Sheriff Violated First Amendment by Posting “No Trick-or-Treat” Signs on Sex Offenders’ Front Yards

From McClendon v. Long, decided today by the Eleventh Circuit, in an opinion by Judge Frank Hull, joined by Chief Judge William Pryor and Britt Grant:

In October 2018, two deputies from the Butts County Sheriff’s Office placed signs in the front yards of the residences of all 57 registered sex offenders within the County, warning “STOP” and “NO TRICK-OR-TREAT AT THIS ADDRESS.” Before Halloween 2019, three registered sex offenders living in Butts County sued, seeking to enjoin the Sheriff from placing the signs again. The district court denied a permanent injunction and granted summary judgment in favor of the Sheriff…. [W]e conclude that the Sheriff’s warning signs are compelled government speech, and their placement violates a homeowner’s First Amendment rights. Thus, we vacate the district court’s judgment in favor of the Sheriff and remand for further proceedings consistent with this opinion….

The Sheriff’s Office placed these warning signs in front of the listed homes of all registered sex offenders in Butts County, without considering whether the State had classified any of them as posing an increased risk of recidivism. The deputies collected the signs on November 1….

After the warning signs were placed, Sheriff Long posted a message on his official Facebook page, along with a picture of the sign. In his post, he explained that the signs had only been placed in front of the homes of registered sex offenders. His message also represented that Georgia law forbids registered sex offenders from participating in Halloween …. It is now undisputed, however, that Georgia law does not forbid registered sex offenders from participating in Halloween.

First Amendment protection “includes both the right to speak freely and the right to refrain from speaking at all.” Wooley v. Maynard (1977). “The right to speak and the right to refrain from speaking are complementary components of the broader concept of individual freedom of mind.” The compelled speech doctrine applies to ideological speech and purely factual, non-commercial speech. Riley v. Nat’l Fed’n of the Blind (1988); Nat’l Inst. of Family and Life Advocs. v. Becerra (2018).

In Wooley, the Supreme Court held that it was unconstitutional for the State of New Hampshire to prosecute a citizen for covering the State motto, “Live Free or Die,” on his license plate. Specifically, the Court held that a state could not “constitutionally require an individual to participate in the dissemination of an ideological message by displaying it on his private property in a manner and for the express purpose that it be observed and read by the public.” The Court stated that the New Hampshire statute “in effect requires that appellees use their private property as a ‘mobile billboard’ for the State’s ideological message or suffer a penalty.”

This case is materially similar to Wooley…. [T]he Sheriff required the use of private property as a stationary billboard for his own ideological message, “for the express purpose that it be observed and read by the public.” …

In concluding otherwise, the district court erred in two ways. First, it determined that a compelled government speech claim requires a finding that a reasonable third party would view the speech as “endorsed” by the plaintiff. Wooley contains no such requirement….

Second, the district court erred by determining that the plaintiffs’ ability to place their own yard signs disagreeing with the warning signs could cure the original violation. This ignores that the harm here is the forced display of a government message on private property in violation of the “right to refrain from speaking at all,” not the “forced appearance of endorsement” of that message. Indeed, yard signs at “one’s own residence” are a “distinct and traditionally important medium of expression.” Residents, then, should be able to decide whether to use that traditional medium for speech in the first instance. [Note also that precisely the same argument as the district court’s was made by the dissent in Wooley, but didn’t carry the day. -EV] …

When the government “compel[s] speakers to utter or distribute speech bearing a particular message,” as the Sheriff does here, such a policy imposes a content-based burden on speech and is subject to strict-scrutiny review…. Thus, to be valid under the First Amendment, the placement of the warning signs must be a narrowly tailored means of serving a compelling state interest….

[T]he Sheriff’s interest in protecting children from sexual abuse is compelling. However, the yard signs are not narrowly tailored to achieve that goal.

In 2018, the Sheriff’s deputies placed the signs in the yards of all 57 registered sex offenders in Butts County. Prior to placing the signs, the Sheriff did not consider whether any of the registrants were classified by Georgia as likely to recidivate. He even admitted that, since he took office in 2013, he had never had an issue with a registrant having unauthorized contact or reoffending with a minor on Halloween or at any other time. The Sheriff has not provided any record evidence that the registrants in Butts County actually pose a danger to trick-or-treating children or that these signs would serve to prevent such danger. And the Sheriff bears the burden of proof on the issue of whether his signs are narrowly tailored.

Assuming that yard signs alerting people to the residences of registered sex offenders on Halloween would prevent the sexual abuse of children (which, we repeat, is not supported by any record evidence), the signs are not tailored narrowly enough. Sheriff Long testified that the sex-offender registry, which contains each registrant’s name, address, and photograph, is available on the State of Georgia’s website, on the Butts County website, at Butts County administrative buildings, and at the Butts County Superior Court Clerk’s Office. The Sheriff has made the sex offender registry widely available through government sources, diminishing the need to require residents to disseminate the same information in yard signs on their private property. And, while “narrowly tailored” does not mean “perfectly tailored,” the Sheriff has not met his burden to show the yard signs were narrowly tailored, because he has not offered evidence that any of the yard signs would accomplish the compelling purpose of protecting children from sexual abuse….

The court also rejected the sheriff’s argument that the signs were placed on a publicly-owned easement (a right-of-way): “the Sheriff has not shown that a government entity—much less the Sheriff—owns a right-of-way in fee across the front yards where the plaintiffs reside.”

Congratulations to lawyer Mark Yurachek on the victory.

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Cops With Super Sniffers Fool No One Except the Judge


cops-smelling-marijuana

K-9 units faced some competition from human crime sniffers in Des Moines, Iowa, after three officers claimed olfactory prowess during a traffic stop on October 5, 2019. Court documents from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 8th Circuit revealed that the officers claimed to detect marijuana while driving behind the defendant, Vernon Shumaker. 

The officers testified that they detected less than one gram of marijuana in a closed container coming from a moving car, a football field’s length away, while a hefty breeze cut across traffic. They supposedly picked up the scent of burning marijuana through the open windows of their patrol car and pinpointed the source to a specific vehicle, two cars ahead of them.

