Supreme Court Takes Case That Could End Internet Censorship, Expand First Amendment

Authored by Carmine Sabia via Citizen Truth,

After the recent purge of over 800 independent media outlets on Facebook, the Supreme Court is now hearing a case that could have ramifications for any future attempts at similar purges.

The United States Supreme Court has agreed to take a case that could change free speech on the Internet forever.

Manhattan Community Access Corp. v. Halleck, No. 17-702, the case that it has agreed to take, will decide if the private operator of a public access network is considered a state actor, CNBC reported.

The case could affect how companies like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Google and YouTube are governed. If the Court were to issue a far-reaching ruling it could subject such companies to First Amendment lawsuits and force them to allow a much broader scope of free speech from its users.

The Court decided to take the case on Friday and it is the first case that was taken after Justice Brett Kavanaugh joined the Court.

DeeDee Halleck and Jesus Melendez claimed that they were fired from Manhattan Neighborhood Network for speaking critically of the network. And, though the case does not involve the Internet giants, it could create a ruling that expands the First Amendment beyond the government.

“We stand at a moment when the very issue at the heart of this case — the interplay between private entities, nontraditional media, and the First Amendment — has been playing out in the courts, in other branches of government, and in the media itself,” the attorneys from MNN wrote in their letter to the Court asking it to take the case.

The Court could either rule in MNN’s favor, rule against it in a narrow scope that does not affect other companies, or it could rule in a broad manner that would prevent the abilities of private networks and Internet companies to limit or censor speech on their platforms.

Censorship, Free Speech or Enforcing Company Policy

It comes at a time when Facebook has purged around 800 independent media pages in one day. The media outlets ranged the spectrum from far left to far right and many that either had no political affiliation or were not extreme in their politics. Facebook claimed that the pages were engaged in “inauthentic behavior” and as a private company it does not have to answer to anyone regarding how it enforces its terms of service.

ACLU attorney Vera Eidelman said Facebook, as a private company, can enforce their terms however it sees fit, but that could result in serious free speech consequences.

“Drawing the line between ‘real’ and ‘inauthentic’ views is a difficult enterprise that could put everything from important political parody to genuine but outlandish views on the chopping block,” Eidelman said.

“It could also chill individuals who only feel safe speaking out anonymously or pseudonymously.”

The MNN case could change that and force Facebook, and other companies, to protect users First Amendment rights.

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As Portland Cracks Down On Violent Protests, Seattle Antifa Dox ICE Agents Over Twitter

Following a series of violent protests, the mayor of Portland has proposed new measures aimed at separating conservatives and liberals before anybody gets hurt. 

On Monday afternoon, Democrat Mayor Ted Wheeler proposed an emergency ordinance which would allow police to physically separate protesters and counter-protesters – corralling anyone with a history of violence into designated zones with enhanced police supervision .

“I will not allow continued, planned street violence between rival factions to take place in Portland, Oregon,” said Wheeler at a Monday press conference.

His comments come two days after leftist members of Antifa brawled with right-wing activism groups Proud Boys and Patriot Prayer – which saw protesters beating and assaulting each other with pepper spray. Several injuries were reported. 

Portland has become ground zero for violent protests by leftist mobs. In August, Antifa protesters stormed City Hall to protest the city’s crowd control techniques used by police during a counter-protest of a conservative march the week before. 

City Hall chief of security, Dorothy Elmore, was struck in the arm by a protester, while an unidentified bandana-clad man who was found sprawled on the floor outside the mayor’s office was arrested and carried out by his arms and legs. Also arrested was 67-year-old Diane Keeauve, according to Portland police spokesman Sgt. Chris Burley. 

In July, Antifa engaged the Proud Boys and Patriot Prayer in the “Battle of Portland,” which resulted in a viral video of an masked member of Antifa getting knocked out by a Proud Boy known as Rufio. 

Doxing in Seattle…

As documented by Far Left Watch, Twitter has been allowing Seattle Antifa members to post private, identifying information (Doxing) of ICE agents – which isn’t the first time the Social Media giant has allowed this behavior against conservatives and others with divergent views.

Recently Twitter took no action after controversial journalist Caitlin Johnstone was doxed. Johnstone writes: 

***

After my August Twitter suspension a #Resistance account publicly doxxed me, posting my home address, phone number and other information. I didn’t make a public ordeal out of it at the time because I obviously didn’t want to draw attention to it, but I did report it because I wanted it deleted. I was not expecting Twitter Support to reject my report, especially after they had me jump through a bunch of hoops to prove that I did in fact live where the doxxer was saying I lived, but they did.

“We understand that you might come across content on Twitter that you dislike or find offensive,” Twitter wrote back.

“However, after investigating the reported content we found it was not in violation of Twitter’s private information policy. As a result, it won’t be removed at this time.”

***

And as Far Left Watch notes, one of the best examples of this double standard is Twitter’s inaction regarding the violent Seattle Antifa cell, Greater Seattle GDC. On June 21st of this year, this Anitfa cell used their Twitter account to distribute a blog post from the Puget Sound Anarchists that included the names and home addresses of 37 Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents and even included the personal contact information for their spouses. This violates multiple Twitter Terms of Service and this has been brought to Twitter’s attention on numerous occasions throughout the last two months. Despite being reported multiple times, the account is still active and the tweet that targets and endangers ICE agents and their families is still live.

Tweet from @GDCSeattle and redacted contents of the document they distributed

Here is a timeline of all the separate times we have reported this tweet and attempted to bring it to the attention of Twitter Support and Twitter CEO, Jack Dorsey.

August 16th:

After reporting both of the the tweets in the screenshots below, we sent out our own tweet exposing the selective enforcement of Twitter’s TOS and tagged Jack. This was retweeted over 1,400 times.

August 23rd:

We reported this tweet again and then sent out our own tweet this time also tagging @TwitterSupport and pointing out that we had reported it previously but no action had been taken. This was retweeted over 500 times.

