Another Officer Acquitted in Freddie Gray Case

Freddie Gray trialsThis morning a judge acquitted a Baltimore Police officer of all charges of misconduct in connection with the death of Freddie Gray, who died of injuries he sustained while cuffed, but not secured, in a police van last year.

Lt. Brian Rice asked for a judge to hear his case rather than a full jury trial. Judge Barry Williams cleared Rice of all charges, which included involuntary manslaughter, reckless endangerment, and misconduct in office. The same judge cleared two other officers of all charges earlier in the year.

Thus far, prosecutors in Baltimore have failed to secure any convictions for misconduct in the Gray case. There are two more officers facing charges (and one who may be retried after a hung jury led to a mistrial previously). The Baltimore Sun notes that state prosecutor Marilyn Mosby is being pressured to drop the remaining cases, given the failures to land any convictions.

Though prosecutors may not be able to land convictions, the treatment that led to Gray’s death are hardly new or unfamiliar. There’s even a name for it—the “nickel ride”—where police deliberately place a suspect in restraints in a vehicle but don’t secure him with seat belts, resulting in him getting bounced around and injured during a lengthy drive around the city.

That it’s difficult to prove deliberate intent in such a case is likely exactly why nickel rides happen. The likely outcome here is more tweaking of police policies to try to manage police conduct when securing prisoners in vehicles. But as Ed Krayewski has noted, Baltimore’s use of force policies leave much to the discretion of police officers, and it’s very clear that the discretion of officers behaving “reasonably” played a major role in the officers’ defense. There is a cottage industry in making pretty much any behavior by a police officer seem “reasonable” simply by arguing the officer was concerned for his own safety.

Police abuse and now targeted violence against police officers have heightened the most useless parts of this argument—who is more of a victim of this dynamic and who is really the racist and the current level of extremely vicious identity politics. The debate then gets pulled away from a discussion of how much urban policing is really about centralized planning that puts officers in the position of not just fighting crime with identifiable victims, but enforcing regulatory policies designed to raise tax revenue or eliminate behaviors city leaders (and those who influenced them) find distasteful. And in this particular case, the tone of the argument also pulls away from reforms that would end or at least diminish the role of public safety unions in keeping bad police officers form being removed from the force. It may be a reasonable—albeit disappointing—outcome that prosecutors are unable to prove that the recklessness that led to Gray’s death rises to criminal intent. That doesn’t mean that the city should be unable to get rid of officers who are shown to engage in behavior that endangers the public.

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The RNC Isn’t a Convention, It’s a Wake

The Republican Party, conservatives, and certainly Donald Trump may not fully understand it yet, but they are meeting in Cleveland not to chart the future of the GOP but to host its funeral.

The Republican Party and the larger conservative movement for which it has stood since the days of Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan is dead but not yet buried. A party whose rhetoric (if never its actual policies) is all about shrinking the size, scope, and spending of government cannot even pretend anymore to stand for any of those things. As important, it hasn’t been serious about governing for a very long time. Remember just how terrible and world-ending they said Obamacare was back in 2009 and 2010? They weren’t wrong and yet it took the Republicans, despite holding congressional power for most of the 21st century, until June of this year to roll out an actual alternative that certainly wasn’t worth the wait.

Before whatever Trumpian display of narcissism, delusion, and disdain for actual knowledge of policy and process clicks into high gear in Cleveland over the next few days, it’s worth taking stock of what the Republican Party has become. Trump is not the cause of its collapse but an effect of utter failure of Republicans to deliver even partly on their promises over the past several decades. Republicans and conservatives have officially elevated atavistic tribal allegiances to the most important place possible in their causes. While Trump famously and disturbingly called out Mexicans at the start of his speech announcing his candidacy last year, his dyed-in-the-wool conserative critics actually attacked him for not being tough enough on immigration. National Review, in its house editorial laying out the case against Trump, didn’t conjure the ghosts of Ronald Reagan and George HW Bush in 1980 arguing over who would do more to legalize and help illegals gain a legitimate place in our country, they said the Trump’s plan to remove 11 or 12 million people from the country was a “poorly designed amnesty” plan.