Officers insisted “without a shadow of a doubt” that the whiff gave them probable cause to stop the car. They discovered a few unlit marijuana blunts stashed in a covered ashtray. They also found a gun, leading to Shumakers’ arrest for being a felon and drug user in possession of a firearm.

Prosecutors had what they needed for conviction, though they faced one small hurdle, the Fourth Amendment. Officers must have probable cause before they conduct searches and seizures. Yet when Shumaker filed a motion to suppress evidence—based on the limits of human noses—the district court sided with the officers. The 8th Circuit upheld the ruling on December 29, 2021.

Courts are the bulwark of civil rights. Citizens need an engaged judiciary that puts the government to its burden. Yet too often, courts bend over backward to justify officers’ testimony, no matter how implausible—even when government officials have clear conflicts of interest.

Iowa law enforcement agencies routinely use traffic enforcement to generate revenue through a money making scheme called civil forfeiture. When officers seize cash and other valuables, civil forfeiture forces property owners to file affidavits and pay legal fees to recover their assets—even when they are innocent of wrongdoing.

Costs often outweigh the value of seized items, prompting many property owners to walk away. Despite reforms that the Iowa Legislature passed in 2017, some motorists permanently lose assets without ever being arrested or charged with a crime. Police and prosecutors keep 100 percent of those assets.

Policing for Profit,” a 2020 report from the Institute for Justice, shows that civil forfeiture generated more than $100 million for Iowa law enforcement agencies in the last two decades.

That’s a strong financial incentive for aggressive traffic patrols. The Special Enforcement Team within the Des Moines Police Department, which picked up Shumaker, specializes in seizures, and one team member even testified that they make “as many stops as possible.” 

It’s no surprise that an entire cottage industry has sprung up around this practice. The director of the Smell and Taste Center at the University of Pennsylvania Medical Center testified on Shumaker’s behalf, stating that the government’s case reeked of misconduct. The prosecution followed up with their own expert witness from Desert Snow, a multi-million dollar company that trains cops on civil forfeiture proceedings, who claimed that humans can do amazing things with their noses so long as they have the proper “training and experience.” And this assertion was good enough to pass judicial review. 

Passive judges who accept government arguments without rigorous scrutiny are corrosive to the Constitution. Clearly something is rotten in law enforcement and the courts can’t seem to smell it.

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The SHOP SAFE Act Would Entrench Amazon’s Dominance


zumaamericasthirtythree141580 (1)

The SHOP SAFE Act is a typical piece of safety-themed legislation, in that it would accomplish something much more sinister than what its name promises. Far from protecting online shoppers from harmful products, this legislation—sponsored by Rep. Jerry Nadler (D–N.Y.) in the House and by Sen. Chris Coons (D–Del.) in the Senate—threatens to obliterate online marketplaces by subjecting them to increased liability.

Democrats are currently plotting to add the SHOP SAFE Act to the bipartisan Endless Frontier Act, a technology infrastructure bill that already passed in the Senate and could certainly become law sometime in the future. This would be a disaster; the SHOP SAFE Act has massive problems that would make it very difficult for smaller online marketplaces to survive. While the bill is undoubtedly intended to seize on Congress’s anti–Big Tech fervor, the likely outcome of its passage would be the solidification of Amazon’s dominance.

That’s because the bill would raise the liability threshold for online marketplaces: not just Amazon and eBay, but also Etsy, Facebook, and virtually any internet platform where goods can be sold—even Gmail.

“The current bill language could be interpreted to cover anything from Craigslist to Gmail—basically any online service that can play a role in advertising, selling, or delivering goods,” argues the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF). “This isn’t just some reach reading that we came up with; at least two anti-counterfeiting organizations supporting SHOP SAFE have urged Congress to make sure it applies even to Facebook Messenger and WhatsApp.”

Any online platform where goods can theoretically be exchanged could be liable if those goods were counterfeit and “implicate health and safety,” per the bill’s wording. Needless to say, this is extremely broad language that could scare the big platforms’ would-be competitors out of the market entirely. One of the easiest ways to entrench Amazon as the default online marketplace would be for regulators to add a crippling liability burden that only Amazon is wealthy enough to survive.

If that weren’t bad enough, the SHOP SAFE Act also raises serious digital privacy concerns, by requiring platforms to collect information from their vendors. Given how vast the coverage is here, EFF worries about a world in which users have to “provide a copy of your driver’s license to Craigslist just to advertise your garage sale or sell a used bike.”

Eric Goldman, a professor of law at Santa Clara University, describes the bill as a massive invasion of privacy that could inadvertently help hackers obtain damaging information on buyers and sellers.

“This bill will kill online marketplaces and make markets less efficient,” he writes. “The net competitive effects, then, are that consumers will pay higher prices, consumers will lose their ability to find long-tail items and incur higher search costs to do so, existing market leaders will consolidate their dominant positions, and hundreds of thousands of people will lose their jobs.”

Goldman also suspects the bill would drive most if not all online marketplaces out of business, with the possible exception of Amazon.

“Another possibility is that Amazon will be the only player able to comply with the law, in which case the law entrenches an insurmountable competitive moat around Amazon’s marketplace,” he writes.

And for what? The law doesn’t accomplish anything that’s urgently needed by the public. Online marketplaces already have incentives to remove counterfeit merchandise and ensure that vendors are representing their products correctly. The SHOP SAFE Act is a heavy-handed government intervention that will make matters much, much worse.

“Mitigating retail crime is incredibly important but SHOP SAFE intentionally targets e-commerce companies and the sellers that use them in ways that harm their businesses and fail to solve the real underlying problems of fraud and retail crime,” says Jennifer Huddleston, policy counsel at NetChoice, a trade association for tech groups.

It has been all too common for political figures on both sides of the ideological spectrum to rail against the Big Tech menace, proposing solutions that would worsen the very problems they purport to solve. The SHOP SAFE Act falls squarely into this category; frighteningly, it could very well become law.

