weaker as to those portions of the motion papers, and the countervailing interests are stronger….

The Director of the Court-annexed Mediation Program is directed to provide a copy of this Memorandum Opinion and Order to the Mediator, who shall submit a declaration, consistent with the directions above, by December 18, 2019…. Upon review of the Mediator’s declaration, the Court will decide what, if any, further proceedings are necessary to resolve Defendant’s motion.

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How Many Child Arrests Are Too Many?

An Orlando police officer was fired in September after he handcuffed and arrested a 6-year-old girl at school for throwing a temper tantrum. The arrest sparked national outrage, but it was just a single instance of a widespread problem.

ABC News reported in October that, according to FBI crime data, 30,467 children under the age of 10 were arrested in the United States between 2013 and 2018. During the same period, 266,000 children between the ages of 10 and 12 were arrested.

The good news is that the rate of juvenile arrests has dropped significantly since its peak, from roughly 8,500 arrests per 100,000 individuals between the ages of 10 and 17 in 1996 to 2,400 in 2016. The bad news is that law enforcement officers feel more emboldened than ever to arrest children, thanks to our collective focus on school shootings.

In October, an Overland Park, Missouri, cop handcuffed and arrested an eighth-grader who had formed her fingers into a pretend gun and pointed them at her classmates. “I’ll take the heat all day long for arresting a 13-year-old,” the Overland Park Police chief told The Kansas City Star. “I’m not willing to take the heat for not preventing a school tragedy.”

In August, the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that a Kansas City police officer’s handcuffing of a disruptive 7-year-old did not violate the child’s Fourth Amendment rights. Meanwhile, the Monroe County State Attorney’s Office in Florida announced it would file criminal charges against a fifth-grader who brought a steak knife to school; the 10-year-old said she brought it to defend herself in case of an armed attacker. “The thought process on charging her was to get her into the system and get some psychological help for her,” State Attorney Dennis Ward told the Florida Keys Free Press.

Setting aside whether a 10-year-old should be punished for believing what active-shooter drills and wall-to-wall school shooting coverage are beating into kids’ heads, there is a way to help her that doesn’t involve prosecution. The criminal justice system has become America’s default solution for all of its social problems, and that mentality has oozed into the classroom. If we want to stop such outrageous cases, asking state legislators to set statutory age limits for criminal responsibility would be a good place to start. Currently, 34 states have no such limit, while 11 states place the floor at 10 years old. That number should probably be higher. And we should end the open season in the rest of the country.

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Brickbat: Rest Easy

Some members of the Portland, Oregon, Planning and Sustainability Commission say they are concerned by changes the commission has made to the city’s design guidelines. The new language says the the design of developments should “provide opportunities to rest and be welcome.” Commission member Jeff Bachrach said this will have an impact on private property owners. “I think for us to put into design review some loaded words that suggest we want some design commissioners to think about people resting for hours, pitching tents, I think we’re just putting too great of a burden on design review,” he said. But commission member Oriana Magnera defended the new language. “Just one of the realities of Portland right now is that we have a lot of folks who are unhoused who benefit from some of these spaces that provide weather protection,” she said.

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Will the Fed Edge Out the Competition With Real-Time Payments?

Imagine what it must be like for private companies that have invested in a new technology and suddenly find out they have to compete with a tax-supported government agency—the very one that also regulates the industry. That’s what happened when the Federal Reserve entered the real-time payments market. What this development means for the private companies and the consumers they serve in this market is unclear. The outcome will depend on the Fed’s willingness to play by the rules.

The Fed plans to develop what it’s calling the FedNow Service, which is expected to launch sometime in the next five years. FedNow is meant to be a real-time gross settlement service that would compete against private-sector options like The Clearing House (TCH) payment platform, which is run by a consortium of large banks. Real-time payments would significantly speed up the current slow speed of many payments. That’s more convenient for American businesses and consumers, and it reduces the burden on lower-income Americans.

The Fed announcement was a surprise since the agency said earlier that it would intervene in this market if and only if private-sector payment-service providers couldn’t provide a payment-processing system with reasonable effectiveness, scope and equity. The private providers actually did their part to meet the government’s requirements. Yet the government is entering the market nonetheless.

In theory, more competitors with equal legal privileges and obligations should benefit consumers and businesses. At issue is whether this rather unleveled competition from the Fed encourages or discourages the continued expansion of real-time payments and the long-term viability of the market.

For instance, one likely consequence of the uncertainty created by the Fed’s entrance into the market is that current private efforts to expand real-time payments are delayed as banks may wait to see how the market shakes out. At a Senate hearing in September, the Fed’s Esther George did little to address this concern. When asked by Sen. Mike Crapo, (R–Idaho) about fears of unfair competition, George dismissed the question with only a vague reference to “the Federal Reserve’s history in operating payments services across a variety of rails.”

Under questioning from Sen. Pat Toomey, (R–Pa.) she also admitted that the Fed will not commit to a flat-fee structure. In contrast, TCH pledged to maintain a flat-fee structure to protect access for all Americans, regardless of where they’re located or the size of their banks, so long as a competing government service doesn’t enter the market. This condition is perfectly reasonable because they know from experience that the Fed is willing to use volume-based discounts to entice the business of large banks away from competitors.

