What Drug Warriors Got Wrong About the Opioid Epidemic

idea 4.1

Why did prescription opioids bring so much misery to the small towns of post-industrial America?

The standard narrative is to put the blame on OxyContin, a powerful painkiller pushed on rural America by the profiteers at Purdue Pharma, which ended up filing for bankruptcy and settling criminal charges with the federal government for $8.3 billion. In this telling, the opioid epidemic is a morality tale of capitalism run amok and regulation made toothless by anti-government zealots.

Sally Satel, a practicing psychiatrist and resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, has a more complicated story to tell. In 2018, she moved to Ironton, Ohio, a small, economically depressed town in Appalachia. With the help of Hillbilly Elegy author J.D. Vance, she found a job working with patients and social service providers to better understand the opioid epidemic. Satel says that the opioid crisis didn’t start with OxyContin. It was a natural outgrowth of a century-old tradition of medicating pain as a way of tending to the broken bodies of the region’s laborers.

She stresses that “when the Purdue sales force came to small towns in Appalachia, it was pushing on open clinic doors.” While there’s no question that OxyContin was a particularly potent painkiller, it was merely the latest in a long line of legal and illegal substances used by people in the region to ease physical and psychological suffering. That’s one of the reasons why even after OxyContin was reformulated to reduce abuse and opioid prescriptions declined, overdoses and dysfunction are still commonplace.

Satel also challenges conventional theories of addiction, which typically characterize addiction as a disease like diabetes or Alzheimer’s. That narrative denies the agency of individuals with substance abuse issues and makes it harder to treat them. Substance abuse, she says, derives from both inborn predilections and environment. Effective treatment has to deal with both factors. In a deeply ironic way, many of the people who blame the opioid epidemic on bad pills see the solution as a different set of pills such as methadone, buprenorphine, and naltrexone. Satel stresses that the best way forward is to give individuals tools to make better use decisions while improving their chances to live lives with open-ended futures.

Photo credits: Credits: ID 118820734© Eshmadeva| Dreamstime.com, ID 67095798© Ljupco Dreamstime.com, ID 8248015© Gemenacom Dreamstime.com, ochre7 | thenounproject.com, Purdue Pharma building; Credit: Kris Tripplaar/Sipa USA/Newscom, Oxycotin pills; Credit: Kris Tripplaar/Sipa USA/Newscom, ID 83510092 © Pureradiancephoto | Dreamstime.com, ID 74433193 © Pureradiancephoto | Dreamstime.com, ID 83505630 © Pureradiancephoto | Dreamstime.com, Oxycodone; Credit: Robin Rayne/ZUMA Press/Newscom, ID 119487794 © David Wood | Dreamstime.com, ID 92374531 © Pureradiancephoto | Dreamstime.com, ID 186618334 © Darwin Brandis | Dreamstime.com, Oxycotin tablet and bottles; Credit: JEFF SINER/KRT/Newscom, ID 177835776 © Jon Anders Wiken | Dreamstime.com, Oxycotin protest; Credit: Erik McGregor/Sipa USA/Newscom, Painkiller protesters; Credit: Erik McGregor/ZUMA Press/Newscom, Ironton, Ohio; Credit: BRIAN SNYDER/REUTERS/Newscom, ID 83220881 © Sherman Cahal | Dreamstime.com, ID 42727529 © Auntkandis | Dreamstime.com, J.D. Vance; Credit: Jeff Malet Photography/Newscom, Ironton, Ohio; Credit: ID 109543668 © Sherman Cahal | Dreamstime.com, Oxycotin, close; Credit: Kris Tripplaar/Sipa USA/Newscom, Brain scan: ID 104709884 © Ded Mityay | Dreamstime.com, ID 104708862 © Ded Mityay | Dreamstime.com, Appalachia, Credit: Everett Collection/Newscom, Pills, Credit: Stephan Jansen/dpa/picture-alliance/Newscom, ID 12683852 © Reino Jonsson | Dreamstime.com, ID 51873792 © Marsia16 | Dreamstime.com, Alcoholic: ID 42516984 © Ocusfocus | Dreamstime.com, ID 42516940 © Ocusfocus | Dreamstime.com, ID 42516922 © Ocusfocus | Dreamstime.com, Addiction patient; Credit: Norma Jean Gargasz/agefotostock/Newscom, Powder in spoon; Credit: ID 143292811 © Eag1e | Dreamstime.com, Hand with pills; Credit: Gado Images/Smith Collection/Gado/Sipa USA/Newscom, ID 165273655 © Mark Youso | Dreamstime.com, Methadone: ID 140482461 © Newgixxer | Dreamstime.com, Hydrocodone: ID 153684292 © Jessica Fischer | Dreamstime.com, ID 173159293 © Soleg1974 | Dreamstime.com