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Voters Around the World Are Cooling on Populists, Gravitating Toward Technocrats


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The populist wave that swept the world in recent years shows signs of crashing. But don’t expect good things to take its place.

Faith in illiberal, “populist” strongmen may be declining. But this doesn’t correspond with growing respect for liberal democracy.  In countries around the world, support for democracy is waning. And declining faith in democracy was especially potent in the U.S., where the share of people who say democracy is a “bad” system of governance went from 10.5 percent in 2019 to 25.8 percent in 2021.

These findings come from a new mega-study of global attitudes and politics. Looking at survey data from 169 countries, researchers with the University of Cambridge’s Centre for the Future of Democracy found public opinion around populist politics has been shifting since the second quarter of 2020. This shift saw populist leaders around the world lose an average of 10 percentage points in popularity between then and the end of 2021. “There is strong evidence that the pandemic has severely blunted the rise of populism,” lead study author Robert Foa said.

Populism—”a political approach that strives to appeal to ordinary people who feel that their concerns are disregarded by established elite groups,” according to the Oxford English Dictionary—sounds pretty good on the surface. But in practice, it has meant many authoritarian, redistributionist, and nativist ideas, embraced by candidates and parties with disdain for liberal democratic values. In recent years the term populism has been used—not always, but often—almost synonymously with nationalism.

“From [Recep Tayyip] Erdogan and [Jair] Bolsonaro to the ‘strong men’ of Eastern Europe, the planet has experienced a wave of political populism,” said Foa. “Covid-19 may have caused that wave to crest.”

That’s good news from a classical liberal perspective. But the study portends bad news for these liberal democracies overall. Because it also uncovered evidence that this sort of populism is being replaced by increasing trust in technocratic government.

The idea that experts should make decisions “according to what they think best for the country” rose 8 points in the U.S. and 14 points in the U.S. Meanwhile, in almost every country studied, people grew less likely to agree with the statement that the “will of the people” should be obeyed.

Sadly, it appears too much to ask that trying times lead to a rejection of both authoritarian strongmen and trust-the-experts style faith in mainstream politicians.

Over the course of the pandemic, the approval rating for mainstream politicians has fared much better than for more populist leaders and parties.

The researcher speculated several reasons why populist movements have faltered—not all of them reassuring. One theory is that COVID-19 induced immigration restrictions and trade barriers became a norm, accomplishing one of the professed goals of many populist parties and politicians.

Another scary finding from the study is that the pandemic produced some new avenues for illiberalism to frolic. For instance, large percentages of respondents in a number of countries said certain sorts of online discussions around COVID-19 should be banned. In the U.S., more than 25 percent supported policies to “stop rumors about the virus online.”

And, overall, support for liberalism seems to be diminishing. The Cambridge report describes it as a “disturbing erosion of support for core democratic beliefs and principles, including less liberal attitudes with respect to basic civil rights and liberties and weaker preference for democratic government.”

Within democracies, support for democracy is at its lowest point in 26 years.

The recent decline has been most marked among young people. “Younger survey respondents are disproportionately responsible for the illiberal value shift—with a much larger change among respondents aged below 35 than those aged 55 and above,” notes the Cambridge report:

While the ‘values gap’ between the age groups was widening very slowly over the two decades prior to the pandemic, since its start in early 2020 those aged 18-35 have been the most likely to switch towards saying that it would be good to have a ‘strong leader, who doesn’t have to bother with parliament and elections’ and that having a ‘democratic political system’ is a ‘bad’ way to run the country.

Interestingly, countries other than the U.S. seem to have come together more in COVID times. In most democracies, the proportion of people saying they strongly dislike those who vote for opposing parties and politicians was down. But in the U.S.—where the highest percentage of respondents were likely to say this anyway—the needle has barely moved.

You can find the full report, which goes into great detail about the findings, here.


FREE MINDS


FREE MARKETS

The “antitrust” crusade against free markets continues. One key plank of Democratic lawmakers’ agenda has been blocking more business mergers. Now, the Department of Justice (DOJ) and Federal Trade Commission (FTC) say they “are soliciting public input on ways to modernize federal merger guidelines to better detect and prevent illegal, anticompetitive deals in today’s modern markets.” As it stands, antitrust laws say the FTC and DOJ can stop mergers that substantially diminish competition or create a monopoly in that industry. Many in Congress and in the Biden administration have been pushing to “modernize” merger guidelines so that moves currently fine will be defined as illegally anticompetitive. Among other things, this includes saying that many merging businesses must prove that they’re not anticompetitive (instead of putting the burden on the government to prove that they are).


QUICK HITS

• The Postal Service will begin sending out COVID-19 tests:

• New York Attorney General Letitia James said an investigation has “uncovered significant evidence indicating that the Trump Organization used fraudulent and misleading asset valuations on multiple properties to obtain economic benefits, including loans, insurance coverage, and tax deductions for years.”

• The Supreme Court heard oral arguments yesterday in a religious freedom case out of Boston, where the city has refused to fly a Christian flag at city hall despite flying many other kinds of flags there.

• Wait, so the federal government has just been hoarding N95 masks all this time?

• Jay-Z is calling on the DOJ to investigate Kansas City cops.

• The conservative case for philosophical liberalism.

• D.C. now requires proof of vaccination to do things like eat indoors and go to gyms.

• “Omicron is being used as a catch-all excuse for policy changes,” says Matt Shapiro.

• Freddie deBoer tackles the progressive embrace of magic words and how “not everything is eugenics.”

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The U.S. Is Both a Republic and a Democracy

[I thought I’d repost this item of mine from several years ago, since I keep seeing the issue come up.]

[1.] I often hear people argue (often quite militantly) that the United States is a republic, not a democracy. But that’s a false dichotomy. A common definition of “republic” is, to quote the American Heritage Dictionary, “A political order in which the supreme power lies in a body of citizens who are entitled to vote for officers and representatives responsible to them”—we are that. A common definition of “democracy” is, “Government by the people, exercised either directly or through elected representatives”—we are that, too.