Let’s leave aside for the moment that by all accounts illegal immigration into the United States by Mexicans country peaked in 2007. Should a political party be taken seriously when fears about people choosing to come here to work and live is among its top concerns (especially since immigrants, legal and otherwise, commit less crime than natives)? Immigration isn’t simply part of America, it is America, which explains why fully two-thirds of us (including at least 50 percent of Republicans) want to create some pathway to legal status for illegals. Since then, of course, Trump and Republicans have burnished their credentials as xenophobes by conflating religion and race, and declaring that refugees from the same Middle East that conservative and Republican policymakers have done so much to destroy and wreak havoc on should not be allowed to enter the United States. Here too the Republican brain trust (such as it is) is divided against itself, as it’s chided Trump for not being harsh enough or war-like enough or personally dedicated to a Weekly Standard-style foreign policy of military aggression.

When it comes to social issues, the Republican Party has spent the past several decades warring against abortion (even as its incidence has declined, along with declines in rates of youth sex and unwanted pregnancies too) and “homosexual agenda” and pimping for the drug war that has managed to turn the United States into the world’s largest jailer nation. Even as Americans of all stripes are rethinking the stupidity of putting more and more people in jail, the party’s vice-presidential candidate Mike Pence told Indiana residents this year in his State of the State Address that he was “leaning into the drug war” and increasing mandatory minimums for various drug-related activity. Being anti-abortion and scared of gays and in favor of the drug war are central to the conservative movement. These are not the concerns of a party with a future. They are the issues of a party that is terrified of a present that has escaped its understanding. Forget about thinking about the future. The Republican Party with its ritual incantation of the traditional family and normalcy or whatever, isn’t even living in the present any more.

When it comes to economic policy, Trump (like Hillary Clinton, to be sure) stands adamantly against the free-er trade that is articulated in trade deals such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the North American Free Trade Agreement. Neither of these things is perfect but we can say with certainty that NAFTA, which created 25 million net jobs in the 15 years after it passed, was better than the status quo it replaced. What are non-Trump conservatives positing in the place of TPP? Nothing really, other than shifting the conversation to how China must be hemmed in a rising global economic and military power.

The greatest failure of the Republican Party in recent memory was the Bush presidency which was perpetrated with virtually total support of a Republican Congress and the conservative commentariat at the time. Bush presided over a 50 percent increase in federal spending, mired the country in two wars that were failures both in conception and prosecution, increased major regulatory structures and then—as the door was hitting his ass on the way out—bailed out the financial industry and the auto industry, claiming nonsensically that the only way to save capitalism was to embrace socialism. Channeling the “destroy the village in order to save it” logic of the war he worked so hard to avoid fighting in, Bush actually said, “I’ve abandoned free-market principles to save the free-market system.” The 2008 GOP presidential nominee, John McCain, signed TARP and all the other related legislation, as did his Democratic rival, Barack Obama. Those of us who opposed bank bailouts—libertarians mostly, and some lefties too—were called nihilistic for wanting to business to rise and fall on their performance in the market. The conservative-Republican position was in favor of bailouts, with pundits such as National Review editor Rich Lowry and the editorial board of the Wall Street Journal defending Bush’s incoherent position. In The New York Times, David Brooks said the congressmen who initially voted down TARP were staging a “revolt of the nihilists.”

But after eight years of a supposedly conservative Republican government that increased spending on everything by 50 percent in real dollars, creating whole new entitlements such as free or cheap drugs even for wealthy seniors, consolidated federal control of education funding via No Child Left Behind, pushed a full-employment act for accountants known as Sarbanes-Oxley, an energy bill that lead to the phase-out of incandescent lightbulbs, created a new cabinet agency and, perhaps most devastatingly, entered willingly not just into failed military interventions but secretly built a surveillance state anathema to the history and ethos of our country.

So forget Trump burning the mother down this week. The GOP has been in ashes for most of the 21st century because it has never faced up to just how awful it behaved when it had power. It was the failure and the fraud of the Bush years that destroyed the GOP and the broader conservative movement by making it impossible to reconcile the vast difference between their generic rhetoric about smaller government and individual freedom on the one hand and the actual actions of a GOP majority on the other. 