September 5th:

After Twitter suspended Gavin McInnes and all of the Proud Boys accounts claiming they were a  “violent extremist group”, we again reported this tweet and shared a screenshot trying to determine why Twitter had still taken no action. This was retweeted almost 200 times.

September 6th:

After Twitter suspended Alex Jones we again reported this tweet and shared a screenshot trying to determine why Twitter had still taken no action. This was retweeted almost 300 times.

September 9th:

After Twitter temporarily suspended Benghazi survivor, Kris Paronto, we again reported this tweet and shared the screenshot trying to determine why Twitter had still taken no action.This was retweeted almost 200 times.

September 10th:

We reported the tweet again and then shared a screenshot pointing out that while numerous right-of-center influencers had been either temporarily or permanently suspended, that Twitter had still taken no action against this violent far-left extremist group. This was retweeted almost 1,000 times.

September 13th:

We reported the Tweet and then again shared the screenshots and asked Twitter CEO, Jack Dorsey why in spite of being reported numerous times was this tweet still live. This was retweeted over 300 times.

Throughout the last two months we personally reported this tweet and the account multiple times. We also received numerous screenshots from other Twitter users who also reported this account. Despite the clear violation of Twitter TOS and being reported numerous times, why has Twitter decided to take no action against this account? I think it has been made abundantly clear that Twitter selectively enforces their Terms of Service in order to advance a left-wing ideology.

*  *  *

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Hours After Treasury Report, PBOC Slashes Yuan Fix To Weakest In 21 Months

Just hours after the US Treasury failed to assign “currency manipulator” status to China, The PBOC lowered the Yuan Fix tonight (by the most in two months) to its weakest against the USDollar since January 2017. Offshore Yuan tumbled…

The brief pop in offshore yuan after the Treasury report is gone…

 

As the Yuan was fixed dramatically weaker (biggest devaluation in 2 months)…

 

To its weakest since January 2017…

 

Is this a not-so-subtle message to Mnuchin and Trump?

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How The FBI Silences Whistleblowers

Authored by John Kiriakou via ConsortiumNews.com,

Speaking truth to power has ruined Darin Jones, a former FBI contract specialist who reported evidence of serious procurement improprieties. He should be the last federal whistleblower victimized…

The idea of “whistleblowing” has been in the news a great deal.

Is the anonymous author of a recent New York Times op-ed eviscerating the president a whistleblower?  

Is the victim of an alleged sexual assault by Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh a whistleblower?  

I’m fortunate to have access to the media to talk about torture after blowing the whistle on the CIA’s program. I think Ed Snowden, Tom Drake and others would say the same thing about the aftermath of their own whistleblowing.

Cost of Doing the Right Thing

The problem is that we are the exception to the rule. Most whistleblowers either suffer in anonymity or are personally, professionally, socially and financially ruined for speaking truth to power. Darin Jones is one of those people. He’s one of the people silenced in Barack Obama’s war on whistleblowers. And he continues to suffer under Donald Trump.

Jones was an FBI supervisory contract specialist who in 2012 reported evidence of serious procurement improprieties to his superior. Jones maintained that Computer Sciences Corporation (CSC) had been awarded a $40 million contract improperly because a former FBI official with responsibility for granting the contract then was hired as a consultant at CSC. Jones said, rightly, that this was a violation of the Procurement Integrity Act. He made seven other disclosures alleging financial improprieties in the FBI, and he was promptly fired for his troubles.  

Remember, the United States has a Whistleblower Protection Act.  Any federal employee who brings to light evidence of waste, fraud, abuse, illegality, or threats to the public health or public safety is protected under federal statute.

The FBI didn’t care, though. Jones was a troublemaker. He was talking about his fellow FBI agents. And he had to be silenced.

Immediately upon his firing, Jones appealed. He was not reinstated, however, because he had made his revelation to his supervisor and not to one of the nine people on the FBI leadership-approved list of who could hear a whistleblower complaint. Jones appealed again, beginning a more than four-year odyssey.

Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) is the champion of whistleblowers on Capitol Hill, whether you like his politics or not. Jones contacted Grassley and asked for help. His dismissal was clearly retaliation for his revelations and was illegal, according to the whistleblower protection law. Grassley agreed and wrote three separate letters to then-FBI director James Comey and then-Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates. None were answered.

Grassley urged the Justice Department to reinstate Jones, saying that his dismissal was a violation of the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act of 2016, which strengthened the original whistleblower protection law. He added that when Yates appeared before his Senate Judiciary Committee for her confirmation hearings earlier in the year, she promised “to improve the process for adjudicating claims of retaliation, including expanding the list of persons to whom a protected disclosure may be made.”  

She never did that. In fact, Yates ordered the director of the Justice Department’s “Professional Misconduct Review Unit” to write to Jones and to tell him, “The Deputy Attorney General’s review is complete and her decision is final. Your case is no longer pending. You should not expect to receive any future communications that you or any other organization or individuals may submit with regard to your whistleblower reprisal case.” In other words, the official policy of the Justice Department was to ignore the law and to give the Senate Judiciary Committee chairman and the whistleblower himself the middle finger.

The FBI’s response was equally bad, albeit predictable. The FBI’s Office of the General Counsel wrote to Jones, “The FBI has advised you that it will not conduct further investigation into your allegations that the FBI removed you from employment because you reported a compliance concern and retaliated against you in violation of applicable whistleblower retaliation protection regulations. The FBI has met its legal obligations and considers this matter closed without any basis for further review or reopening. Please be advised that the FBI will not respond to any additional correspondence or emails related to or arising from the termination of your employment.

That’s another middle finger.

Note also that the FBI refers to “whistleblower regulations.” It’s not a regulation. It’s a law. And the FBI, too, has to respect and follow the law even when they don’t want to.

End Victimization of Whistleblowers

The bottom line here, though, is that Darin Jones did the right thing.  He did the honorable thing. He did the ethical, legal, and moral thing. And he paid for it with his career.  Like other federal whistleblowers, he’s ruined financially. Friends and family members have walked away from him. He can’t find a job. I can tell you from firsthand experience that the psychological weight of the fallout from whistleblowing is sometimes too much to handle.