The United States is not a direct democracy, in the sense of a country in which laws (and other government decisions) are made predominantly by majority vote. Some lawmaking is done this way, on the state and local levels, but it’s only a tiny fraction of all lawmaking. But we are a representative democracy, which is a form of democracy.

[2.] And the same two meanings of “democracy” (sometimes direct democracy, sometimes popular self-government more generally) existed at the founding of the republic as well. Some framing-era commentators made arguments that distinguished “democracy” and “republic”; see, for instance, the Federalist (No. 10), as well as other numbers of the Federalist papers. But even in that era, “representative democracy” was understood as a form of democracy, alongside “pure democracy”: John Adams used the term “representative democracy” in 1794; so did Noah Webster in 1785; so did St. George Tucker in his 1803 edition of Blackstone; so did Thomas Jefferson in 1815. Tucker’s Blackstone likewise uses “democracy” to describe a representative democracy, even when the qualifier “representative” is omitted.

Likewise, James Wilson, one of the main drafters of the Constitution and one of the first Supreme Court justices, defended the Constitution in 1787 by speaking of the three forms of government being the “monarchical, aristocratical, and democratical,” and said that in a democracy the sovereign power is “inherent in the people, and is either exercised by themselves or by their representatives.” Chief Justice John Marshall—who helped lead the fight in the 1788 Virginia Convention for ratifying the U.S. Constitution—likewise defended the Constitution in that convention by describing it as implementing “democracy” (as opposed to “despotism”), and without the need to even add the qualifier “representative.”

Sir William Blackstone, who was much read and admired by the framers, likewise used “democracy” to include republics: “Baron Montesquieu lays it down, that luxury is necessary in monarchies, as in France; but ruinous to democracies, as in Holland. With regard therefore to England, whose government is compounded of both species, it may still be a dubious question, how far private luxury is a public evil ….” Holland was of course a republic, and England was compounded of monarchy and government by elected representatives; Blackstone was thus labeling such government by elected representatives as a form of “democrac[y].”

The same is so today. America is a democracy, in that it’s not a monarchy or a dictatorship. (Some people claim it is too oligarchic, in which case they’d say America isn’t democratic enough—but again they’d be distinguishing democracy from oligarchy.) America is not a direct democracy, but a representative democracy is a form of democracy.

[3.] And the Framers didn’t just refer to representative government as democratic—they referred to direct democracy as a republic.

One way to get at this is to ask: What is the first nation that you think of that the Framers would likely have called a “Republic”? What is the most famous historical Republic, indeed the one that gave us the word “Republic”?

Why, the Roman Republic, of course, which The Federalist and many others discussed as a republic. And yet in the Roman Republic, there was no representative legislature.

The Senate (which wasn’t elected or representative) did have considerable interpretive and advisory authority, and the elected praetors could interpret the law in important ways. But the laws themselves were made by direct vote of the citizens (or just by the plebeians), in the comitia centuriata, the comitia tributa or the concilium plebis. (If someone suggests that the Senate was Rome’s elected representative legislature, you can point out that it was not elected, not representative, and not a legislature.)

Roman lawmaking was thus direct lawmaking, though with a voting system that heavily favored the rich, not representative lawmaking. The laws had to be proposed by a magistrate, such as a consul or a tribune of the plebs, so it wasn’t precisely like an American initiative. But the laws didn’t have to first be passed by some elected legislative body first (again, remember that there were no elective legislative bodies); in principle, they just had to be proposed by one elected magistrate—such as one of the 10 tribunes of the plebs—and enacted by popular vote in the assembly. You can think of it as something between the modern American referendum and the modern American initiative. But it was direct popular lawmaking, not representative lawmaking.

And the Framers routinely called Rome a republic—indeed, they labeled Athens a republic, even though Golden Age Athens famously involved direct democracy. Hamilton in Federalist No. 6 states that “Sparta, Athens, Rome, and Carthage were all republics.” Hamilton in Federalist No. 34 specifically talked about the Roman legislative assemblies, yet called Rome a republic. Federalist No. 63, generally attributed to Madison, labeled Rome as an example of a “long-lived republic.” (Profs. Akhil Amar and Rob Natelson have written more extensively on this.)

[4.] Today, “republican” does tend to refer more to representative systems, but “democratic” often refers to following the will of the people, whether through direct democracy or representative democracy—the precise meaning differs depending on the context. If you’re asking whether to do something by direct ballot or by representative processes, you might ask whether we should be more democratic or more republican. If you’re asking whether China would be better off giving more power to Chinese voters, you might ask whether it should be more democratic or less democratic, quite apart from whether you think the democracy should be direct or representative.

To be sure, in addition to being a representative democracy, the United States is also a constitutional democracy, in which courts restrain in some measure the democratic will. And the United States is therefore also a constitutional republic. Indeed, the United States might be labeled a constitutional federal representative democracy.

But where one word is used, with all the oversimplification that this necessary entails, “democracy” and “republic” both work. Indeed, since direct democracy—again, a government in which all or most laws are made by direct popular vote—would be impractical given the number and complexity of laws that pretty much any state or national government is expected to enact, it’s unsurprising that the qualifier “representative” would often be omitted. Practically speaking, representative democracy is the only democracy that’s around at any state or national level. (State and even national referenda are sometimes used, but only for a very small part of the state’s or nation’s lawmaking.)

There are lots of arguments that could be had about how our system of government should be structured: whether it should be more or less or differently democratic; whether it should include more or fewer aspects of direct democracy; whether it should have more requirements for supermajoritarian action (such as constitutional constraints, or the filibuster, or what have you); which levels of government (federal, state, or local) should have more or less power; and much more. But claiming that we’re a republic and not a democracy (or a democracy and not a republic) strikes me as inconsistent both with modern usage and with how the leading lights of the Framing Era and early Republic generally treated the terms.