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Former Time Warner CEO Calls for “Private Accountability for Hate Speech”

From Jeff Bewkes, “former chairman and CEO of Time Warner,” and Jeffrey Sonnenfeld, “senior associate dean and professor of management practice at the Yale School of Management, where he is president of the Chief Executive Leadership Institute,” writing in Fortune:

[M]ore closely regulating social media companies is a good idea…. The regulation of technology is considered by many on the left and on the right to be a taboo, a bureaucratic assault on entrepreneurship, and a neo-Luddite undermining of U.S. competitiveness. However, screening of Internet communications is common around the world. It is completely possible to require private accountability for hate speech and inciting violence without curtailing the First Amendment. No constitutional rights are limitless—and the repeal of Section 230 has nothing to do with freedom of speech….

Repealing Section 230 is not a threat to the First Amendment. As long as anyone is free to launch their own platform, they must also shoulder the obligation to keep it safe and respectful.

The bulk of the article is indeed about repealing or modifying § 230, and there are perfectly plausible arguments to be had around that. Should Internet platforms be potentially liable for defamatory material posted on them, the way newspapers are potentially liable for defamation in letters to the editor or in advertisements? Should they be liable just on a notice-and-takedown basis, much as bookstores and libraries are (i.e., they would be liable if they keep material up once they’re on notice that it’s allegedly defamatory)? Or should they be entirely immune, the way they are now, and the way telephone companies have long been? (See this post for more on these three options.) I think that on balance the current § 230 regime is the least bad of the alternatives, but there are reasonable arguments for at least a notice-and-takedown position (and reasonable counterarguments).

But that debate is about platform liability for speech that fits within a First Amendment exception, such as libel, or one of a few other categories (such as solicitation of crime, true threats of crime, and the like). There is no First Amendment exception for hate speech. The government can’t make people legally “accountab[le] for hate speech”—whether by imposing liability on them for their own speech, or for third parties’ speech—any more than it can make people legally accountable for “[dis]respectful” speech or unpatriotic speech or rude speech or blasphemous speech or the like.

And this is so, of course, regardless of § 230. Section 230 doesn’t keep posters from being sued or prosecuted for their own speech; but the First Amendment protects them from being held “accountab[le]” for their own “hate speech.” Likewise, with or without § 230, platforms can’t be held accountable for their users’ “hate speech” (whatever that means), either. If what’s driving the calls to repeal or modify § 230 is a broader agenda to suppress people’s expression of supposedly “hate[ful]” ideas, that is all the more reason to resist such calls.

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NY Assemblyman Defends Bill Permitting Detainment Of Carriers Of “Contagious Disease”

NY Assemblyman Defends Bill Permitting Detainment Of Carriers Of “Contagious Disease”

Authored by Isabel van Brugen via The Epoch Times,

New York Democrat on Sunday defended a controversial bill that could allow the state governor to “order the removal” or detention of an individual deemed to be a suspected case, contact, or carrier of a “contagious disease” if they “pose an imminent and significant threat to the public health.”

Assemblyman Nick Perry, sponsor of Bill A416 that could see individuals detained “by a single order … in a medical facility or other appropriate facility,” pushed back against backlash that the legislation would violate Americans’ constitutional rights, according to a statement.

The bill (pdf) is scheduled to be taken up on Wednesday by the assembly’s health committee, and states that it may be used in the event that the governor declares a state of health emergency “due to an epidemic of any communicable disease.”

It requires the state governor or his or her delegee “to apply for a court order authorizing a detention within three business days.”

“[T]he governor or his or her delegee may, in his or her discretion, issue and seek enforcement of any other orders that he or she determines are necessary or appropriate to prevent dissemination or transmission of contagious diseases … to require an individual who has been exposed to or infected by a contagious disease to complete an appropriate, prescribed course of treatment, preventive medication or vaccination,” the bill states. “Such person or persons shall, upon request, be afforded an opportunity to be heard.”