In the years since Bush retreated from public life and started painting David Hockney-style bathroom art, conservatives have not seriously grappled with what the GOP did the last time it controlled the federal government. Rather than look inward, confess their sins, and work for atonement with the American people, they instead sounded the alarms about Barack Obama and the creeping socialism that ultimately was not so different from what they themselves had recently signed off on. Rather than face up to the party’s complete abdication of serious reflection and engagement with an increasingly libertarian sensibility growing in America that they might contribute to, it was more than enough to say that Obamacare would gut Medicare instead of, you know, actually pushing through any sort of health care reform that would actually allow markets to develop and flourish. It was more important to claim the Obama and the Democrats weren’t war-like enough, even as they continued the ruinous foreign policy created under Bush. It was enough to stamp their feet about the rise of post-gender and post-sexual-orinetation America and instead have moral lepers like Newt Gingrich talk about the sanctity of traditional marriage.

The lack of focus and seriousness in the Republican Party is what created the conditions for Donald Trump to rise—in a crowd of 17 candidates, including more than a few who were serious people and might have made excellent presidents. To be sure, the clown show that is now upon us—the Republican Party has nominated a man to be president who has absolutely zero experience in public office!—will accelerate the demise of today’s Republican Party. So will his plan to increase spending as a percentage of GDP from a historically high 22.1 percent to 22.5 percent over the next decade (for contrast, Hillary Clinton wants to raise it only a little more than Trump, to 22.7 percent). Here we are, nearly 20 years into a century in which fewer Americans have confidence in major institutions than ever and want the government to do less and spend less. And the Republican nominee—channeling the most recent Republican president and his own party—wants to jack up spending even more and plainly use the government to bully any individuals and groups that bug him. This, in a country where according to Gallup, socially tolerant and fiscally responsible libertarians comprise the single-largest ideological group in the country, bigger than conservatives, liberals, and populists. Good luck with all that, GOP.

There are good reasons to believe that whatever ultimately replaces this version of the Republican Party may well be better, especially if the GOP channels the energy and appeal and future orientation of its libertarian-leaning members such as Rand Paul, Jeff Flake, Mike Lee, Thomas Massie, Justin Amash, and a few others. But until conservatives and Republicans admit that they have brought this on themselves through their unwillingness to propose policies that match the libertarian rhetoric they mumble like bored altar boys saying the Rosary—nothing will stir in the ashes, either here in Cleveland or beyond.

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Cleveland Cops Demand Emergency Suspension Of ‘Open Carry’ Ahead Of RNC

Following violent outbursts and heated protests during Donald Trump events in Chicago, San Jose, Albuquerque and other stops along the trail during the primary season, the city of Cleveland has ramped up security protocols ahead of this week's Republican National Convention to ensure that demonstrators, delegates, attendees and officers remain safe.

NBC News details a by-the-numbers look at the money and manpower pouring into the downtown area, the extra equipment dedicated to security personnel, the groups and protesters that will gather and the added restrictions for demonstrators during the four-day event.

All numbers are approximate, sources in parenthesis.

50 million: Dollars of funds awarded by a federal security grant to the city of Cleveland for the convention, including $30 million for personnel and $20 million for equipment (Cleveland police).

 

50,000: People traveling to the city for the convention, including about 15,000 credentialed journalists, 2,470 delegates and 2,302 alternate delegates (RNC).

 

11,310: Estimated number of demonstrators registered by organizers with permits to hold events during the convention. However, several organizers did not provide a number. Others who were not granted permits anticipate thousands of demonstrators may show up anyway to join another pro- or anti-Trump protest. At least one of the largest demonstrations (America First, a pro-Trump group marching on Monday) will take place outside the event zone, where convention security rules do not apply.

 

10,000: Extra sets of plastic handcuffs purchased by the city ahead of the convention (Cleveland police).

 

5,500: Total law enforcement officers assigned to RNC security, including 3,000 federal officers, 2,000 non-federal officers from out of state sworn in to assist the Cleveland Police Department, and about 500 Cleveland police officers. (Cleveland Police, DHS).