Another witness at the Senate’s hearing, George Selgin of the Cato Institute, testified to the likely negative consequences of the Fed’s entrance into the real-time payment market. He warned that the Fed’s new focus on FedNow may delay upgrading its existing monopoly on final-settlement services. This delay would slow the introduction of an around-the-clock, 365-days-per-year operation and thus fail to reduce delays on existing payment networks, including those for private, real-time payment services.

More disturbing is the idea that delays could actually be a way to gain a competitive advantage over other payment networks. Selgin explains, “Why is the Fed dragging its feet on an almost universally favored reform that could alone suffice to eliminate most of the more notorious payment delays in this country? The Fed’s actions seem at odds with its overarching public mission. But they are what one would expect from a firm endeavoring to compete successfully with rival payment service providers.” He adds, “The Fed’s hesitation to make 24x7x365 Fed settlements available to private payment service providers may likewise reflect its own desire to give FedNow ‘a leg up’ on other payment networks.”

Despite these concerns, at this point it seems that the Federal Reserve will blaze ahead with FedNow. In that context, it is essential that Congress or the administration ensures that, in competing with private-sector payment service providers, the Fed plays by the rules and contributes to, rather than hinders, the acceleration of U.S. payments. We would expect this much from the private sector. Sticking to the rules is even more important for a government entity with incredible powers.

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Inspector General Michael Horowitz’s Testimony on FBI Failures Should Be a Wakeup Call for the Media and the GOP

Inspector General (IG) Michael Horowitz testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Wednesday, making crystal clear what he wrote in his report: The FBI investigation into the 2016 Trump campaign’s possible collusion with Russia was not politically motivated, but agents involved in the probe made significant and appalling mistakes.

These mistakes should terrify all Americans. But more importantly, they should prompt serious reflection among surveillance state–supporting Republicans who placed implicit trust in the nation’s top law enforcement agency, as well as all those in the mainstream media who uncritically boosted the top men in that agency as #Resistance heroes.

The IG’s report and testimony have exposed the FBI’s wrongful surveillance of Trump campaign adviser Carter Page, which was based on false and conflicting information that somehow made its way into a Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) warrant—and was then included three subsequent times as part of the warrant’s reauthorization. FBI agents knew that the Steele dossier was unreliable and eventually learned that Steele’s sub-sources had contradicted what was in the report, but continued with the surveillance anyway. Here’s an instructive exchange between Sen. Lindsey Graham (R–S.C.) and Horowitz:

The irony, of course, is that Graham has been a full-throated defender of FISA courts, domestic surveillance, and other policies that threaten civil liberties. He conceded this during his comments on Wednesday, saying “I’m a pretty hawkish guy, but if the court doesn’t take corrective action and do something about being manipulated and lied to, you will lose my support.”

The Cassandra of the hour is Sen. Mike Lee (R–Utah), who has been one of the only Republicans willing to sound the alarm about the potential for the FBI to violate Americans’ rights under the current legal regime. Sen. Ben Sasse (R–Neb.) admitted that Lee’s skepticism of the FISA courts now seems justified.

It’s a shame that it took congressional Republicans so long to realize that empowering a vast and secretive bureaucracy to spy on people could easily go disastrously wrong—and it’s telling that they have only finally conceded the point because the abuses have been directed at Trump. Moreover, despite their sudden interest in reforming FISA, “nearly all Rs joined most Ds today to reauthorize intelligence activities without reforms to protect Americans’ rights,” according to Rep. Justin Amash (I–Mich.). I’m glad some Republicans are apparently reconsidering their reflexive trust of the FBI, but clearly they still have a long way to go.

That’s true as well for the mainstream media, which for far too long has given undeserved credit to Trump-critical law enforcement figures like former FBI Directors James Comey and Andrew McCabe. Both have been lionized on cable news and in newspapers. They were routinely labeled brave truth-tellers who took serious personal risks to call out wrongdoing within the administration.

Many of their criticisms of the Trump administration may have been well-founded. But under Comey’s watch, the FBI made major errors. Comey and McCabe were directly involved in the decision to rely on the Steele dossier—a decision that the CIA had serious concerns about. Comey later misled the public about the extent of the FBI’s reliance on the dossier. Indeed, many in the mainstream media had previously claimed that the dossier was not the only basis for the FBI’s interest in Page, because they uncritically believed what the G-men were telling them. We now know that’s wrong—the Steele dossier was the FBI’s key piece of evidence.

Comey is still trying to spin the IG’s report as some kind of vindication. This is delusional and embarrassing. If the media learns anything from this episode, it should be that the fact that Team Trump has ostracized an insufficiently deferential public servant is not enough of a reason to embrace him as a hero and a savior.

The IG report is a wakeup call: for Republicans who foolishly claimed the FBI’s secretive spying process was necessary and unthreatening, for anti-Trump media pundits who uncritically parroted the talking points of top officials, and for any Americans who still think it is worth trading away their liberties. If government agents were this sloppy during a politically charged investigation that they knew would put their entire apparatus under the spotlight, it’s safe to assume their normal conduct is even worse.

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