According to the bill, an individual may be detained for up to 60 days but they may not be detained after it is determined that they are no longer contagious.

“Notwithstanding the foregoing provisions, in no event shall any person be detained for more than sixty days without a court order authorizing such detention,” the bill states. “The governor or his or her delegee shall seek further court review of such detention within ninety days following the initial court order authorizing detention and thereafter within ninety days of each subsequent court review.”

Responding to widespread criticism of the bill, Perry, a Democrat, noted that earlier versions of the bill were circulated during the 2015-2016 legislative session.

“This bill was initially introduced to address public health concerns related to the containment of the Ebola virus after it was discovered that Ebola-infected persons had entered the United States,” Perry said on Twitter, noting that the Ebola virus meant “almost certain death” to anyone who contracted it.

“I am an American who understands our Constitution is sacred, and provides us with the right to agree or disagree, and hold different positions on issues that may relate to our civil and constitutional rights.”

“There is no intent, no plan, or provisions in my bill to take away, or violate any rights, or liberties that all Americans are entitled to under our Constitution, either state or federal,” the assemblyman said.

“I urge you all to read the bill carefully, and not accept grossly misinformed and misrepresented interpretations of this bill, even though some provisions in this bill may be applicable to the current COVID-19 pandemic.”

Perry suggested that the bill is now being actively pushed for passage because many health experts believe that the likelihood of “such a deadly pandemic” that imposes a threat as severe as Ebola “is still real.”

“Somewhere in the future there maybe the need for people to be protected from a person or persons carrying a very deadly and transmittable virus, and this bill is designed to ensure that our government could lawfully act to protect all the people,” he explained.

Perry added that he is open to amend and “improve” the bill in order to address concerns raised by critics in regard to Americans’ Constitutional rights.

Tyler Durden
Mon, 01/04/2021 – 15:15

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3ndm3SC Tyler Durden

Poetry Monday!: “Ona” (“She”) by Zinaida Gippius

For you Russian readers out there, here’s “Она” (“Ona”, “She”) (1905) by Zinaida Gippius (1869-1945).

“В своей бессовестной и жалкой низости,
Она как пыль сера, как прах земной.
И умираю я от этой близости,
От неразрывности ее со мной….”

For the rest of my playlist, click here. Past poems are:

  1. “Ulysses” by Alfred, Lord Tennyson
  2. “The Pulley” by George Herbert
  3. “Harmonie du soir” by Charles Baudelaire
  4. “Dirge Without Music” by Edna St. Vincent Millay
  5. “Clancy of the Overflow” by A.B. “Banjo” Paterson
  6. “Лотова жена” (“Lotova zhena”, “Lot’s wife”) by Anna Akhmatova
  7. “The Jumblies” by Edward Lear
  8. “The Conqueror Worm” by Edgar Allan Poe
  9. “Les Djinns” by Victor Hugo
  10. “I Have a Rendezvous with Death” by Alan Seeger
  11. “When I Was One-and-Twenty” by A.E. Housman
  12. “Узник” (“Uznik”, “The Prisoner” or “The Captive”) by Aleksandr Pushkin
  13. “God’s Grandeur” by Gerard Manley Hopkins
  14. “The Song of Wandering Aengus” by William Butler Yeats
  15. “Je crains pas ça tellment” by Raymond Queneau
  16. “The Naming of Cats” by T.S. Eliot
  17. “The reticent volcano keeps…” by Emily Dickinson

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Bean Dad Canceled After Letting 9-Year-Old Daughter Figure Out a Can Opener

dreamstime_xxl_59622631

If you check out this thread that’s been burning up Twitter, you will read a story almost as long as the six-hour ordeal the dad describes, which began when a daughter wanted some baked beans and a father, John Roderick—a.k.a. “Bean Dad”—told her to open a can and heat some up.

The problem?

Said daughter, age nine, had never used a can-opener, and dad decided not not show her.  He was busy with a puzzle. He would wait out the whole time it took for the girl (who must not have access to YouTube) to finally, desperately figure out that the dang thing is held parallel to the cylinder and fastens on the lip.

