Brickbat: Ooooh, That Smell

pinkpanties_1161x653

The city council of Bragança Paulista, Brazil, was holding an online virtual meeting, and members were discussing tree pruning when council member Ditinho do Asilo, who apparently forgot that other members and the public could see him, picked up a pair of pink women’s thong panties and gave them a good, hard sniff. He later told reporters that he had opened a gift that had been mailed to him by a friend. When he saw that it was underwear—edible underwear he says—he couldn’t resist a smell.

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Brickbat: Ooooh, That Smell

pinkpanties_1161x653

The city council of Bragança Paulista, Brazil, was holding an online virtual meeting, and members were discussing tree pruning when council member Ditinho do Asilo, who apparently forgot that other members and the public could see him, picked up a pair of pink women’s thong panties and gave them a good, hard sniff. He later told reporters that he had opened a gift that had been mailed to him by a friend. When he saw that it was underwear—edible underwear he says—he couldn’t resist a smell.

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The Penultimate Day of Overtime July: Religious Liberty Wednesday

On Wednesday, the Supreme Court decided two religious liberty cases. First, Our Lady of Guadalupe School v. Morrissey-Berru expanded the so-called ministerial exception beyond the scope of Hosannah Tabor v. EEOC. Justice Alito did little to stifle retirement rumors with his citation in Footnote 16 to The Benedict Option. Second, Little Sisters of the Poor Saints Peter and Paul Home v. Pennsylvania narrowly upheld the Trump administration’s efforts to rescind the Obama-era contraception mandate. The Justices did not consider the underlying RFRA issue that has been simmer for the last 7 years. But that case is far from over. (I have edited these cases for the Barnett/Blackman supplement; please let me know if you’d like a copy: josh-at-joshblackman-dot-com).

On the penultimate day of Overtime July, the Court gave us Religious Liberty Wednesday. I always wonder how the Court decides to pair cases. The fact that both cases today went to the right tells me that the remaining cases go against Trump tomorrow.

Tax Return Thursday is on deck!

 

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A Legal Challenge to New York’s Latest Rent Control Laws

upiphotostwo751010

Government growth and abuses are not challenged nearly enough. This results in a proliferation of bad policies that restrict freedom without achieving the policies’ stated goals. As such, there are reasons to celebrate when someone steps in and challenges bad rules. Case in point: a legal challenge to New York City’s Rent Stabilization Law, or RSL—a regulation that reduces both the supply and quality of rental properties.

This RSL was enacted 50 years ago. Since then, it’s been revised and strengthened many times, most recently in June 2019, with the stated goal of providing affordable housing to low-income families, protecting tenants, and maintaining socioeconomic and racial diversity in the city. Noble causes—wrong way to achieve them. For one thing, when you have had legislation on the books for five decades and still struggle with the same problems, you should rethink the strategy of addressing the problems with legislation.

A large economic literature shows that a result of rent control is that landlords, unable to keep up with the costs and deflated revenues, often end up losing their properties to mortgage lenders. Other landlords slack off on maintenance, letting buildings or units fall apart. Many property owners also end up selling rental property to builders who then convert the units into owner-occupied housing, shrinking the overall supply of rentals.

Rather than learn from the research, the latest changes to RSL double down on a misguided policy, making it more difficult for property owners to increase rents after they upgrade their properties or after the properties become vacant. The impact on new landlords who acquired property under the previous rule, hoping to renovate and earn higher rents, is dire: They’ve incurred the costs of renovation but are now prohibited from raising rents to recoup these costs. Unsurprisingly, as the profitability of owning and operating these properties has taken a hit, the dollar volume of rental-apartment building sales has fallen.

Well, some brave souls are pushing back against this counterproductive policy. Community Housing Improvement Program, the Rent Stabilization Association of New York (an association of 25,000 property owners and agents responsible for approximately 1 million housing units), and individual property owners have challenged the constitutionality of the RSL. The groups formed a website, which explains they are suing the city because “the overly burdensome regulatory scheme violates the Due Process and Takings clauses of the United States Constitution.”

These concerned property owners argue that the RSL is unconstitutional on four separate counts:

First, the rule violates the Takings Clause of Constitution’s Fifth Amendment, as it deprives property owners of their core rights to exclude others from their property and to possess, use, and dispose of their property.