Jones’ friends and supporters are creating a GoFundMe campaign to help him through this horrible period.

We also need to keep up the heat on the FBI, the CIA, NSA, TSA, and every other governmental organization that victimizes whistleblowers.

We have to support Chuck Grassley and others on Capitol Hill who are trying to protect whistleblowers.

We have to force our own elected officials to do the same. After all, they work for us.  

Our goal should be a simple one. Work hard to ensure that Darin Jones is the last federal whistleblower to be treated this way.

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Did The PBOC Just Lose Control? One Chart Says ‘Yes’

Everyone knows – despite Treasury’s decision not to label China a currency manipulator – that the Yuan has been collapsing…

However, that collapse is against the US Dollar and other just-as-fiat-and-unbacked currencies.

The PBOC has been considerably more careful about how its currency has moved relative to ‘real money’.

In Q1, the PBOC appeared to ‘manage’ its currency to 8,400 Yuan per oz of gold. In Q2, the PBOC strengthened its ‘peg’ to 8,300 Yuan per oz of gold; and the last few months have seen gold managed stronger still at around 8,200 Yuan per oz… until this week…

As the chart above shows, it seems the PBOC has lost its ability to managed the ‘peg’ – whether due to desperate liquidity needs elsewhere or defending stocks as they begin to freefall – with Yuan plunging back to only 8,500 per oz of gold.

This is a significant breakout (weaker) for the yuan…

h/t @TaviCosta

This sudden decoupling of gold from yuan is extremely notable since, as we noted previously, it has seemed that the PBOC has attempted to peg yuan in an effort to improve credibility (as the currency collapsed against the USDollar’s fiat).

Further weakness in CNY could then be seen as an escalation of the trade war between the US and China. At the same time, it would seem that CNY appears to be tracking gold closer than any other currency market. Whether this is a ploy to increase the credibility of the CNY by linking it to a credible anchor (perhaps to help internationalization) or just spurious is unclear, but it is worth monitoring.

That “credible anchor” just snapped!

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Is An Asteroid Coming? NASA’s ‘Planetary Defense Coordination Office’ Budget Suddenly Spikes To $150 Million

Authored by Michael Snyder via The American Dream blog,

It didn’t make many national headlines, but the proposed budget for NASA’s “Planetary Defense Coordination Office” was just increased by 90 million dollars. 

At a time when our national budget is already stretched to the max, this seems like an odd thing to be spending so much money on.  As you will see below, the “Planetary Defense Coordination Office” is only two years old, and it is in charge of tracking threats posed by near-Earth objects such as asteroids.  Needless to say, if a giant asteroid suddenly hit our planet it would be the greatest catastrophe in modern times and for those of us that survived our lives would be radically different from then on.  So the threat is real, but in recent years NASA has assured the public that there are no imminent threats.  Has that now changed?

This is a subject that I am particularly interested in, and so a Politico article about “NASA’s asteroid defense program” definitely caught my eye…

The Trump administration has proposed increasing the budget for NASA’s Planetary Defense Coordination Office by three-fold — from some $60 million to $150 million — amid growing concerns that humanity is utterly unprepared for the unlikely but still unthinkable: an asteroid strike of calamitous proportions.

The White House also recently issued a new National Near-Earth Object Preparedness Strategy and Action Plan intended to energize a host of agencies who could contribute to potential ways to prevent such as a disaster.

First of all, why spend 90 million dollars that we don’t have if there is nothing to be concerned about?

Secondly, why issue a brand new plan that is “intended to energize a host of agencies who could contribute to potential ways to prevent such as a disaster” if there is no disaster looming for the foreseeable future?

Something doesn’t smell right about all of this.

According to NASA, there are more than 25,000 asteroids lurking out there that are 140 meters in size or greater.

And overall, there are approximately a million near-Earth objects that could pose a potential threat.

So it definitely makes sense to be prepared for such a disaster, and NASA established the ‘Planetary Defense Coordination Office’ back in early 2016

If and when the interplanetary asteroid apocalypse comes, NASA plans to be prepared.

In a little noticed move this week, the space agency announced that it had created a directorate for “detecting and tracking near earth objects (NEOs).”

The new Planetary Defense Coordination Office—which, despite its science fiction-sounding name, is part of a very real effort to ward off the potentially deadly impact of asteroids that may hit the planet—is charged with supervising “all NASA-funded projects to find and characterize asteroids and comets that pass near Earth’s orbit around the sun.”

At that time, it was being reported that one of the primary tasks of this new agency was to find a way to “redirect” potentially dangerous asteroids

The office is also developing long-term planetary defense goals. They include “asteroid redirect” concepts that could could push the threatening object off course and away from Earth – a program also of interest to the European Space Agency. NASA is poised for the worst case scenario as well.

“Even if intervention is not possible, NASA would provide expert input to FEMA about impact timing, location, and effects to inform emergency response operations. In turn, FEMA would handle the preparations and response planning related to the consequences of atmospheric entry or impact to U.S. communities,” the space agency noted.

Today, the ‘Planetary Defense Coordination Office’ is being headed up by former Air Force officer Lindley Johnson.  And what he recently told Politico about what a major asteroid impact would mean for our nation was quite chilling

As we studied the problem more, we looked at the effects of an impact of even a 100-plus meter size object. If it were to impact near a metropolitan area, it would be a disaster on a scale more than anything we’ve tried to deal with in our history. So the threshold that we wanted to look for these things was lowered actually to 140 meters in size based upon a study that NASA sponsored. It would be an existential threat to national well-being. The effects of it would have a significant impact to our society and a nation as a whole.

But once again, why all the fuss if NASA is confident that there are no major threats on the horizon?

Or could it be possible that they are not being entirely truthful with us?

In a previous article, I discussed the fact that the head of Russia’s space agency, Anatoly Perminov, has publicly stated that an 885-foot-wide asteroid known as Apophis “will surely collide with the Earth in the 2030s”.

The 2030s may seem like the distant future right now, but to me it seems like it was just yesterday that the calendar was rolling over from the year 1999 to the year 2000.