In 23 subsequently deleted tweets, Bean Dad wrote about every frustrated exchange he and his daughter had:

So I said, “How do you think this works?” She studied it and applied it to the top of the can, sideways. She struggled for a while and with a big, dramatic sigh said, “Will you please just open the can?” Apocalypse Dad was overjoyed: a Teaching Moment just dropped in my lap!

We’ll see just how teachable in a moment. His tweets continued to describe the afternoon:

I said, “The little device is designed to do one thing: Open cans. Study the parts, study the can, figure out what the can-opener inventor was thinking when they tried to solve this problem.”…

When the girl finally did puncture the can with the little wheely thing (really, how much do any of us really know about can openers?), she was triumphant, and  dad was too.

Then came the commenters.

Like beans spilled on the floor, they were all over the place. Some praised dad for believing his kid would figure it out. Through his tough love, his daughter learned to be resourceful and really earn those beans.

But many others chimed in with less appreciative commentary: “If you are still not convinced this guy is a fuckbag, you may want to consider whether you are not also a fuckbag.” And, “Godspeed, shitgoblin.” And:

Pretty soon the haters were coming so loud—some calling his actions child abuse—that Bean Dad took down his whole thread (preserved here). Then came the memes, of course. And then came the digging up of his prior tweets, some of which were shockingly and indisputably racist and anti-Semitic. Or as one tweet put it:

Bean Dad’s daughter is now about 6 hours into watching her dad try to learn how to close a can of worms.

One worm-can included the fact that a podcast—My Brother, My Brother and Me—featured a song by a musical group that included Bean Dad in the 2000s. No more:

This incident leaves me with several questions.

First, when someone says or writes something you disagree with on Twitter, in a newspaper, or anywhere else, is this license to dredge up anything they’ve ever said publicly?

In truth, it does interest me that Bean Dad had posted disgusting tweets. It also made it much easier for me to categorize him. While some part of me had considered that maybe there was something plausibly positive in his parenting decision that day—his belief that his daughter would figure out a truly confusing problem, and savor her perseverance and lightbulb moment—once I read Bean Dad’s past tweets I could very easily damn everything he did and said as cruel and reprehensible. It allowed me to label him, once and for all, as a jerk.

I’m not sure that’s something we should be doing whenever we’re faced with an idea that is new or ambiguous. Digging back, hoping to find evidence of a character flaw so we can easily dismiss or despise someone, seems to allow us to hate instead of think.

On a somewhat parallel plain, I’m not very happy about the pastime of publicly second-guessing parenting decisions. This hobby has had serious real-world repercussions. For instance, sometimes a child is allowed to play outside without supervision, or a child wanders off and it takes a little while for the parent to notice. These are normal situations. But in actual cases like these, onlookers have called Child Protective Services simply because they believe that taking their eyes off their kids for one moment isn’t something they would ever do.

Absent real abuse, I’d rather us not be jumping in. Jumping in on Twitter normalizes the practice of hating and shaming as a virtuous thing to do. Jumping in on real-world parenting situations does the same. But being a virtuous child protector requires actually protecting kids, not sending the authorities after people we disagree with, dislike, or disdain.

Judging people as quickly and harshly as possible may be a normal human impulse. But it’s heating up faster than a bubbly pot of baked beans. (And now I’m hungry.)

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What Drug Warriors Got Wrong About the Opioid Epidemic

idea 4.1

Why did prescription opioids bring so much misery to the small towns of post-industrial America?

The standard narrative is to put the blame on OxyContin, a powerful painkiller pushed on rural America by the profiteers at Purdue Pharma, which ended up filing for bankruptcy and settling criminal charges with the federal government for $8.3 billion. In this telling, the opioid epidemic is a morality tale of capitalism run amok and regulation made toothless by anti-government zealots.

Sally Satel, a practicing psychiatrist and resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, has a more complicated story to tell. In 2018, she moved to Ironton, Ohio, a small, economically depressed town in Appalachia. With the help of Hillbilly Elegy author J.D. Vance, she found a job working with patients and social service providers to better understand the opioid epidemic. Satel says that the opioid crisis didn’t start with OxyContin. It was a natural outgrowth of a century-old tradition of medicating pain as a way of tending to the broken bodies of the region’s laborers.