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The Right to Defy Criminal Demands: Negligence and the Estranged Spouse’s Criminal Demands

I’ve just finished up a rough draft of my The Right to Defy Criminal Demands article (6 years in the making), and I thought I’d serialize it here, minus most of the footnotes (which you can see in the full PDF). I’d love to hear people’s reactions and recommendations, since there’s still plenty of time to edit it. You can also be previous posts (and any future posts, as they come up), here.

[* * *]

Let’s return to the Introduction and to our Danielle, whom Craig is trying to force to do something through threat of criminal attack. Danielle, like all of us, “ordinarily has a duty to exercise reasonable care when [her] conduct creates a risk of physical harm.” That includes a duty not to unreasonably increase the risk of criminal attack: “The conduct of a defendant can lack reasonable care insofar as it foreseeably combines with or permits the improper conduct of the plaintiff or a third party.” Thus, for instance, Danielle could be sued for negligence if she hires someone who foreseeably criminally attacks her customers, or if she lends a dangerous weapon to someone who foreseeably uses it to attack someone.

Say then that Danielle is aware that Craig is likely to violently attack her if she does X (is publicly seen with a new lover, continues to perform abortions, or sells a blasphemous magazine) or refuses to do Y (hand over the property that Craig is demanding). And say that bystander Paul is then injured in such an attack. The Paul v. Danielle lawsuit could easily be seen as raising a jury question as to whether Danielle is liable:

  1. Danielle’s conduct created a risk of physical harm. Though the conduct was not dangerous by itself, it became dangerous because of the threat of Craig’s attack. And even if Danielle is being faulted for not acting, for instance by not turning over property to a robber, she may still have had a duty to prevent the risk of physical harm, for instance to customers of her business.
  2. This risk is foreseeable, if Craig has made such threats, has engaged in such attacks in the past, or is just known to Danielle to be a person who would be enraged by her conduct (e.g., an estranged husband whom she knows to be violently jealous).
  3. Danielle’s conduct would be the but-for cause of Paul’s injury, since, had she complied with Craig’s demands, it’s more likely than not that Paul wouldn’t have been injured.
  4. It should therefore be up to the jury to decide whether Danielle acted reasonably in doing X or not doing Y, balancing the costs to her of complying with the demands against the benefits to Paul of avoiding Craig’s violent attack.

Consider some concrete cases, which I lay out below.

[1.] Touchette v. Ganal

Mabel Ganal had an affair with David Touchette, and soon left her husband, Orlando Ganal, to move in with her parents. Orlando then broke into the parents’ home, murdered the parents, and injured Mabel and their son. He drove to the Touchette family’s home, blocked the doors and set the house on fire, murdering four Touchette family members and severely injuring a fifth. (David Touchette himself wasn’t there.) Orlando then set fire to his ex-employer’s premises, though no-one was injured there.[1]

Touchette’s sister, Wendy Touchette, then sued on behalf of her murdered relatives. Among others, she sued Mabel, claiming that Mabel had acted negligently in provoking Orlando, and the Hawaii Supreme Court agreed that the case could go forward:

Mabel had a duty to refrain from [her own] conduct that would create an unreasonable risk of harm to another through [Orlando] Ganal’s conduct…. [A]ppellant’s complaint against Mabel in the present case alleges affirmative conduct, or alleged “misfeasance” on the part of Mabel, in that “defendant Mabel Ganal initiated and maintained a course of conduct which involved taunting and humiliating defendant Orlando T. Ganal, Sr. by flaunting her extra marital love affair with David Touchette” (emphasis added), … [which] “… caused defendant Orlando T. Ganal, Sr. to suffer severe and extreme emotional and mental distress and depression,” thereby implicating the duty [to exercise reasonable care when one’s conduct creates a risk of harm to others] ….

The alleged “taunting and humiliating” included, in addition to “flaunting” the affair, telling Orlando that Touchette was a better lover than he had been. (The court noted that Mabel wasn’t being held liable for the omission of failing to prevent her husband’s crime, but for her affirmative acts in provoking the crime.) The case later settled for a six-figure amount, paid by Mabel’s homeowner’s insurance. Some years later, a Florida trial court case followed Touchette in similar factual circumstances. And the result fits the logic of modern tort law, as laid about above.[2]

To be sure, Touchette doesn’t fit perfectly into the pattern I discuss in the Introduction (which is why my Touchette-based hypothetical alters a few elements): There is no allegation that Orlando had expressly demanded that Mabel not taunt him. Still, the case strikes me as quite analogous. Presumably Mabel knew that her jealous husband wouldn’t want to hear about her new relationship and his own inadequacies, even if he had never expressly demanded that she not “taunt” him about such things. And the Touchette decision holds that people in Mabel’s shoes have a duty (as part of their duty to avoid creating unreasonable risks of harm to others) to avoid such behavior that fails to comply with such unstated demands backed by the threat of violence.[3]

More broadly, under the logic of Touchette, a demand such as the one I hypothesize in the Introduction would even more clearly create a duty to comply. It would just make even more foreseeable the possible harm to third parties if the demand is defied.

Of course, this decision simply left the matter to the jury; it didn’t hold that the jury had to hold Mabel liable. Nonetheless, such denials of motions to dismiss will often lead to the case settling because of the risk of liability (and the expense of litigation)—that is what happened in Touchette. And they send a normative message about duty: The duty to take reasonable care may sometimes include a duty to obey criminals’ demands, even if it’s up to each jury to decide what was reasonable under the facts of the particular case.

[2.] Hurn v. Greenway

Carrie Randall-Evans was married to Jeffrey Evans, but the marriage wasn’t going well: She was frightened of Jeffrey, who often insulted and threatened her, and she was staying at a friend’s house to avoid him. At the friend’s, she met Simone Greenway, and the two became close.

Some time later, Carrie and Greenway were at Greenway’s house, and Jeffrey (with whom Carrie had continued to have a relationship) was there as well, as was Bill Anthony, a friend of Greenway’s.