And of course there are so many threats that the major space agencies don’t even know about at this point.  For example, the huge meteor that recently exploded over a U.S. military base in Greenland was a complete surprise to authorities.

The truth is that the next time we get hit, there will probably be little to no warning, and if the asteroid is big enough millions of people could die.

According to a very disturbing study that was conducted at the University of California at Santa Cruz, if a very large asteroid hit the Atlantic Ocean we could potentially see tsunami waves as high as 400 feet slam into the east coast of the United States…

If an asteroid crashes into the Earth, it is likely to splash down somewhere in the oceans that cover 70 percent of the planet’s surface. Huge tsunami waves, spreading out from the impact site like the ripples from a rock tossed into a pond, would inundate heavily populated coastal areas. A computer simulation of an asteroid impact tsunami developed by scientists at the University of California, Santa Cruz, shows waves as high as 400 feet sweeping onto the Atlantic Coast of the United States.

We are talking about a disaster that would wipe out Miami, Charleston, Washington D.C., Baltimore, Philadelphia, Boston and New York City along with countless other cities in a single day.

Today, 39 percent of all Americans live in a county that directly borders a shoreline, and so we are extremely vulnerable.

And scientists assure us that it is only a matter of time before we see more giant tsunamis like the one that devastated Japan in 2011.  Even if no asteroid hits us in the near future, the crust of our planet is becoming increasingly unstable, and this is particularly true along the Ring of Fire.

Part of the job of the federal government is to protect us, and so NASA should be applauded for wanting to be prepared.

But are they being entirely truthful with us, and if not, what is it that they are not telling us?

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Guggenheim’s Minerd: “By Q2 2019, I Expect Risk-Off Everywhere; A 40% Crash Looks Justifiable”

Two weeks ago, just before stocks would suffer their biggest losses since the February VIXtermination event amid surging interest rates, Guggenheim’s Global Chief Investment Officer Scott Minerd poured gasoline on the fire with an ominous tweet that caught the attention of the investment community: “Rising rates and declining stocks echo shades of October 1987.”

And while stocks did tumble sharply shortly after Minerd’s tweet, last week’s selloff was not nearly as acute as the Black Monday crash that scarred a generation of traders (that said there are still 2 weeks left in October). Meanwhile, despite the sharp selloff, Minerd has not retracted his crash prediction, on the contrary.

In an extensive interview with Goldman’s Marina Grushin (republished below), the Guggenheim Investments Chairman once again lays out his bearish case, starting with what he believes is the most mispriced asset, i.e., credit, stating that credit spreads are too
tight right now, and noting that “after adjusting for expected credit losses, HY bonds offer minimal value over Treasuries. While carry is reasonably attractive and trailing defaults are modest, a credit investor should not take for granted the ability to liquidate a position when the value proposition changes. The door is always smaller on the way out.”

What is more troubling to equity investors is Minerd’s contention that “turmoil in the credit markets will almost certainly spill over into the equity markets” and that “in a scenario similar to 2001/02, HY spreads could widen by about 800bp or more, which corresponds to a roughly 40% decline in stocks — effectively a retracement to prior technical support levels, the S&P 500 highs of 2007 and 2000.”

And while Minerd isn’t calling for an imminent collapse, saying that he doesn’t think the equity bull market is over yet, he predicts  that “an eventual decline of that magnitude looks justifiable to me on a technical and a fundamental basis.”

So if not imminent then when? His answer: by Q2 of 2019 everything will be tumbling:

Corporate credit spreads tend to start widening roughly one year before a recession begins, which would correspond to the first half of next year. But with spreads as tight as they are you aren’t giving up much by starting to reduce risk now. Besides, it takes time to turn a ship around.

Equities will probably peak a bit later in 2019, not least because the Nov-April period tends to be seasonally strong for stocks, especially after midterm elections. That will be the rally to sell. By the end of Q2 next year, I expect risk-off everywhere.

And just in case that’s not enough, Minerd also stakes his reputation on the call that a recession is just around the corner, and the US will see its first economic contraction since 2009 in 2020, when the Trump fiscal stimulus impulse is finally exhausted. But fear not, when that happens, “the Fed will cut rates to zero, employ aggressive forward guidance, and resurrect QE.”

Scott Minerd’s full interview with Goldman’s Grushin is below.

Marina Grushin: What makes you confident that the US economy will enter recession in early 2020?

Scott Minerd: Confidence in our recession call stems from what we’ve observed in past business cycles. Most pre-recessionary periods share a common set of characteristics. They start with an economy growing above potential, putting downward pressure on unemployment. The Fed then raises interest rates—eventually into restrictive territory—to try to limit the growth of  imbalances. This is the key recession trigger. Evidence that policy is getting tighter can be seen in the flattening of the  Treasury yield curve. Economic activity doesn’t typically slow until a few quarters prior to recession; in fact, growth in the second-to-last year of the expansion is usually fairly strong. We see all of these things playing out right now. The fact that the fiscal impulse is set to fade in 2020 and policy uncertainty will rise heading into the presidential election only adds to my confidence.

Marina Grushin: What assumptions are you making about inflation and interest rates?

Scott Minerd: We’re expecting core PCE inflation to rise over the next couple of years to around 2.25%, partly as a result of cyclical consumer pressures. Tariffs will also have more impact than people think. Not only will imported goods prices increase but  competing producers will pad their profit margins by raising prices on domestically produced goods, just as we saw with the 20% increase in washing machine prices earlier this year.

In the face of inflationary pressures and low unemployment, the Fed will have no choice but to forge ahead into restrictive territory. Even former doves like Governor Lael Brainard are now arguing that the short-run neutral rate may be rising, and that policy will eventually need to become restrictive relative to that. In fact, all Fed officials forecast that the terminal rate will be above their respective forecasts of neutral. So restrictive policy is coming in 2019. We therefore see the Fed raising the target range to 3.25-3.50% next year. This will put three-month Libor somewhat above 3.75%. Long-term Treasury yields will likely top out near 3.50%, and the yield curve will invert once it’s clear the Fed is done hiking. We expect a Fed easing  cycle to begin in 2020, which will put to rest questions about whether the 35-year bull market in bonds is over. It isn’t.