She stresses that “when the Purdue sales force came to small towns in Appalachia, it was pushing on open clinic doors.” While there’s no question that OxyContin was a particularly potent painkiller, it was merely the latest in a long line of legal and illegal substances used by people in the region to ease physical and psychological suffering. That’s one of the reasons why even after OxyContin was reformulated to reduce abuse and opioid prescriptions declined, overdoses and dysfunction are still commonplace.

Satel also challenges conventional theories of addiction, which typically characterize addiction as a disease like diabetes or Alzheimer’s. That narrative denies the agency of individuals with substance abuse issues and makes it harder to treat them. Substance abuse, she says, derives from both inborn predilections and environment. Effective treatment has to deal with both factors. In a deeply ironic way, many of the people who blame the opioid epidemic on bad pills see the solution as a different set of pills such as methadone, buprenorphine, and naltrexone. Satel stresses that the best way forward is to give individuals tools to make better use decisions while improving their chances to live lives with open-ended futures.

Photo credits: Credits: ID 118820734© Eshmadeva| Dreamstime.com, ID 67095798© Ljupco Dreamstime.com, ID 8248015© Gemenacom Dreamstime.com, ochre7 | thenounproject.com, Purdue Pharma building; Credit: Kris Tripplaar/Sipa USA/Newscom, Oxycotin pills; Credit: Kris Tripplaar/Sipa USA/Newscom, ID 83510092 © Pureradiancephoto | Dreamstime.com, ID 74433193 © Pureradiancephoto | Dreamstime.com, ID 83505630 © Pureradiancephoto | Dreamstime.com, Oxycodone; Credit: Robin Rayne/ZUMA Press/Newscom, ID 119487794 © David Wood | Dreamstime.com, ID 92374531 © Pureradiancephoto | Dreamstime.com, ID 186618334 © Darwin Brandis | Dreamstime.com, Oxycotin tablet and bottles; Credit: JEFF SINER/KRT/Newscom, ID 177835776 © Jon Anders Wiken | Dreamstime.com, Oxycotin protest; Credit: Erik McGregor/Sipa USA/Newscom, Painkiller protesters; Credit: Erik McGregor/ZUMA Press/Newscom, Ironton, Ohio; Credit: BRIAN SNYDER/REUTERS/Newscom, ID 83220881 © Sherman Cahal | Dreamstime.com, ID 42727529 © Auntkandis | Dreamstime.com, J.D. Vance; Credit: Jeff Malet Photography/Newscom, Ironton, Ohio; Credit: ID 109543668 © Sherman Cahal | Dreamstime.com, Oxycotin, close; Credit: Kris Tripplaar/Sipa USA/Newscom, Brain scan: ID 104709884 © Ded Mityay | Dreamstime.com, ID 104708862 © Ded Mityay | Dreamstime.com, Appalachia, Credit: Everett Collection/Newscom, Pills, Credit: Stephan Jansen/dpa/picture-alliance/Newscom, ID 12683852 © Reino Jonsson | Dreamstime.com, ID 51873792 © Marsia16 | Dreamstime.com, Alcoholic: ID 42516984 © Ocusfocus | Dreamstime.com, ID 42516940 © Ocusfocus | Dreamstime.com, ID 42516922 © Ocusfocus | Dreamstime.com, Addiction patient; Credit: Norma Jean Gargasz/agefotostock/Newscom, Powder in spoon; Credit: ID 143292811 © Eag1e | Dreamstime.com, Hand with pills; Credit: Gado Images/Smith Collection/Gado/Sipa USA/Newscom, ID 165273655 © Mark Youso | Dreamstime.com, Methadone: ID 140482461 © Newgixxer | Dreamstime.com, Hydrocodone: ID 153684292 © Jessica Fischer | Dreamstime.com, ID 173159293 © Soleg1974 | Dreamstime.com

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230 Google Workers Form Silicon Valley’s First Union To Force Management To Embrace Their Progressive “Values”

230 Google Workers Form Silicon Valley’s First Union To Force Management To Embrace Their Progressive “Values”

Despite reporting a median worker pay of $258,708, one of the highest such numbers in the world, and more than 2x the average median pay reported by many of its biggest Silicon Valley rivals, Alphabet has long been a locus of workplace organizing in Silicon Valley, as Google’s ultra-progressive employees seek to impose their political worldview not only on their fellow employees, but on management as well.