… Carrie and Greenway sat at one end of the couch and held hands; Carrie appeared afraid but did not discuss why. Greenway said that Carrie sat next to her “like she wanted [Greenway] to protect her.” Jeffrey asked Carrie and Greenway, “[W]hat would you girls do if somebody came in that door right now, after you?” Carrie and Greenway gave each other a high five and said, “[W]e’d kick his ass.”

Carrie and Greenway began … dancing. While dancing, Greenway and Carrie kissed and touched each other. Greenway acknowledged that they were “laughing and joking and making fun out of [Jeffrey]” and that she was teasing Jeffrey “on purpose,” with the intent of punishing him “because he was a jealous man.” Greenway said that while she was laughing at Jeffrey she was attempting to express to Carrie the nonverbal message that “you don’t have to be afraid…. [T]his my domain, you don’t have to be afraid here.” While being teased, Jeffrey “had no emotion, showed none whatsoever. He was stone cold, no emotion.”

Shortly after that, Jeffrey shot Greenway (who survived) and Anthony and Carrie, who died.

David Hurn, the father of Carrie’s two children, sued on their behalf; he sued both Jeffrey’s estate (which settled for $800,000, but was unable to pay it) and Greenway. His claim against Greenway was that “Greenway was negligent when she made sexual advances towards Carrie Randall-Evans while her husband Jeffrey Evans was in the home.”

Now obviously Greenway and Carrie were doing something risky, especially given that they knew that Jeffrey had threatened Carrie before, and Carrie was afraid of him. Greenway had a legal duty to act reasonably when creating a risk to others; and but for her actions, Jeffrey likely wouldn’t have attacked Carrie (or at least wouldn’t have attacked her as violently). Under the reasoning of Touchette, there likely would be a jury question as to whether Greenway acted unreasonably.

But the Alaska Supreme Court rejected the Hawaii Supreme Court’s views. First, it concluded that “Jeffrey’s violence was not foreseeable,” even though “Greenway knew that Jeffrey had threatened Carrie with physical harm in the past; Carrie was afraid that Jeffrey would kill her; Jeffrey was a jealous man; on the night of the murder Jeffrey sometimes wore a ‘stone cold expression’ that betrayed no emotion; and prior to Greenway’s dance, he had issued a veiled threat: ‘What would you girls do if someone came in that door right now, after you?'” “It is not clear,” the court held, “that homicide could ever be the foreseeable result of mere teasing, and Greenway could not foresee such violence here.”

But the court didn’t stop there, perhaps in part because foreseeability is usually a question for the jury; rather, it held Simone’s duty should be limited, as a matter of law:

Hurn asks us to reduce domestic violence in this state by imposing a duty to “refrain from teasing or bullying someone known to be potentially violent.” But we refuse to give victims the duty to prevent their own abuse and then hold them liable when they fail….

And if Greenway is liable for taunting an abusive husband, it follows that victims themselves may be liable for provoking their partners if the result is harm to a third party…. . [Such liability is] particularly troubling where, as here, the “provocation” is an act of resistance. [Footnote: The sparring, dancing, and teasing at issue were a direct response to Jeffrey’s not-so-veiled threat to Carrie and Greenway’s physical safety …. While they were sparring and dancing and laughing at Jeffrey, Greenway was expressing to Carrie: “[T]his is my domain, you don’t have to be afraid here.”] We reject the idea that victims are responsible for the violence they endure in the home, and we will not blame them for their otherwise reasonable actions simply because those actions foreseeably result in violence….[4]

It seems to me this logic is correct, and can fit negligence law in two possible ways.

First, one could say that, as a matter of law, Greenway’s conduct was not unreasonable. Perhaps nonviolent “resistance” to “abuse” is never unreasonable, maybe because the dignitary burden of having to avoid such resistance would be too great. [5]

Second, one could conclude that there ought to be a limitation to the normal duty “to exercise reasonable care when [your] conduct creates a risk of physical harm”; to quote the Restatement (Third) of Torts,

In exceptional cases, when an articulated countervailing principle or policy warrants denying or limiting liability in a particular class of cases, a court may decide that the defendant has no duty or that the ordinary duty of reasonable care requires modification.

Perhaps this is one of those exceptional cases, a right to defy criminals—a right not to have adjust one’s behavior to obey a criminal’s implicit demands—making up this “countervailing principle or policy.”
[3.] Rojas v. Diaz
Patricia Diaz was fleeing her abusive husband, David Alvarez, “who had physically and emotionally abused Patricia and threatened to kill her.” Patricia’s aunt, Celia Diaz, let Patricia and Patricia’s sister Veronica Diaz stay with her, though she “made it clear they could only stay at her house for three days because she was concerned Alvarez might go after Patricia, and she ‘didn’t want any problems.'” Indeed, on the third day, David Alvarez came to the house and killed four people who were there (but not Patricia and Veronica, who had left that morning). One of the murdered was Manuel Rojas, who had done some gardening for Celia earlier that day and had come back for a drink of water.

Rojas’s family sued Celia for negligently failing to warn Rojas of the danger posed by Alvarez (so that, perhaps, Rojas might have skipped coming to mow the lawn while Veronica was there and the threat from Alvarez was most serious). The Court of Appeal held that this didn’t state a claim, because the attack by Alvarez wasn’t sufficiently foreseeable:

Patricia had communicated to Diaz that she was afraid Alvarez would harm her brothers; Diaz thought Alvarez would come after Patricia at Diaz’s house, so Diaz limited Patricia’s stay to only three days; Diaz was aware of Alvarez’s propensity for violence and that he had threatened to kill Patricia. While these facts suggest that Patricia was in danger of continued physical abuse at the hands of Alvarez, they do not logically point to the events that took place on September 29, 1996, during which Alvarez showed up at Diaz’s home with a female accomplice who proceeded to help him rob, stab and shoot the occupants of Diaz’s house.

And this might have reflected the California rule that “third party criminal acts [should be analyzed] differently from ordinary negligence, and require us to apply a heightened sense of foreseeability before we can hold a defendant liable for the criminal acts of third parties.”