 

2,000: Sets of personal protective equipment, or riot gear, purchased for officers working the convention (Cleveland police).

 

1,000: Beds cleared in local jails and in overflow locations around the city for the possibility of mass arrests during the convention (Cleveland police).

 

300: Bikes ordered for officers whose primary focus will be crowd control. Most of these officers are with the Cleveland police, some are from out of town (Cleveland police).

 

123: Permits granted by the city of Cleveland to parade/march/protest inside the 1.7-mile event zone during the convention (Cleveland police records).

 

58: Actual groups (from 1 to 5,000 people each) granted permits to parade/protest/march during the convention. Many of them were granted more than one permit for different days and/or locations. Larger groups are specifically pro- or anti-Trump, others are demonstrating for a variety of purposes (Cleveland police).

 

5: Miles in length of the parade route inside the event zone for demonstrators. There is only one parade route (Cleveland police).

 

4: Designated protest areas within the event zone: Public square or "Speaker's Platform," Willard Park, Perk Plaza and Mall "A" across the street from Huntington Convention Center (Cleveland police).

 

3.7: Miles of interlocking steel security fences, called global fencing, around parts of downtown (Mayor's office).

 

2: Rings of security: The Secret Service secure zone directly around the Quicken Loans Arena and the previously mentioned event zone. There's a long list of prohibited items for both zones, including whole fruit and umbrellas.

 

0: Guns allowed inside the Secret Service area. However, guns are allowed inside the event zone, per state law (Cleveland police).

And while protests so far have been small and peaceful, Calvin D. Williams, Cleveland’s police chief, said at a news conference on Sunday morning that the city could not be better prepared.

“We planned for almost anything and everything,” he said. “It’s game time,” he added. “We are ready for it.”

However, in the wake of the Baton Rouge cop-killings, CNN reports, the head of Cleveland's largest police union is calling on Ohio Gov. John Kasich to temporarily restrict the state's gun laws during this week's Republican National Convention

"We are sending a letter to Gov. Kasich requesting assistance from him. He could very easily do some kind of executive order or something — I don't care if it's constitutional or not at this point," Stephen Loomis, president of Cleveland Police Patrolmen's Association, told CNN.

 

"They can fight about it after the RNC or they can lift it after the RNC, but I want him to absolutely outlaw open-carry in Cuyahoga County until this RNC is over."

So-called "open carry" gun laws in Ohio allow for licensed firearm owners to wear their weapons in public. With the exception of a small "secure zone" inside and around the Quicken Loans Arena, residents, delegates and protesters are legally permitted to walk around the city — including within its 1.7 square mile regulated "event zone" — with any firearm not explicitly banned by the state.

Kasich, responding to the request, said:

"Ohio governors do not have the power to arbitrarily suspend federal and state constitutional rights or state laws as suggested."

 

"The bonds between our communities and police must be reset and rebuilt — as we're doing in Ohio — so our communities and officers can both be safe. Everyone has an important role to play in that renewal," he said.

Loomis also said officers here would begin ramping up inspections and oversight over anyone who is holstering a weapon entering the downtown area, where the Republican convention is scheduled to begin on Monday.

"We are going to be looking very, very hard at anyone who has an open carry," he said.

 

"An AR-15, a shotgun, multiple handguns. It's irresponsible of those folks — especially right now — to be coming downtown with open carry AR's or anything else. I couldn't care less if it's legal or not. We are constitutional law enforcement, we love the Constitution, support it and defend it, but you can't go into a crowded theater and scream fire. And that's exactly what they're doing by bringing those guns down there."

The first key test for law enforcement comes Monday, as the convention opens, when Citizens for Trump and Black on Black Crime, Inc., which has marched in the past with Black Lives Matter-affiliated protestors, are among the many groups that are set to protest.

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We’ve Entered An Era Of Rising Instability And Uncertainty

Submitted by Charles Hugh-Smith via OfTwoMinds blog,

And there you have our future, visible in the 13th, 16th and 18th century price-revolution waves which preceded ours.

That we have entered an era of rising instability and uncertainty is self-evident. There will always be areas of instability in any era, but instability and uncertainty are now the norm globally.