In recent years, employee revolts at Alphabet have resulted in the firing or dismissal of employees who dared speak up in support of a conservative, or libertarian, ideology while scuttling lucrative contracts with both the DoD and the PRC (even after Google’s sanctimonious exit from the mainland over its refusal to kowtow to the CCP).

Now, after Alphabet’s refusal to kowtow to employees’ political whims resulted in a National Labor Relations Board complaint filed against the company late last year, some 230 Google workers have voted to unionize, creating what’s effectively the first union for Silicon Valley tech workers.

There were no picket lines, and no demands for better pay (or more time off) during this labor battle. Instead, many are joining the union to ensure that Alphabet’s “values” will reflect their values – that is to say, workers are trying to dictate the entities with which Alphabet can and cannot do business, for purely political reasons. Bloomberg noted that the success of Alphabets’ workers could inspire more tech workers to rise up and unionize in Silicon Valley, where companies have largely avoided unionization drivers with generous compensation, even for “contractors” who typically don’t receive the high pay and benefits enjoyed by salaried workers.

The Alphabet Workers Union said it will be open to all employees and contractors, regardless of their role or classification. It will collect dues, pay organizing staff and have an elected board of directors.

The unionizing effort, a rare campaign within a major U.S. technology company, is supported by the Communications Workers of America as part of a recent tech-focused initiative known as CODE-CWA. Googlers who join the Alphabet Workers Union will also be members of CWA Local 1400. The group, which represents more than 200 workers in the U.S., plans to take on issues including compensation, employee classification and the kinds of work Google engages in.

“We will hire skilled organizers to ensure all workers at Google know they can work with us if they actually want to see their company reflect their values,” Dylan Baker, a software engineer at Google, said in a statement.

Despite Alphabet’s progressive politics, the National Labor Relations Board filed a complaint against Google last month alleging the company violated labor law by spying on workers who organized protests against the company before firing them. The firings allegedly violated US labor laws by restricting the employees’ right to engage in collective action about issues in the workplace even if the workers do not belong to a union. Almost as controversially, Google made headlines a few weeks back by firing Timni Gebru, a prominent artificial intelligence researcher who slammed Google for its “lack of progress in hiring women and minorities” as well as for building in biases to its AI technology that made it “racist.” 

Notably, Google employees have taken an “unconventional” approach. Rather than holding an election with the NLRB, the Alphabet Workers Union was formed without federal ratification (a move that could limit the union’s heft and ability to collectively bargain on workers’ behalf). Members will belong to CWA Local 1400.

The fact that employees opted to forego federal ratification suggests that there isn’t much support for the union inside the company. Instead – as has long been the case – a handful of extremely vocal progressives are working to amplify their influence and credibility any way they can. To be sure, Alphabet management has already recognized the union.

“We’ve always worked hard to create a supportive and rewarding workplace for our workforce,” said Google’s director of people operations Kara Silverstein in a statement. “Of course our employees have protected labor rights that we support. But as we’ve always done, we’ll continue engaging directly with all our employees.”

At least at the beginning, members are committing to pay some pretty hefty dues equivalent to 1% of their total compensation packages (for some, this could amount to thousands of dollars a year) to help finance the hiring of organizing staff and pay for other resources. According to Nicki Anselmo, the union will help workers ensure that projects like “Project Maven” (a Google AI contract with the Pentagon) will be banned, along with golden parachutes for executives accused of sexual improprieties.

Looking ahead, analysts will be watching to see how this impacts the effort to unionize Amazon warehouse workers, who receive lower pay and work in arguably less comfortable conditions than most of the members of the new Alphabet Workers Union. Back in November, the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union filed paperwork to represent front-line workers at an Amazon warehouse in Alabama. A vote among the 5K+ workers at the site is expected in the coming weeks. If it passes, the Alabama warehouse would become the first Amazon fulfillment center in the country to unionize.

Tyler Durden
Mon, 01/04/2021 – 14:58

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3okGKNS Tyler Durden

Poetry Monday!: “Ona” (“She”) by Zinaida Gippius

For you Russian readers out there, here’s “Она” (“Ona”, “She”) (1905) by Zinaida Gippius (1869-1945).

“В своей бессовестной и жалкой низости,
Она как пыль сера, как прах земной.
И умираю я от этой близости,
От неразрывности ее со мной….”