But a similar scenario can easily arise when an attack is indeed foreseeable, even under a heightened standard, and when the alleged negligence wasn’t just a failure to warn but the decision to harbor a stalking victim. Say, for instance, that

  • Alvarez had actually tried to shoot Patricia in the past (so a subsequent attempt to kill was much more foreseeable);
  • Celia had decided to let Patricia stay indefinitely;
  • Alvarez came to Celia’s house, shot at Patricia, and injured a tenant or neighbor of Celia’s; and
  • the injured party sued Celia, claiming that letting Patricia stay at her house unreasonably increased the risk to tenants and neighbors.

This would squarely raise the problem with which this Article deals.

[1] I generally refer to the parties by their last names, except when two parties share a last name, in which case I use the first name to avoid ambiguity.

[2] Note that the court expressly rejected the view that Mabel had a duty to control Orlando as her husband. Touchette, 922 P.2d at 355. Its rationale rested entirely on Mabel’s having engaged in “conduct that would create an unreasonable risk of harm to another through Ganal’s conduct,” id., by allegedly “flaunting her extra marital love affair with David Touchette” and taunting and humiliating [Orlando] with respect to that affair,” id. at 358.

[3] The same would apply in situations involving property damage to third parties (e.g., arson, vandalism, and the like) that is factually caused by a defendant’s provoking plaintiff; negligently causing property damage is of course also actionable under the negligence tort.

[4] The court mentioned Touchette briefly, and distinguished it on the grounds that “the allegations in that case”—”that the wife taunted and humiliated the husband and caused him ‘to suffer severe and extreme emotional and mental distress and depression’—”were more severe than the uncontested facts in this one.” But it seems to me that the logic of Hurn would justify the opposite result from Touchette even on Touchette‘s facts.

[5] For another example of resistance, though one that has fortunately not led to a murder, see Letitia Stein & Colleen Jenkins, Mohammad Cartoonist Says U.S. Police Killing of Two Gunmen ‘Justice’, Reuters, May 4, 2015 (“For the cartoonist whose portrait of Mohammad won a Texas contest, the police killing of two gunmen outside the meeting place was justice…. [Bosch] Fawstin’s winning entry depicts a sword-wielding Prophet in a turban shouting, ‘You can’t draw me.’ In reply, a cartoon bubble portrays the artist, his hand grasping a pencil, as saying, ‘That’s why I draw you.'”); cf. John F. Trent, Cartoonist and Graphic Novelist Bosch Fawstin Faces Numerous Death Threats After Drawing Muhammed, Bounding Into Comics, Sept. 10, 2018, https://‌boundingintocomics.com/‌2018/‌09/‌10/‌cartoonist-and-graphic-novelist-bosch-fawstin-faces-numerous-death-threats-after-drawing-muhammed/‌; 2005 Will Eisner Comic Industry Awards, http://‌www.hahnlibrary.net/‌comics/‌awards/‌eisner05.php (noting that Fawstin’s earlier work had been nominated for a prominent award). Fawstin’s defiance may stem in part from his being “an ex-Muslim atheist.” Robert L. Jones, Bosch Fawstin: Infidel Activist, Atlas Society, Mar. 1, 2018, https://‌www.atlassociety.org/‌post/‌bosch-fawstin-infidel-artist. Cf. Stop the Cartoonist Bosch Fawstin Who Draws Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him), Change.org, https://‌www.change.org/‌p/‌kevin-systrom-stop-the-cartoonist-bosch-fawstin-who-draws-prophet-muhammad-peace-be-upon-him (petition with almost 50,000 signatures demanding that Instagram remove Fawstin’s account).

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Brickbat: Snow Job


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When heavy snow closed State Route 903 in Washington, Kittitas County officials offered to send public works crews to clear the highway. But state officials turned down the help because the county could not guarantee that all of its workers are vaccinated against COVID-19. Gov. Jay Inslee has mandated that all state employees be vaccinated. That applies to contract workers and those working under intergovernmental agreements. The government of Kittitas County does not have a vaccine mandate.

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Justice Gorsuch’s Error in NFIB v. OSHA

Patterico pointed out an error in Justice Gorsuch’s dissent from NFIB v. OSHA. Here is the passage from the dissent:

As the agency itself explained to a federal court less than two years ago, the statute does “not authorize OSHA to issue sweeping health standards” that affect workers’ lives outside the workplace. Brief for Department of Labor, In re: AFL–CIO, No. 20–1158, pp. 3, 33 (CADC 2020). Yet that is precisely what the agency seeks to do now—regulate not just what happens inside the workplace but induce individuals to undertake a medical procedure that affects their lives outside the workplace.

And here is the relevant passage from the brief:

 The OSH Act does not authorize OSHA to issue sweeping health standards to address entire classes of known and unknown infectious diseases on an emergency basis without notice and comment. Cf. AFL-CIO v. OSHA, 965 F.2d 962, 972 (11th Cir. 1992) (vacating standard that regulated hundreds of “diverse” airborne substances without “substantial evidence in the record” to support the regulation of each).

The 2020 brief was discussing an ETS for infectious diseases that are both “known and unknown.” That brief did not concern the broader power of “OSHA ‘to issue sweeping health standards’ that affect workers’ lives outside the workplace.”

When I saw this error, my immediate thought was, “Where did Gorsuch get it from?” Based on my research, I could not spot a citation to the 2020 brief in any of the Supreme Court filings. But this citation does appear in the amicus brief filed in the Sixth Circuit by the Michigan House of Representatives and Michigan Senate. The brief, I think, accurately quotes from the Labor Department filings:

As laudable as these public-health goals are, Congress did not authorize OSHA to issue occupational standards, especially emergency temporary standards, designed to eradicate harms outside the workplace. In fact, the Labor Department disclaimed such authority last year in response to a labor union’s attempt to force its hand on this very issue, arguing “[t]he OSH Act does not authorize OSHA to issue sweeping health standards to address entire classes of known and unknown infectious diseases on an emergency basis without notice and comment.” Dep’t of Labor’s Response to Emergency Pet. for a Writ of Mandamus, In re Am. Fed’n of Labor & Cong. of Indus. Orgs., No. 20-1158 at 33-34 (D.C. Cir. May 29, 2020).