Second, the law represents an uncompensated regulatory taking of private property, again violating the Takings Clause.

Third, advocates of the suit told me that the law violates the Constitution’s guarantee of due process because it is not rationally related to any legitimate government interest. In fact, the government doesn’t even bother to argue that the RSL is a means to protect low-income families but rather that it’s simply meant to protect tenants who are lucky enough to find a stabilized apartment.

Finally, they are suing because the New York City Council makes housing emergency proclamations every three years without any meaningful analysis of whether a housing emergency actually exists that would be improved by “regulating and controlling residential rents.” Such declarations made in this way violate due process.

A federal district court recently heard oral arguments on the defendants’ motions to dismiss the case based on previous court rulings. The defendants include New York state, New York City, and the tenant-advocacy groups hoping that the judge would use precedents established during the previous attempts to end the RSL. This suit has a better shot than its predecessors did, however, because the plaintiffs are making very different legal claims about the amended law and the prior decisions upholding the RSL relied on legal principles that the U.S. Supreme Court has subsequently rejected.

The bottom line is that the fight against New York City rent control may start to come more into balance. If this lawsuit fails, there’s always the Supreme Court, which could bring relief to the entire country by preventing state and local governments from treating privately owned rental property as if it belongs to the government.

COPYRIGHT 2020 CREATORS.COM

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The Penultimate Day of Overtime July: Religious Liberty Wednesday

On Wednesday, the Supreme Court decided two religious liberty cases. First, Our Lady of Guadalupe School v. Morrissey-Berru expanded the so-called ministerial exception beyond the scope of Hosannah Tabor v. EEOC. Justice Alito did little to stifle retirement rumors with his citation in Footnote 16 to The Benedict Option. Second, Little Sisters of the Poor Saints Peter and Paul Home v. Pennsylvania narrowly upheld the Trump administration’s efforts to rescind the Obama-era contraception mandate. The Justices did not consider the underlying RFRA issue that has been simmer for the last 7 years. But that case is far from over. (I have edited these cases for the Barnett/Blackman supplement; please let me know if you’d like a copy: josh-at-joshblackman-dot-com).

On the penultimate day of Overtime July, the Court gave us Religious Liberty Wednesday. I always wonder how the Court decides to pair cases. The fact that both cases today went to the right tells me that the remaining cases go against Trump tomorrow.

Tax Return Thursday is on deck!

 

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via IFTTT

A Legal Challenge to New York’s Latest Rent Control Laws

upiphotostwo751010

Government growth and abuses are not challenged nearly enough. This results in a proliferation of bad policies that restrict freedom without achieving the policies’ stated goals. As such, there are reasons to celebrate when someone steps in and challenges bad rules. Case in point: a legal challenge to New York City’s Rent Stabilization Law, or RSL—a regulation that reduces both the supply and quality of rental properties.

This RSL was enacted 50 years ago. Since then, it’s been revised and strengthened many times, most recently in June 2019, with the stated goal of providing affordable housing to low-income families, protecting tenants, and maintaining socioeconomic and racial diversity in the city. Noble causes—wrong way to achieve them. For one thing, when you have had legislation on the books for five decades and still struggle with the same problems, you should rethink the strategy of addressing the problems with legislation.

A large economic literature shows that a result of rent control is that landlords, unable to keep up with the costs and deflated revenues, often end up losing their properties to mortgage lenders. Other landlords slack off on maintenance, letting buildings or units fall apart. Many property owners also end up selling rental property to builders who then convert the units into owner-occupied housing, shrinking the overall supply of rentals.

Rather than learn from the research, the latest changes to RSL double down on a misguided policy, making it more difficult for property owners to increase rents after they upgrade their properties or after the properties become vacant. The impact on new landlords who acquired property under the previous rule, hoping to renovate and earn higher rents, is dire: They’ve incurred the costs of renovation but are now prohibited from raising rents to recoup these costs. Unsurprisingly, as the profitability of owning and operating these properties has taken a hit, the dollar volume of rental-apartment building sales has fallen.