There is a template for global instability, one that has been repeated throughout history. Historian David Hackett Fischer described the dynamics that generate periods of rising instability in his book The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History (sent to me a number of years ago by correspondent Cheryl A.)

In Fischer's well-documented view, there is a grand cycle of prices and wages which turn on the simple but profound law of supply and demand; all else is detail.

As a people prosper and multiply, the demand for goods like food and energy outstrips supply, causing eras of rising prices. Long periods of stable prices (supply increases along with demand) beget rising wages and widespread prosperity. Once population and financial demand outstrip supply of food and energy–a situation often triggered by a series of catastrophically poor harvests–then the stability decays into instability as shortages develop and prices spike.

These junctures of great poverty, insecurity and unrest set the stage for wars, revolutions and pandemics.

It is remarkable that the very conditions so troubling us now were also present in the price rises of the 13th, 16th and 18th centuries. Unfortunately, those cycles did not have Disney endings: the turmoil of the 13th century brought war and a series of plagues which killed 40% of Europe's population; the 16th century's era of rising prices tilled fertile ground for war, and the 18th century's violent revolutions and resultant wars can be traced directly to the unrest caused by spiking prices.

(The very day that prices for bread reached their peak in Paris, an angry mob tore down the Bastille prison, launching the French Revolution.)

After a gloriously long run of stable prices in the 19th century–prices were essentially unchanged in Britain between 1820 and 1900–The 20th century was one of steadily increasing prices. Fischer takes great pains to demolish the ideologically appealing notion that all inflation is monetary; the supply of money (gold and silver) rose spectacularly in the 19th century but prices barely budged. In a similar fashion, eras of rising prices have seen stable money supplies.

Monetary inflation can lead to hyper-inflation, of course, but there are always mitigating factors in those circumstances. The long wave is not one of hyper-inflation but of supply and demand imbalances undoing the social order.

Americans are inherently suspicious of anything which seems to threaten constraint of the American Dream; thus it is not surprising that cycles of history are largely unknown in the U.S. As Fischer explains:

This collective amnesia is partly the consequence of an attitude widely shared among decision-makers in America, that history is more or less irrelevant to the urgent problems before them.

Fischer notes that he describes not cycles but waves, which are more variable and less predictable. (Surfers know to count waves, as they tend to arrive in sets.)

In response to this great rise in prices of essentials, both commoners and governments debased the currency. In their day, this meant shaving the edges of coins, or debasing new coins with non-precious metals. The debasement was an attempt to increase money to counteract the rise in prices, but it failed (of course). Every few decades, a new undebased coinage was released, and then the cycle of debasement began anew.

Just as insidiously, wages fell:

But as inflation continued in the mid-13th century, money wages began to lag behind. By the late 13th and early 14th centuries real wages were dropping at a rapid rate.

This growing gap between returns to labor and capital was typical of price-revolutions in modern history. So also was its social result: a rapid growth of inequality that appeared in the late stages of every long inflation.

And what happened to government expenditures? It's deja vu all over again–deficits:

Yet another set of cultural responses to inflation created disparities of a different kind: fiscal imbalances between public income and expenditures. Governments fell deep into debt during the middle and later years of the 13th century.

Oh, and crime and illegitimacy also rose. Fischer summarizes the end-game of the price-rise wave thusly:

In the late 13th century, the medieval price-revolution entered another stage, marked by growing instability. Prices rose and fell in wild swings of increasing amplitude. Inequality increased at a rapid rate. Public deficits surged ever higher. The economy of Western Europe became dangerously vulnerable to stresses it might have managed more easily in other eras.

And there you have our future, visible in the 13th, 16th and 18th century price-revolution waves which preceded ours. It is hubris in the extreme to think we have somehow morphed into some new kind of humanity far different from those people who tore down the Bastille in a great frustrated rage at prices for energy and bread they could no longer afford.

It is foolish to blame "speculators" for the rise in food and energy, when the human population has doubled in 40 years and the consumption of energy and food has exploded as a result.