The Michigan brief includes the “known and unknown” caveat, that Gorsuch did not.

Ultimately, this error was harmless. With or without this citation, the dissent stands on its own. Regrettably, one of the downsides of the rocket docket is that there is less time to check all sources.

Justice Scalia followed a process known as “booking.” As Willie Jay described it, “rereading each original source before he would cite it in the opinion.” Judge Joan Larsen offered this recollection:

The final step in producing an opinion, after the justice had turned his elegant and pointed pen on the humble drafts we law clerks submitted, was called “booking.” We would wheel a library cart into his chambers (we used actual print volumes back then) and sit beside him on the big leather couch, feeling ourselves once again grow smaller as he read through every statute, case or article cited in support, front to back. Woe to the clerk who tried to cut a corner, or to cheat even a little; worse yet if he thought you had done it to try to reach a particular outcome that the law would not support. And no explaining why it wasn’t your fault. “Strict liability for law clerks,” we used to joke. But that was the right rule. “This is the Supreme Court, not a moot court competition,” he would remind us. “We have a duty to get things right.”

And Taylor A.R. Meehan shared this memory:

Likewise, no opinion circulated until Justice Scalia “booked” it for accuracy. “Booking” entailed a law clerk’s bringing him a library cart full of every opinion, statute, or article cited in the draft for the Justice to read. Marking up the draft with a red pencil, the Justice would cross-examine the law clerk about whether a “see” signal was fair for a particular citation or whether there might be a better authority for a point made, for however long it took.

Booking would have avoided this error.

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Leaks from SCOTUS About Maskgate!?

Back in September, I celebrated the fact that there were no ostensible leaks from the Supreme Court to the press. Joan Biskupic, who once had more leaks than a plumber, came up dry. Fortunately, Chief Justice Roberts did not have to resign.

Fast-forward to January 18. Several journalists reported on a leak, of some sort, from the Supreme Court. No, we do not have inside information about Dobbs, or the shadow docket, or pending retirement news. We have leaks about Maskgate. Yes, the decision of Justice Gorsuch not to wear a mask on the bench.

First, Nina Totenberg include this tidbit in her published report:

Now, though, the situation had changed with the omicron surge, and according to court sources, Sotomayor did not feel safe in close proximity to people who were unmasked. Chief Justice John Roberts, understanding that, in some form asked the other justices to mask up.

They all did. Except Gorsuch, who, as it happens, sits next to Sotomayor on the bench. His continued refusal since then has also meant that Sotomayor has not attended the justices’ weekly conference in person, joining instead by telephone.

When I read these paragraphs, I immediately perked up. Somehow, Totenberg reported on something Chief Justice Roberts did. What exactly he did, we are not sure. But Roberts took some action. Co-Blogger Jon Adler also picked up on Totenberg’s reporting:

The particular wording of Totenberg’s report (italicized above) caught my eye. What does it mean that the Chief Justice asked the other justices “in some form”? Totenberg is a careful reporter, so this extra language is there for a reason. Just as reporters are often very careful about how they characterize anonymous sources, this qualifying language is serving some purpose. At the least, it suggests that there was not a formal, direct request from the Chief to all of the other justices, but something less than that (or that is all Totenberg’s source was willing to say.

Later in the day, Totenberg appeared on All Things Considered. She repeated her claim, almost verbatim.

But now with the omicron surge, the situation had changed. And according to court sources, Sotomayor didn’t feel safe in close proximity to people who were unmasked. So Chief Justice John Roberts, understanding that, in some form or other suggested that the other justices mask up. And they all did, except Gorsuch, who, as it happens, sits next to Sotomayor on the bench. His continued refusal also meant that Sotomayor did not attend the justices’ weekly conference in person, joining instead by telephone. And she will do it again this week.

Her comment on the live broadcast here was nearly identical to her comment in print–thought she added “some form or other.” Again, Totenberg seems to be writing based on inside information.

Tuesday evening, Ariane de Vogue published a similar account on CNN, with more details:

Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor has been listening to arguments remotely from her chambers because she doesn’t feel comfortable sitting on the bench near colleagues who are not masked, including Justice Neil Gorsuch, according to a source familiar with the situation.

Here we have a single source, not multiple sources. And it does not say a source within the Court, or some such qualifier. It merely says a “source familiar with situation.” Who knows how this source would have inside info?

Later in the piece, we get this paragraph:

At the beginning of the term, Sotomayor wore a mask on the bench at many cases. Another source familiar with the situation said that after Omicron surged, Sotomayor expressed her concerns to Chief Justice John Roberts. The source said she did not directly ask Gorsuch to wear a mask. She has participated remotely during arguments this month.

Ah, now we have “another source.” It is not clear if this source is the same source referenced in the first paragraph, although the accounts seem similar enough. How did this private conversation between Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Sotomayor leak to the public?

Finally, Shannon Bream appeared on Fox News to respond to Totenberg’s reporting. She said:

“A source at the Supreme Court says there has been no blanket admonition or request from Chief Justice Roberts that the other Justices begin wearing masks to arguments. The source further stated Justice Sotomayor did not make any such request to Justice Gorsuch. I’m told, given that fact, there was no refusal by Justice Gorsuch.”

Here, we have “a source at the Supreme Court,” and not just a “source familiar with the situation.” So that source seems closer to the Court. But the statement is not very helpful. Roberts may have done something short of a “blanket admonition or request.” Totenberg’s carefully crafted statement suggests something more subtle may have been done. Also, Bream agrees with De Vogue that Sotomayor did not ask Gorsuch directly.

I am not sure what to make of these leaks. Somehow, private conversations are getting to the press. Three journalists each have consistent accounts, with slightly different shadings. I hope these leaks do not augur further leaks about Dobbs and other cases. Things have been relatively quiet. I am still on the lookout for a spate of writings, in short order, about the abortion case. Like with Bostock, that pattern suggests something is afoot.

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