Well, some brave souls are pushing back against this counterproductive policy. Community Housing Improvement Program, the Rent Stabilization Association of New York (an association of 25,000 property owners and agents responsible for approximately 1 million housing units), and individual property owners have challenged the constitutionality of the RSL. The groups formed a website, which explains they are suing the city because “the overly burdensome regulatory scheme violates the Due Process and Takings clauses of the United States Constitution.”

These concerned property owners argue that the RSL is unconstitutional on four separate counts:

First, the rule violates the Takings Clause of Constitution’s Fifth Amendment, as it deprives property owners of their core rights to exclude others from their property and to possess, use, and dispose of their property.

Second, the law represents an uncompensated regulatory taking of private property, again violating the Takings Clause.

Third, advocates of the suit told me that the law violates the Constitution’s guarantee of due process because it is not rationally related to any legitimate government interest. In fact, the government doesn’t even bother to argue that the RSL is a means to protect low-income families but rather that it’s simply meant to protect tenants who are lucky enough to find a stabilized apartment.

Finally, they are suing because the New York City Council makes housing emergency proclamations every three years without any meaningful analysis of whether a housing emergency actually exists that would be improved by “regulating and controlling residential rents.” Such declarations made in this way violate due process.

A federal district court recently heard oral arguments on the defendants’ motions to dismiss the case based on previous court rulings. The defendants include New York state, New York City, and the tenant-advocacy groups hoping that the judge would use precedents established during the previous attempts to end the RSL. This suit has a better shot than its predecessors did, however, because the plaintiffs are making very different legal claims about the amended law and the prior decisions upholding the RSL relied on legal principles that the U.S. Supreme Court has subsequently rejected.

The bottom line is that the fight against New York City rent control may start to come more into balance. If this lawsuit fails, there’s always the Supreme Court, which could bring relief to the entire country by preventing state and local governments from treating privately owned rental property as if it belongs to the government.

COPYRIGHT 2020 CREATORS.COM

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Restrictions on Personalized License Plates “Offensive to Good Taste and Decency” Likely Unconstitutional

Today’s decision by Judge Jon S. Tigar in Ogilvie v. Gordon (N.D. Cal.) concludes that the personalized license plates (unlike license plate background designs) are private speech, not government speech:

Walker v. Sons of Confederate Veterans [which held that license plate designs were government speech -EV] explicitly did not consider whether the alphanumeric combinations approved via Texas’s personalization program were government speech. Of the four courts that, to the Court’s knowledge, have attempted to answer this question since, three have concluded that personalized license plate numbers are private speech [citing two district court cases and] Mitchell v. Md. Motor Vehicle Admin. (Md. 2016); but see Comm’r of Ind. Bureau of Motor Vehicles v. Vawter (Ind. 2015) (holding that personalized license plate numbers are government speech). This Court agrees with these courts’ conclusion.

First, the State has not historically used the alphanumeric combinations on license plates to communicate messages to the public. Although California may have “historically relied upon registration numbers displayed on license plates to convey a vehicle’s status as validly registered and its specific identity,” displaying information is not the equivalent of sending messages. License plate numbers “do not express a government-approved message in the same way as specialty plate designs,” which states have used “to urge action, to promote tourism, and to tout local industries.” …

Second, “it strains believability to argue that viewers perceive the government as speaking through personalized vanity plates.” Although Californians may understand that personalized plates are “approved, manufactured, and issued by the State, and interpret [them] as conveying information on behalf of the State,” it does not follow that Californians believe that the State is using the plates to send a message. Does the State seriously argue that someone viewing the license plate “KNG KOBE,” for example, would infer that the California government was declaring Kobe Bryant the king of basketball, or of California, or of something else? Or that California believes that its coastline belongs to the holder of the vanity license plate reading “MY COAST”? …

This conclusion is supported by “the sheer number of personalized Environmental License Plates” on California’s roads. As the Supreme Court remarked in holding that registering a trademark does not transform it into government speech, “[i]f the federal registration of a trademark makes the mark government speech, the Federal Government is babbling prodigiously and incoherently. It is saying many unseemly things. It is expressing contradictory views. It is unashamedly endorsing a vast array of commercial products and services.” Matal v. Tam (2017)…. Rather, “common sense dictates that the public attributes any message on an Environmental License Plate to the driver.”