So where does this leave us? Based on the history so painstakingly assembled by Fischer, we can anticipate:

  • Ever higher prices for what I call the FEW Essentials: food, energy and water.
  • Ever larger government deficits which end in bankruptcy/repudiation of debts/new issue of currency.
  • Rising property/violent crime and illegitimacy.
  • Rising interest rates (currently considered "impossible").
  • Rising income inequality in favor of capital over labor.
  • Continued debasement of the currency.
  • Rising volatility of prices.
  • Rising political unrest and turmoil (see "Revolution").

With this in hand, we can practically write the headlines for 2017-2025 in advance.

 

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Turkish Prosecutors Raid Incirlik Airbase Housing US Warplanes And 50 Nuclear Bombs

The saga surrounding the Turkish Incirlik air base, which is not only the headquarters to the US 39th Air Base Wing but also vaults over 50 B1 nuclear bombs, and is critical to all US missions not only against ISIS but the entire middle east continues. Moments ago, Turkey’s state-run news agency says seven prosecutors, charged with investigating a foiled coup, have entered the Incirlik Air Base.

A Turkish brigadier general at the base has already been detained for his alleged role in Friday’s uprising.

On Saturday, Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim said that Turkish airspace was closed due to the coup attempt in the country. US media reported that the Incirlik base in southern Turkey has been left without electricity and local authorities prevented movement to and from the base. Air operations from the base have also been suspended. On Sunday, the US-led coalition resumed flights from the Incirlik airbase.

The former commander of the base was accused by Ankara of involvement in the attempted coup. The United States rejected asylum application of Gen. Bekir Ercan Van.

In July 2015, Turkey agreed to open up Incirlik to US manned and unmanned aircraft to conduct anti-terror operations in Syria against Daesh.

It is unclear as of this moment, what the Turkish “probe” is seeking.

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With The S&P 140 Points From Its 2018 Year End Target, Goldman Is Confused

As we reported over the weekend, Goldman’s clients are scratching their heads. As David Kostin explained their confusion, “investors are struggling to reconcile how extreme valuations of both assets can co-exist. It is counterintuitive, but the yield gap relationship between stocks and bonds is currently consistent with the past decade average. Equity risk premium (ERP) is not static and could shift from either direction. “Risk-on” has been the clear mantra since the post-Brexit low. But sentiment can reverse quickly.”

Confused or not they are BTFDing, and Goldman was surprised by their bullishness of its clients, who argue that “sustained low rates will support P/E multiples of 20x or more. The Fed Model relates the earnings yield (5.7%) to the Treasury yield (1.5%). The current 420 bp yield gap is near the 10-year average. Exhibit 2 shows the sensitivity of this model. Assuming a steady bond yield, reversion to the 35-year average gap of 250 bp implies a S&P 500 year-end level of 3075 while the 5-year average gap implies 1900.”

As a result, Goldman found itself in the confusing position of being far more bearish than its clients, predicting that the S&P will rise less than 150 points over the next two and a half years…

… and has to explain the reasons behind its bearishness, as well as the reason why it expects a sharp 5-10% drawdown in the S&P in the coming months.

So, to justify its bearishness, Goldman has released the following list of five items why it thinks that the Fed Model cited by its clients as a bullish signal, will not lead to the kind of multiple expansion that justifies an S&P at over 3,000.