Marina Grushin: You mentioned the shape of the yield curve as evidence of growing recession risk. Haven’t QE and other factors reduced the curve’s signaling power?

Scott Minerd: I’m not a new-era thinker on this issue. What the conventional wisdom misses is that offsetting factors have negated the Fed’s impact on the shape of the yield curve. QE was more than offset by the combination of large deficits, the decline in market yields and the extension of the Treasury portfolio’s average maturity. Post-crisis regulation also contributed to a steeper curve, as did the Emerging Market (EM) turmoil of 2015-16, which resulted in the liquidation of a lot of FX reserves, i.e. Treasuries. We see evidence that these factors matter when we look at the cheapening of Treasuries relative to swaps in the past decade or the current steepness of the Treasury curve relative to the Overnight Index Swap (OIS) curve. Lastly, term premiums are not as low as the Fed’s models say, so the argument that negative term premiums should affect how we interpret yield curve flattening just doesn’t hold water. But even if you don’t believe the yield curve, there are still reasons to believe that a recession is around the corner. One is that consumer and business surveys give the same late-cycle signal as the Treasury market.

Marina Grushin: Does the recent steepening give you pause?

Scott Minerd: I wouldn’t draw conclusions based on a few trading days. Sure, the curve has steepened recently, but it’s been flattening for the last three years! As I said, longer-dated yields are getting closer to our expected terminal rate and there’s still more room for short-end yields to increase.

Marina Grushin: You’ve expressed concern about corporate debt. What are the risks?

Scott Minerd: The last recession featured overleveraged consumers and banks; the next one will feature overleveraged companies and non-bank investors that have taken on too much risk in the era of low rates and QE. As the Fed raises rates, it will choke off corporate free cash flow. Leverage among IG companies, which has already increased a lot in this cycle, will rise further when earnings roll over. This will help lead to a big wave of rating downgrades, thanks to the dramatic growth of the BBB segment of the corporate bond market. BBB-rated bonds now account for almost half of the Bloomberg Barclays Corporate IG index, yet many of their issuers have leverage ratios that were historically associated with BB securities. Passive bond funds have not only aided the buildup of these risks but may also exacerbate their impact when they eventually need to sell downgraded positions into an illiquid market. If the scale of downgrades is on par with prior cycles, the migration of “fallen angels” from BBB to BB could amount to about $1tn of debt, overwhelming the HY market. That will tighten financial conditions and hurt the economy.

Marina Grushin: Haven’t corporate borrowers mitigated these risks by locking in low rates at longer maturities?

Scott Minerd: Actually, a lot of corporate America appears more sensitive to changes in interest rates today, and that lot exists in the riskiest segment—issuers rated below investment-grade (IG). Floating-rate liabilities currently make up a larger piece of the high-yield (HY) corporate debt pie than at any time in the past; and if not this year, then next year, there will be more floating-rate bank loans than fixed-rate HY bonds outstanding. The companies that have locked in rates are typically IG, and won’t be the most vulnerable in a recession.

Marina Grushin: Does the growth of non-bank lending worry you?

Scott Minerd: It’s a risk we’re watching in the HY market. Fifteen years ago, around 80% of all syndicated loans remained on bank balance sheets through a “pro-rata” tranche that was a revolving credit line or an amortizing term loan; now, 70-80% of syndicated bank loans are outside of the banking system, meaning that the pro-rata tranche is much smaller in comparison to the institutional loan tranche that is distributed among non-bank lenders. We’ve also seen estimates that the private debt market has grown to around $400bn to $700bn in size—larger than the size of the bank loan market in 2007. That has made it harder to trace credit risk and maintain credit standards. Meanwhile, innovations like bank loan ETFs have moved credit risk into the hands of retail investors. That’s something we didn’t have to worry about in the last major crisis in corporate credit, in 2001/02. We’re in uncharted territory.

Marina Grushin: Putting this all together, how severe do you think the next recession will be?

Scott Minerd: The next recession may not be any more severe than average in part because policymakers are likely to act quickly knowing that they have limited policy options. But that lack of policy space worries me. In the US we’ll be entering the downturn with the largest peacetime budget deficit we’ve had outside of a recession, and the Fed is likely to be constrained by the zero bound once again, making this the recession when unconventional policies become conventional; we expect the Fed to cut rates to zero, employ aggressive forward guidance, and resurrect QE. Whether these tools will be as effective as the Fed claims they were in the last cycle remains to be seen. Keep in mind that achieving the equivalent of a 2% rate reduction—the difference between our 3.5% forecast for the terminal rate and the roughly 5.5pp of rate cuts in a typical easing cycle—would be worth several trillion dollars of QE. Put differently, we think the Fed will probably wish they had more powerful tools when the time comes to use them.

Outside of the US, the lack of policy space is even more concerning. Markets will force belt-tightening measures in Southern Europe, but the ECB will have minimal ability to cushion the downturn. Will the political systems in Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece be able to deliver the fiscal tightening that markets will demand? If not, then we’ll have big problems. The BOJ will have limited options to fight a sharp appreciation of the yen, and China will be choking on bad debt after an epic debt binge over the last decade. These factors could make the next recession more severe than our models suggest.

Marina Grushin: What looks mispriced today?

Scott Minerd: Not surprisingly, we think credit spreads are too tight right now. For example, after adjusting for expected credit losses, HY bonds offer minimal value over Treasuries. While carry is reasonably attractive and trailing defaults are modest, a credit investor should not take for granted the ability to liquidate a position when the value proposition changes. The door is always smaller on the way out.

More broadly, turmoil in the credit markets will almost certainly spill over into the equity markets. In a scenario similar to 2001/02, we think HY spreads could widen by about 800bp or more, which corresponds to a roughly 40% decline in stocks— effectively a retracement to prior technical support levels, the S&P 500 highs of 2007 and 2000. While I don’t think the equity bull market is over yet, an eventual decline of that magnitude looks justifiable to me on a technical and a fundamental basis.