As for the third factor, the California DMV at first glance appears to exercise a degree of control over Environmental License Plates similar to the control that the Texas DMV Board exercised over the specialty designs in Walker…. Plaintiffs allege that the DMV actively exercises final approval authority over proposed Environmental License Plates by denying more than 30,000 applications per year. But Walker based its control analysis on Pleasant Grove City v. Summum, which evaluated a municipality’s decision to erect certain donated statues, but not others, in a public park. Because “the City ha[d] selected those monuments that it want[ed] to display for the purpose of presenting the image of the City that it wishe[d] to project to all who frequent[ed] the Park,” the Court found that it had “‘effectively controlled’ the messages sent by the monuments in the Park.” In applying Summum to Texas’s specialty license plates, the Court found a similar degree of control because the Board’s “final approval authority allow[ed] Texas to choose how to present itself and its constituency.” As discussed above, however, California’s personalized license plates do not send any message on behalf of the State and thus do not present an “image” of the State or its constituency….

Once the plate program is found to be private speech, not government speech, the government can’t discriminate based on viewpoint in the program. And here,

Plaintiffs have plausibly alleged that the regulation discriminates on the basis of viewpoint …. California’s prohibition on personalized license plate numbers “that may carry connotations offensive to good taste and decency” constitutes viewpoint discrimination under [Matal v. Tam]. Kohli, who applied for the license plate configuration “QUEER” in an “effort to reclaim the word,” is in an analogous position to [Simon Tam, who sought to register the trademark “The Slants“]. The DMV’s determination that “QUEER” “may be considered ‘insulting, degrading, or expressing contempt for a specific group or person,’ and thus ‘offensive to good taste and decency,'” reflects an assessment of a viewpoint—an assessment that may or may not be correct, depending on the context. This is nothing if not “discriminat[ion] against speech based on the ideas or opinions it conveys.”

This conclusion is further supported by Iancu v. Brunetti, which invalidated the Lanham Act’s bar on the registration of “immoral[] or scandalous trademarks” because “[i]t too disfavor[ed] certain ideas.” The Court reasoned that the statute facially distinguished “between two opposed sets of ideas: those aligned with conventional moral standards and those hostile to them; those inducing societal nods of approval and those provoking offense and condemnation. The statute favors the former, and disfavors the latter.” The California regulation’s focus on “good taste and decency” likewise sets up a facial distinction between societally favored and disfavored ideas….

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400 Princeton Faculty Demand Committee for “Investigation and Discipline of Racist … Research and Publication”

The relevant paragraph:

Constitute a committee composed entirely of faculty that would oversee the investigation and discipline of racist behaviors, incidents, research, and publication on the part of faculty, following a protocol for grievance and appeal to be spelled out in Rules and Procedures of the Faculty. Guidelines on what counts as racist behavior, incidents, research, and publication will be authored by a faculty committee for incorporation into the same set of rules and procedures.

Thanks to Paul Mirengoff (PowerLine) for the pointer.

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Restrictions on Personalized License Plates “Offensive to Good Taste and Decency” Likely Unconstitutional

Today’s decision by Judge Jon S. Tigar in Ogilvie v. Gordon (N.D. Cal.) concludes that the personalized license plates (unlike license plate background designs) are private speech, not government speech:

Walker v. Sons of Confederate Veterans [which held that license plate designs were government speech -EV] explicitly did not consider whether the alphanumeric combinations approved via Texas’s personalization program were government speech. Of the four courts that, to the Court’s knowledge, have attempted to answer this question since, three have concluded that personalized license plate numbers are private speech [citing two district court cases and] Mitchell v. Md. Motor Vehicle Admin. (Md. 2016); but see Comm’r of Ind. Bureau of Motor Vehicles v. Vawter (Ind. 2015) (holding that personalized license plate numbers are government speech). This Court agrees with these courts’ conclusion.