For the rest of my playlist, click here. Past poems are:

  1. “Ulysses” by Alfred, Lord Tennyson
  2. “The Pulley” by George Herbert
  3. “Harmonie du soir” by Charles Baudelaire
  4. “Dirge Without Music” by Edna St. Vincent Millay
  5. “Clancy of the Overflow” by A.B. “Banjo” Paterson
  6. “Лотова жена” (“Lotova zhena”, “Lot’s wife”) by Anna Akhmatova
  7. “The Jumblies” by Edward Lear
  8. “The Conqueror Worm” by Edgar Allan Poe
  9. “Les Djinns” by Victor Hugo
  10. “I Have a Rendezvous with Death” by Alan Seeger
  11. “When I Was One-and-Twenty” by A.E. Housman
  12. “Узник” (“Uznik”, “The Prisoner” or “The Captive”) by Aleksandr Pushkin
  13. “God’s Grandeur” by Gerard Manley Hopkins
  14. “The Song of Wandering Aengus” by William Butler Yeats
  15. “Je crains pas ça tellment” by Raymond Queneau
  16. “The Naming of Cats” by T.S. Eliot
  17. “The reticent volcano keeps…” by Emily Dickinson

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Bean Dad Canceled After Letting 9-Year-Old Daughter Figure Out a Can Opener

dreamstime_xxl_59622631

If you check out this thread that’s been burning up Twitter, you will read a story almost as long as the six-hour ordeal the dad describes, which began when a daughter wanted some baked beans and a father, John Roderick—a.k.a. “Bean Dad”—told her to open a can and heat some up.

The problem?

Said daughter, age nine, had never used a can-opener, and dad decided not not show her.  He was busy with a puzzle. He would wait out the whole time it took for the girl (who must not have access to YouTube) to finally, desperately figure out that the dang thing is held parallel to the cylinder and fastens on the lip.

In 23 subsequently deleted tweets, Bean Dad wrote about every frustrated exchange he and his daughter had:

So I said, “How do you think this works?” She studied it and applied it to the top of the can, sideways. She struggled for a while and with a big, dramatic sigh said, “Will you please just open the can?” Apocalypse Dad was overjoyed: a Teaching Moment just dropped in my lap!

We’ll see just how teachable in a moment. His tweets continued to describe the afternoon:

I said, “The little device is designed to do one thing: Open cans. Study the parts, study the can, figure out what the can-opener inventor was thinking when they tried to solve this problem.”…

When the girl finally did puncture the can with the little wheely thing (really, how much do any of us really know about can openers?), she was triumphant, and  dad was too.

Then came the commenters.

Like beans spilled on the floor, they were all over the place. Some praised dad for believing his kid would figure it out. Through his tough love, his daughter learned to be resourceful and really earn those beans.

But many others chimed in with less appreciative commentary: “If you are still not convinced this guy is a fuckbag, you may want to consider whether you are not also a fuckbag.” And, “Godspeed, shitgoblin.” And:

Pretty soon the haters were coming so loud—some calling his actions child abuse—that Bean Dad took down his whole thread (preserved here). Then came the memes, of course. And then came the digging up of his prior tweets, some of which were shockingly and indisputably racist and anti-Semitic. Or as one tweet put it:

Bean Dad’s daughter is now about 6 hours into watching her dad try to learn how to close a can of worms.

One worm-can included the fact that a podcast—My Brother, My Brother and Me—featured a song by a musical group that included Bean Dad in the 2000s. No more:

This incident leaves me with several questions.

First, when someone says or writes something you disagree with on Twitter, in a newspaper, or anywhere else, is this license to dredge up anything they’ve ever said publicly?

In truth, it does interest me that Bean Dad had posted disgusting tweets. It also made it much easier for me to categorize him. While some part of me had considered that maybe there was something plausibly positive in his parenting decision that day—his belief that his daughter would figure out a truly confusing problem, and savor her perseverance and lightbulb moment—once I read Bean Dad’s past tweets I could very easily damn everything he did and said as cruel and reprehensible. It allowed me to label him, once and for all, as a jerk.

I’m not sure that’s something we should be doing whenever we’re faced with an idea that is new or ambiguous. Digging back, hoping to find evidence of a character flaw so we can easily dismiss or despise someone, seems to allow us to hate instead of think.