Marina Grushin: How soon should investors reduce risk?

Scott Minerd: Corporate credit spreads tend to start widening roughly one year before a recession begins, which would correspond to the first half of next year. But with spreads as tight as they are you aren’t giving up much by starting to reduce risk now. Besides, it takes time to turn a ship around.

Equities will probably peak a bit later in 2019, not least because the Nov-April period tends to be seasonally strong for stocks, especially after midterm elections. That will be the rally to sell. By the end of Q2 next year, I expect risk-off everywhere.

Marina Grushin: What should investors buy/sell today?

Scott Minerd: We’re underweight duration in our core fixed income funds to position for a rise in rates toward 3.5%. We expect the yield curve to continue flattening and recommend a barbell of high-quality, longer-duration bonds and floating-rate credit. We are upgrading credit quality and reducing our credit beta in anticipation of spread widening beginning next year.

Marina Grushin: What would have to happen for you to change your call for a recession in 2020?

Scott Minerd: We’d likely have to see faster supply-side growth, which would allow us to sustain this pace of economic growth without putting pressure on resource utilization. That would entail better productivity growth but also more rapid increases in labor supply. Despite some observers’ optimism that tax cuts will achieve the former, we don’t expect to see major productivity gains. As for the latter, Washington is unfortunately pursuing a self-defeating immigration policy. At a time when we should be welcoming new foreign workers who can fill the void left by retiring baby boomers, we’re instead looking for ways to restrict immigration.

Marina Grushin: What else are you looking out for?

Scott Minerd: Aside from our recession dashboard, we’ll be keeping a close eye on trade. An escalation of the US-China trade dispute looks nearly inevitable. Large majorities of voters across the US political spectrum describe China’s trade practices as unfair. We expect US politicians of both parties to exploit this angst. But the demands the US has made of China go to the very heart of the Communist Party’s growth model, so it’s hard to see Beijing capitulating. There will be a lot of collateral damage as this escalates. The policy response by the Chinese will be key; we are likely to see a material devaluation of the renminbi, which would put more downward pressure on other EM currencies. That could make it more difficult for EM borrowers to service their large stock of dollar-denominated debt, especially if it coincides with the onset of a recession.

The budget situation in Italy also bears watching. The government there is playing a dangerous game. As the Fed continues to tighten and the ECB winds down QE, Italy will find markets to be less forgiving—and once the US business cycle turns things will only become more difficult. Another crisis of confidence involving the euro appears inevitable.

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Self-Censorship: Where The Real Damage Is Being Done

Authored by Caitlin Johnstone via Medium.com,

I was going to write another article today about a different topic, but I backed down because I didn’t think I could deliver the kind of fiery, forceful, unmitigated argument it would need to be without risking getting banned from social media and blogging platforms.

The article I was planning on writing, which you’ll just have to imagine now, would have been titled “ ‘Assange Can Leave Whenever He Wants!’ No, Idiot, He Can’t.” The feature image was going to be a screen shot of a blue-checkmarked empire loyalist named Greg Olear tweeting the infuriatingly dopey argument that Assange is free to just waltz out the embassy doors whenever he wants, so therefore he isn’t actually being imprisoned by an Orwellian power establishment for publishing authentic documents about powerful people. Never mind the fact that you can say exactly the same thing about literally anyone under political asylum; they are all free to leave the political asylum they’ve been granted at any time, and pointing this out is just describing the thing that political asylum is. Never mind the fact that a UN panel ruled that Assange is being arbitrarily detained by the threat of imprisonment. Never mind that the same US government which tortured Chelsea Manning is currently openly pursuing Assange’s arrest because of his publications, making the assertion that he’s “free to leave” the same as saying he’s “free” to jump off a cliff. People don’t want to believe that their government imprisons journalists, so whenever Assange is in the news you see this argument making the rounds.

It would have been a firecracker of an article, but when it came time to write it, I backed down. I’d generally rather scrap an article than write something tepid and boring that won’t make any impact, so the risk of losing access to my platforms outweighed my desire to write what I’d planned on writing.

I’ve been self-censoring more and more lately, especially since the latest round of coordinated cross-platform silencing of multiple alternative media outlets the other day. Back in August I had my Twitter account temporarily deletedwhen I said the world will be better off without John McCain and a bunch of #Resistance accounts mass reported me; Twitter cited “abusive behavior” as its justification. The only reason my account was restored was because there was a large objection from many high-profile journalists and activists who understand the dangers of internet censorship, and I’m not willing to gamble that I’d get that lucky should something similar happen again. Being able to disrupt establishment narratives on a high-traffic website like Twitter outweighs the benefits of speaking in an unmitigated way.

And that ultimately is precisely the point. If the social engineers can make an example of a few dissident voices in the public eye, everyone else will rein in their own speech and behavior to avoid the same fate. The overall effect of this phenomenon is actually far more effective in suppressing dissident speech than the overt censorship is by itself, because self-censorship actually silences exponentially more anti-establishment opinions. For every one voice you crack down on overtly, a thousand more silence themselves out of self-preservation, not saying things they would otherwise say and not doing things they would otherwise do.

Meanwhile empire loyalists know that they can consistently get away with saying anything they want with total impunity. The other day for example I criticized the fawning media accolades that professional Atlantic Council propagandist Eliot Higgins has been receiving lately, and he responded by calling me “Grotbags”, an obese witch character from a nineties children’s television show. The joke being, you see, that I am overweight, and I am also a woman, so I am therefore similar to the character Grotbags. Ha ha ha. Eliot has been repeating this hilarious joke for months with zero consequences. He also made headlines back in June with his repeated public invitation for people who disagree with him on Twitter to suck his balls, also with zero consequences.

After my August Twitter suspension a #Resistance account publicly doxxed me, posting my home address, phone number and other information. I didn’t make a public ordeal out of it at the time because I obviously didn’t want to draw attention to it, but I did report it because I wanted it deleted. I was not expecting Twitter Support to reject my report, especially after they had me jump through a bunch of hoops to prove that I did in fact live where the doxxer was saying I lived, but they did.