First, the State has not historically used the alphanumeric combinations on license plates to communicate messages to the public. Although California may have “historically relied upon registration numbers displayed on license plates to convey a vehicle’s status as validly registered and its specific identity,” displaying information is not the equivalent of sending messages. License plate numbers “do not express a government-approved message in the same way as specialty plate designs,” which states have used “to urge action, to promote tourism, and to tout local industries.” …

Second, “it strains believability to argue that viewers perceive the government as speaking through personalized vanity plates.” Although Californians may understand that personalized plates are “approved, manufactured, and issued by the State, and interpret [them] as conveying information on behalf of the State,” it does not follow that Californians believe that the State is using the plates to send a message. Does the State seriously argue that someone viewing the license plate “KNG KOBE,” for example, would infer that the California government was declaring Kobe Bryant the king of basketball, or of California, or of something else? Or that California believes that its coastline belongs to the holder of the vanity license plate reading “MY COAST”? …

This conclusion is supported by “the sheer number of personalized Environmental License Plates” on California’s roads. As the Supreme Court remarked in holding that registering a trademark does not transform it into government speech, “[i]f the federal registration of a trademark makes the mark government speech, the Federal Government is babbling prodigiously and incoherently. It is saying many unseemly things. It is expressing contradictory views. It is unashamedly endorsing a vast array of commercial products and services.” Matal v. Tam (2017)…. Rather, “common sense dictates that the public attributes any message on an Environmental License Plate to the driver.”

As for the third factor, the California DMV at first glance appears to exercise a degree of control over Environmental License Plates similar to the control that the Texas DMV Board exercised over the specialty designs in Walker…. Plaintiffs allege that the DMV actively exercises final approval authority over proposed Environmental License Plates by denying more than 30,000 applications per year. But Walker based its control analysis on Pleasant Grove City v. Summum, which evaluated a municipality’s decision to erect certain donated statues, but not others, in a public park. Because “the City ha[d] selected those monuments that it want[ed] to display for the purpose of presenting the image of the City that it wishe[d] to project to all who frequent[ed] the Park,” the Court found that it had “‘effectively controlled’ the messages sent by the monuments in the Park.” In applying Summum to Texas’s specialty license plates, the Court found a similar degree of control because the Board’s “final approval authority allow[ed] Texas to choose how to present itself and its constituency.” As discussed above, however, California’s personalized license plates do not send any message on behalf of the State and thus do not present an “image” of the State or its constituency….

Once the plate program is found to be private speech, not government speech, the government can’t discriminate based on viewpoint in the program. And here,

Plaintiffs have plausibly alleged that the regulation discriminates on the basis of viewpoint …. California’s prohibition on personalized license plate numbers “that may carry connotations offensive to good taste and decency” constitutes viewpoint discrimination under [Matal v. Tam]. Kohli, who applied for the license plate configuration “QUEER” in an “effort to reclaim the word,” is in an analogous position to [Simon Tam, who sought to register the trademark “The Slants“]. The DMV’s determination that “QUEER” “may be considered ‘insulting, degrading, or expressing contempt for a specific group or person,’ and thus ‘offensive to good taste and decency,'” reflects an assessment of a viewpoint—an assessment that may or may not be correct, depending on the context. This is nothing if not “discriminat[ion] against speech based on the ideas or opinions it conveys.”

This conclusion is further supported by Iancu v. Brunetti, which invalidated the Lanham Act’s bar on the registration of “immoral[] or scandalous trademarks” because “[i]t too disfavor[ed] certain ideas.” The Court reasoned that the statute facially distinguished “between two opposed sets of ideas: those aligned with conventional moral standards and those hostile to them; those inducing societal nods of approval and those provoking offense and condemnation. The statute favors the former, and disfavors the latter.” The California regulation’s focus on “good taste and decency” likewise sets up a facial distinction between societally favored and disfavored ideas….

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400 Princeton Faculty Demand Committee for “Investigation and Discipline of Racist … Research and Publication”

The relevant paragraph:

Constitute a committee composed entirely of faculty that would oversee the investigation and discipline of racist behaviors, incidents, research, and publication on the part of faculty, following a protocol for grievance and appeal to be spelled out in Rules and Procedures of the Faculty. Guidelines on what counts as racist behavior, incidents, research, and publication will be authored by a faculty committee for incorporation into the same set of rules and procedures.

Thanks to Paul Mirengoff (PowerLine) for the pointer.

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