  1. Valuations are already at historical extremes. The S&P 500 trades at a forward P/E of 17.6x, ranking in the 89th percentile since 1976. At 18.4x, the median constituent ranks in the 99th percentile. Most other metrics such as P/B, EV/EBITDA, and EV/Sales paint a similar picture. These valuations are only justifiable because of the historically low interest rate environment.
  2. Zero profit growth is not consistent with high stock valuations. Sluggish global growth and low inflation along with negative interest rate policies in Europe and Asia have led to record low US bond yields. Consistent with this backdrop, 2Q results will show the seventh consecutive quarter of declining year/year operating EPS (-3%, but +1% ex-Energy). Despite near-record margins, adjusted S&P 500 EPS have been flat for three straight years.
  3. Many Financials will have lower profits if low interest rates persist. Historically low yields squeeze the net interest income of banks and make liabilities harder to meet for insurance companies. Our Bank equity research team this week cut their EPS forecasts by 5%-7%. The fall in Treasury yields explains most of the cut. For the aggregate S&P 500, a 50 bp drop in the 10- year yield cuts EPS by $0.25. The headwind consists of a $0.50/share cut to Financials sector EPS partially offset by a boost to the rest of the index.
  4. Low rates will also detract from earnings by increasing the value of current pension liabilities through lower discount rates. The impact of pensions on S&P 500 earnings was last felt in 2012, when the pensions of three firms – T, VZ, and UPS – combined to subtract nearly $2 from S&P 500 EPS at the end of the year. We estimate that pensions could cause a $2 hit on S&P 500 operating EPS this year if rates remain low. Although many analysts and investors will “look through” these charges, they are yet another wedge in the growing rift between GAAP and non-GAAP EPS.
  5. The fall in US unemployment hints at wage inflation. The GS wage tracker is now at 2.9%. Higher labor costs suggests lower margins and equity valuations. As inflation expectations climb, the risk exists that the Fed tightens sooner than the market expects and bond yields may also rise. Higher bond yields and a narrowing ERP are consistent with our 2100 target.

Of course, Goldman could have saved itself all the trouble and used just one word: “Japan.” But maybe this time it really is different.

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Pakistan’s ‘Kim Kardashian’ Killed By Brother In Islamic “Honor Killing”

Submitted by Michael Shedlock va MishTalk.com,

In Islamic countries, women are second class citizens if not much worse. If women step out of line, they are targeted, or killed. In Pakistan there are 1,000 “honor” killings every year.

On July 15, top media star Qandeel Baloch was strangled by her own brother because of images such as the one below, Baloch posted on Facebook.

Please consider Brother Admits Murdering Model Sister Over “Honor” Lost to Facebook Pics.

The brother of slain Pakistani model Qandeel Baloch on Sunday confessed to strangling her to death for “family honor” because she posted “shameful” pictures on Facebook.

 

Baloch, who had become a social media celebrity in recent months, stirred controversy by posting pictures online taken with a prominent Muslim cleric. She was found dead on Saturday at her family home in the central city of Multan.

 

Police arrested her brother, Waseem Azeem, and presented him before the media in Multan, where he confessed to killing her. He said people had taunted him over the photos and that he found the social embarrassment unbearable.

 

“I was determined either to kill myself or kill her,” Azeem told The Associated Press as he was being led away.

 

He said that even though Baloch was the main breadwinner for the family, he slipped her sedatives the night before and then strangled her in her sleep.

 

“Money matters, but family honor is more important,” said Azeem.

 

Nearly 1,000 women are murdered in Pakistan each year for violating conservative norms on love and marriage. The so-called “honor killings” are often carried out by family members.

 

Such killings are considered murder. But Islamic law in Pakistan allows a murder victim’s family to pardon the killer, which often allows those convicted of honor killings to escape punishment.

 

This year alone, a schoolteacher, Maria Bibi, was set on fire for refusing to marry a man twice her age. The prime suspect in the case — the father of the man she refused to marry — and the other four are in custody.

 

A month earlier, police arrested 13 members of a local tribal council who allegedly strangled a girl and set her on fire for helping a friend elope. The charred body of 17-year-old Ambreen Riasat was found in a burned van.

 

In June, a different 17-year-old girl was burned alive by her own family for eloping with the man she loved quietly. Her mom said she had no regrets.

Qandeel Baloch Video

 

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Word About Pakistan

Wikipedia notes Islam is the State Religion of Pakistan practiced by about 95-98% of the 195,343,000 people of the nation.

The constitution limits the political rights of Pakistan’s non-Muslims, and only Muslims are allowed to become the President or the Prime Minister. Moreover, only Muslims are allowed to serve as judges in the Federal Shariat Court, which has the power to strike down any law deemed un-Islamic, though its judgments can be overruled by the Supreme Court of Pakistan.

Politically speaking, there are lots of questions about the relationship between the US and Pakistan such as …

Whose Side is Pakistan On?

Please consider this May 2016 article Pakistan-US Relationship: A Double Game?