“We understand that you might come across content on Twitter that you dislike or find offensive,” Twitter wrote back.

“However, after investigating the reported content we found it was not in violation of Twitter’s private information policy. As a result, it won’t be removed at this time.”

I see this routinely across all platforms; some accounts act without any fear of consequences, others seem primed for hair-trigger suspension. The bias is distinctly slanted in the favor of those who support CIA/CNN narratives and attack anyone who speaks out of alignment with the agendas of the US-centralized empire.

So while we are mitigating our speech more and more, the Eliot Higginses of the new media environment consistently get away with all manner of abusive behavior without any repercussions. We’re fighting a media war in which we are not just outnumbered and outgunned, but are increasingly forced to fight with one arm tied behind our backs. The only thing we have going for us at this point is that authenticity is attractive and oligarchic funding can’t buy creativity or inspiration.

So anyway, there’s my confession that I have been caving to self-censorship to avoid being de-platformed. Rather than denying it, I think it’s best that we all admit to it when we do it and call it what it is, because it’s an unseen part of the people’s media rebellion that is generally overlooked and under-appreciated. I haven’t really figured out what to do about it beyond that, but in my experience drawing the light of attention to these things is always a good idea.

* * *

Thanks for reading! The best way to get around the internet censors and make sure you see the stuff I publish is to subscribe to the mailing list for my website, which will get you an email notification for everything I publish. My articles are entirely reader-supported, so if you enjoyed this piece please consider sharing it around, liking me on Facebook, following my antics on Twitter, checking out mypodcast, throwing some money into my hat on Patreon or Paypal,buying my new book Rogue Nation: Psychonautical Adventures With Caitlin Johnstone, or my previous book Woke: A Field Guide for Utopia Preppers.

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Americans’ Assessment Of The Economy Is Highest Since The Dot Com Bubble

According to Gallup, Americans’ evaluations of current US economic conditions and the economy’s trajectory have not been more optimistic since 2000. Currently, 54% of Americans rate economic conditions as “excellent” or “good,” and just 12% as “poor.” Also, by 57% to 34%, more Americans say the economy is getting better than say it is getting worse.

The combination of those answers results in a Gallup Economic Confidence Index of +33. The index was last at that level in January 2004, and has not been higher since November 2000 (+39), at the tail end of the dot-com bubble.

The latest results, based on a survey taken between Oct. 1-10, may have been affected negatively as the stock market has been volatile since then which could adversely affect consumer attitudes. Any effect of the stock market volatility that began Oct. 10 would not be fully reflected in these results.

Gallup first asked Americans to assess the state of the economy using its current conditions and economic outlook questions in 1992, and has done so on a regular basis since 1996. The questions were asked at least monthly between October 2000 and December 2008, and on Gallup’s annual April economic survey between 2009 and 2017. In December 2017, Gallup resumed asking them monthly.

Gallup asked the same questions on daily tracking surveys between 2008 and 2017. While the tracking and non-tracking survey estimates did not always match, they were usually within 10 points of each other. Because economic confidence was depressed throughout those years, it is safe to conclude that the current level of confidence has not been higher in any Gallup polling on the topic since 2000.

Today’s robust confidence numbers are still below the high in Gallup’s trend, a +56 confidence index rating in January 2000, at a time of then-record stock values, low unemployment and strong economic growth. That month, 71% of Americans rated current economic conditions as excellent or good, while just 5% rated them as poor. Also, 69% thought the economy was getting better and 23% worse.

And while sentiment about the economy may be booming, US assessments of the job market are off the charts, and at record levels

The Oct. 1-10 poll finds similarly positive ratings of the U.S. job market. Sixty-eight percent of U.S. adults say it is a good time to find a quality job, tying July’s measure as the highest in Gallup’s trend dating back to August 2001. The quality job trend has been asked each month since October 2001. Not until January 2007 did a majority of Americans rate the job market positively on this measure. In September 2017, perceptions that it was a good time to find a quality job surpassed 60% for the first time, and that figure has been at 62% or higher since February.

There has traditionally been a strong relationship between the U.S. unemployment rate and the percentage saying it was a good time to find a quality job. On Oct. 5, while the latest survey was in the field, the Bureau of Labor Statistics announced that unemployment had dropped to a 49-year low of 3.7%. In contrast, when the unemployment rate was high in late 2009 and early 2010, perceptions that it was a good time to find a quality job sunk to as low as 8% in November 2009.

Implications

Ten years after the Great Recession rocked the U.S., Americans’ confidence in the economy has returned to levels not surpassed since the dot-com boom. Economic confidence began to improve in President Barack Obama’s second term and has expanded further during Donald Trump’s presidency, as unemployment continues to decline, the economy shows sustained growth and stock values set new records.

Trump and the Republican majority in Congress are hoping the strong economy will help the party hold onto its power in the midterm elections. What remains a puzzle is that with Trump’s overall job approval stuck in the 40s and his economic approval rating not much better, it does not appear he is getting much credit from the public for the state of the economy. By comparison, when economic evaluations were last as positive as now, George W. Bush had a 60% job approval rating (January 2004) and Bill Clinton had a 63% approval rating (November 2000).

Renewed stock market volatility, higher interest rates, an expanding federal budget deficit and U.S. trade disagreements with other countries all represent threats to the strong economy and consumer confidence. However, those factors have not stopped the positive economic momentum to date – and until the economy begins to show signs of weakening, Americans will likely continue to express confidence in the economy, if not the president..

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In The World Of American Politics, One Khashoggi Is Worth One Million Yemeni Lives

Authored by Michael Howard via The American Herald Tribune,

At this point we can only assume that the Turkish version of events regarding the disappearance of Jamal Khashoggi is true. As always, I’m open to being proved wrong, and it’s certainly incumbent upon Ankara to release the audio evidence of which they claim to be in possession (though this, should it come out, will naturally be dismissed by the Saudis as fabricated or doctored), but the list of plausible alternative scenarios currently stands at zero. Khashoggi went into the Saudi consulate and was never seen again. If he had merely been kidnapped and jailed, we’d have heard from him by now. He would have appeared on Saudi state television and delivered some kind of scripted statement like Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri did last November. The House of Saud appears to prefer this time of year, autumn, for abductions and assassinations.