On a somewhat parallel plain, I’m not very happy about the pastime of publicly second-guessing parenting decisions. This hobby has had serious real-world repercussions. For instance, sometimes a child is allowed to play outside without supervision, or a child wanders off and it takes a little while for the parent to notice. These are normal situations. But in actual cases like these, onlookers have called Child Protective Services simply because they believe that taking their eyes off their kids for one moment isn’t something they would ever do.

Absent real abuse, I’d rather us not be jumping in. Jumping in on Twitter normalizes the practice of hating and shaming as a virtuous thing to do. Jumping in on real-world parenting situations does the same. But being a virtuous child protector requires actually protecting kids, not sending the authorities after people we disagree with, dislike, or disdain.

Judging people as quickly and harshly as possible may be a normal human impulse. But it’s heating up faster than a bubbly pot of baked beans. (And now I’m hungry.)

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Big Questions Hang Over Tech

Big Questions Hang Over Tech

By Kriti Gupta and Heather Burke, writers at Bloomberg’s Market Live blog

Expect the S&P 500 to continue rallying in 2021, but it won’t be anything like the run it had from March through year-end. The question is whether the economic recovery will be sturdy enough to support a rotation into riskier assets – or will investors simply return to the familiarity of tech stocks?

Conditions are ripe for the stock market to keep running on the reflation trade: a vaccine rollout, fresh fiscal stimulus, dollar weakness, easy financial conditions and a reasonably robust consumer. The year-end move that featured value over growth, and small caps over tech, can continue.

However, momentum is likely to slow. Traders remain sensitive to the impact of the pandemic — the recent surge in cases is already curbing the U.S. recovery, and delays in distributing Covid-19 vaccines could be a key indicator for global asset prices.

The reflation trade could lose steam if the incoming Biden administration and new Congress can’t produce more fiscal stimulus.

Rising retail sales and falling jobless claims will be essential in assessing the strength of the rebound in a consumer-driven economy.

An elevated savings rate is keeping cash largely on the sidelines, which is a major hindrance until it’s unleashed.

Regardless of what happens, some slowing is inevitable after the S&P 500’s more than 16% rally in 2020, which featured a 68% surge from its March trough. Markets Live readers who responded to the annual MLIV survey expect the index to rise less than 1% in 2021 to 3,770. Strategists are more bullish, with an average of 4,035.

A weakening dollar could be a major tailwind, incentivizing investors who missed out on the 2020 rally to buy into a fairly expensive U.S. stock market.

By mid-year, valuations and earnings should become part of the story again as the pandemic hopefully recedes and the economy bounces back. The S&P 500 is carrying a 12-month forward P/E that it hasn’t seen since the dot-com era, with expectations for 28% profit growth in 2021 compared with a 17% decline in 2020, according to Bloomberg Intelligence.

Results in the second and third quarters could be crucial. If the market’s lofty goals aren’t met, it could spur a selloff, particularly in sectors that benefited from the reflation rally, such as travel and energy.

If the recovery stalls by mid-year, investors may be willing to pay up again for defensive stocks like tech. Watch for an implosion in assets inflated by the re-opening trade if growth isn’t surging and inflation remains muted mid-year.

The possibility of Fed tightening remains a risk. Frothy risk assets leave investors vulnerable to an end of easy monetary policy. Any hints of that could cause a surprise selloff similar to the 2013 taper tantrum or the declines in late 2018, which only calmed after a speech by Fed Chair Jerome Powell in early January 2019.

Tech’s antitrust scrutiny, once part of the “Blue Wave” trade, will remain a sideshow. The idea has bipartisan support that could lead to speedy Congressional action. But individual stocks have historically responded to court cases, which are typically long and drawn out affairs. That will matter more to the S&P 500 given the weightings of these companies.

Retail trading, a hallmark of 2020, could lead to enthusiasm for individual stocks. But it won’t mean as much to macro investors until those names filter into the billions of dollars in passive investments in indexes. Tesla’s 2021 performance will offer guidance for that.

The S&P 500 is poised to have another up year, albeit one that isn’t as tumultuous as 2020. What investors need to determine is whether the gains will tilt to cyclical or defensive stocks.

Tyler Durden
Mon, 01/04/2021 – 14:31

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