Earlier this month it was revealed that the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) suspected its Islamabad station chief may have been poisoned by Pakistan’s military intelligence service, the ISI, following the 2011 raid that killed Osama bin Laden.

 

While the reports have not been confirmed, some say such level of suspicion points to growing distrust between the two countries.

 

Those within US intelligence argue Pakistan is playing a “double game” by saying it supports the US’ role in the region, while also supporting the Taliban.

 

Pakistani officials have denied these long-standing allegations, while others believe double games are essential because their interests do not always align with those of the US. Such distrust, however, has left many to wonder about the future of relations between the two countries.

 

In this week’s Arena, we bring together former heads of the two countries’ intelligence agencies to debate their sensitive relationship.

 

Michael Flynn, former director of the US Defense Intelligence Agency under President Barack Obama and author of, The Field of Fight: How We Can Win the Global War Against Radical Islam and Its Allies, is in debate with Asad Durrani, the former head of the ISI, and one of the main architects of Pakistan’s Mujahideen policy in Afghanistan.

 

Editor’s note: The Arena was recorded prior to the US drone strike in Pakistan that killed Afghan Taliban leader Mullah Akhtar Mansour.

Video of Flynn (Former Director of US Intelligence) and Durrani (Former Head Pakistan Intelligence)

Video Link: Michael Flynn vs. Asad Durrani on US Pakistan relationship.

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Good News: Global Energy Intensity Continues to Decline

EnergyMoneyFengYuDreamstimeThe Energy Information Administration has just released its new data on energy intensity trends. Basically, the agency finds that humanity overall is using ever less energy to create more value. How much less? About a third less energy is being used to produce a dollar’s worth of goods and services than was being consumed in 1990. In the meantime, world GDP nearly doubled and world population increased by 20 percent. This does not, however, mean that humanity is using less oil, coal, nuclear, and renewable energy. In fact, the amount of energy being consumed globally increased by 60 percent between 1990 and 2015. On the other hand, U.S. primary energy consumption has been essentially flat since 2000 while the economy grew by more than 30 percent and U.S. population expanded by around 14 percent.

EnergyIntensityDecline

Is it possible that energy efficiency gains could become so great that that the absolute amount of energy consumed by humanity will begin to fall sometime in future? All things being equal – especially the price – this is not likely because energy freed up from by efficiency would be used to fuel other new activities. The plain fact is that the only way to reduce energy consumption (like the consumption of any other normal good) is to increase its price relative to other goods. Ultimately, the EIA projects that world energy demand will increase by nearly 50 percent by 2040.

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Murdered Baton Rouge Cop’s Sister: “It’s Coming To The Point Where No Lives Matter”

Joycelyn Jackson, sister of 32-year-old slain Baton Rouge police officer Montrell Jackson, said she understands the anger behind the movement Black Lives Matter but that "God gives nobody the right to kill and take another person’s life."

As The Washington Post reports, Joycelyn Jackson was already sitting in church when she found herself needing God most. She hadn’t yet learned that her little brother Montrell Jackson was among the three officer killed in Baton Rouge when her pastor asked the congregation to send prayers to her family.

"I didn't want to break down in church but it was just something I couldn’t hold," Jackson, 49, of Lake Charles, Louisiana, said. "He was a wonderful person. A wonderful person.”

 

“It’s coming to the point where no lives matter,” she said, “whether you’re black or white or Hispanic or whatever.”

Joycelyn Jackson said her brother towered over many at 6-foot-3, but in her memories he will always be that little boy who was a picky eater. If she could talk to the shooter, or anyone considering violence against more officers, she said she’d remind them of a judgment beyond the penal system.

“If I could say anything to anyone, it is to get their lives right with God,” she said. “Hell is a horrible, horrible place to be.”

In a dismally ironic twist, as WaPo details, Montrell Jackson had written an emotional Facebook post just days ago saying that that he was “tired physically and emotionally.”

“I swear to God I love this city but I wonder if this city loves me,” he wrote.

 

In uniform I get nasty hateful looks and out of uniform some consider me a threat… These are trying times. Please don’t let hate infect your heart. This city MUST and WILL get better.

We suspect, however, his words will go unheeded.

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