If Khashoggi was, in fact, whacked out by a Saudi hit squad—complete with torture and Goodfellas-style dismemberment—as the Turks maintain he was, then Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is even crazier than we thought. Since being named heir apparent by his senile father, King Salman, the crown prince has been on a mission to establish himself as the region’s chief thug. This is no small task, but MbS, as he’s blithely referred to, seems up to the challenge.

As Patrick Cockburn recently wrote, the crown prince’s list of failures, in so short a span of time, is impressive. His escalation of the war in Yemen has achieved nothing unless you count mass murder and mass famine as achievements. The Houthis are holding fast, and the country has been all but obliterated. Perhaps, though, the Saudis view Yemen’s destruction favorably. Like the US invasion of Vietnam, Saudi Arabia’s overarching goal in Yemen is to demonstrate to the region what happens when populations revolt against their oppressors. You want to upend the status quo and realize a degree of independence and self-government, you’d better be prepared to be pulverized. That’s the warning being issued by Saudi Arabia in Yemen.

No sooner had bin Salman been appointed crown prince (June 2017) than the Saudi-led diplomatic and economic war on Qatar commenced. The express purpose of the surprise gambit was to punish Doha for its support for terrorism—pretty rich coming from the epicenter of Wahhabism, that diabolic interpretation of Islam upon which al-Qaeda and its numerous clones base their murderous ideologies. Of the nineteen 9/11 hijackers, fifteen were Saudi nationals; none were Qatari.

Which is not to say that Qatar is innocent of the charge. Saudi Arabia and Qatar, along with the UAE, supported the same terrorist elements of the Syrian opposition. Hillary Clinton, in one of her $250,000 speeches to Goldman Sachs, confirmed this in 2013, asserting that Damascus and its allies were “being taken on by indigenous rebels but increasingly a collection of jihadists who are funded by the Saudis, funded by the Emiratis, funded by [Qatar] …” (Emphasis mine.) In a 2014email sent to John Podesta, Clinton wrote: “we need to use our diplomatic and more traditional intelligence assets to bring pressure on the governments of Qatar and Saudi Arabia, which are providing clandestine financial and logistic support to ISIL and other radical Sunni groups in the region.” Knowing this, Hillary publicly argued in favor of regime change in Syria. But I’m sick to death of writing about Hillary Clinton.

To call the support-for-terrorism pretext flimsy is generous. Preposterous is the better word. I can’t imagine that even casual observers were taken in by it, Donald Trump being a possible exception (he stupidly spoke in favor of the Saudi blockade, apparently unaware that his country maintains a critical military base in Qatar). Riyadh’s motivation was obvious: Qatar was being disciplined for its pragmatic relationship with Iran, with whom it shares the biggest natural gas field in the world. Also for Al Jazeera’s—Qatar’s state-funded media outlet— unflattering coverage of Saudi policies. What the crown prince was hoping to accomplish here is anyone’s guess. Did he think Doha would surrender its own strategic interests, renounce its cooperation with Tehran and meekly submit to his capricious will? Needless to say that didn’t happen. Qatar responded by reinstating full diplomatic relations with Iran, which, along with Turkey, increased exports to Qatar, diminishing the effect of the embargo.

A few months later, right around the time the crown prince launched his Stalinist purge of the royal family, Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri was detained on a visit to Saudi Arabia. Soon after, clearly reading from a text that had been prepared for him, he announced his resignation on Saudi state TV. In his statement he hit out at Hezbollah and Iran; he also claimed that an attempt on his life—presumably from Hezbollah or Iran—was imminent (Lebanese intelligence contested this). The charade was absolutely transparent. “The words [Hariri] read out,” Robert Fisk wrote at the time, “are entirely in line with the speeches of Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman and with the insane president of the United States who speaks of Iran with the same anger, as does the American defense secretary.”

Predictably, the bizarre incident had the effect of uniting the Lebanese people in support of their prime minister and, more importantly, their national sovereignty. Lebanese President Michel Aoun rejected Hariri’s “resignation” and demanded that he return to Lebanon, which he did a couple weeks later. On December 5, one month and one day after resigning, Hariri reassumed the office of prime minister. The crown prince’s stratagem had backfired in spectacular fashion. Meanwhile, Hariri, who strikes me as a bit of a wimp, refuses to speak about what exactly took place during that trip to Saudi Arabia, and is now reportedly taking the kingdom’s side in the Khashoggi affair.

From said affair, we can take away a few things.

First, I’m happy to see that the US and its allies have suddenly embraced due process, calling as they are for a thorough, independent investigation into the event so as to establish beyond a doubt what actually took place, at which point they can respond accordingly. I trust they will now apply the same evidentiary standards to, say, the next chemical weapons incident in Syria, or the next botched assassination of an ex-spy in Europe.

Moreover, it’s good to know where we in the West draw the line between acceptable and unacceptable behavior as regards official allies. Shelling hospitals and mosques and schools andschool buses and weddings and funerals is one thing—unfortunate casualties of war, worthy of a few hollow words of regret. Killing a Washington Post columnist, however, will not be brooked.

Hence, the mass boycott of the upcoming business conference in Riyadh, and Trump’s talk of “severe punishment.” In the world of American politics, one Khashoggi is worth one million Yemeni lives.

Mohammed bin Salman ought to have understood this. That he didn’t tells us much about the man set to rule Saudi Arabia for the next four or five decades. Such hubris, such vanity, and he’s not even king yet! If I had his ear, I would advise the crown prince to exercise extreme caution moving forward. There’s hell to pay for stepping on Uncle Sam’s toes: once he sours on you, your days are numbered. Our old friend and ally Saddam Hussein can, or could, attest to that. I would also hand him a copy of King Lear as a cautionary tale, as the state of affairs in Saudi Arabia is a sparkling case of life imitating art.

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