How’s This Impeachment Farce Working For You, Nancy?

How’s This Impeachment Farce Working For You, Nancy?

Authored by James Howard Kunstler via Kunstler.com,

Speaker Nancy Pelosi has been clinging to her bill of impeachment for one reason: hoping that a judge will rule to release all the evidence and depositions collected by Robert Mueller’s investigation. What’s wrong with that? Mr. Mueller failed to find any prosecutable crimes. That was the sum and substance of his two-year-long exercise in bad faith. In which case, all that material is officially and legally evidence of nothing. Impeachment is a political act and sealed evidence of nothing can’t be released to one set of political actors in a political quarrel for use as a political weapon. More to the point – and to Mrs. Pelosi’s real motive here – the material is not for impeachment but rather to use the Mueller dossier as political opposition “research” for the coming election.

There is no question that from the start of his investigation, Special Counsel Robert Mueller knew that the case was opened under false pretenses, since his very close friend, the erstwhile FBI director James Comey, also knew by early 2017 that all the predicating material was substantially false, and that it was procured by Mrs. Clinton. To carry it beyond that was a scheme by acting FBI director Rod Rosenstein to issue a series of “scoping” letters that increasingly widened Mr. Mueller’s purview to go fishing for crimes in every area and every chronological phase of the president’s life. That smacks of what’s known in Anglo-American law as attainder by process: first declaring someone an outlaw, and only afterward seeking a crime to justify it. Under our system, first crimes are established, then persons liable for them are brought to court to answer charges.

Of course, there’s good reason to suspect that Mr. Mueller himself was a false front for the operation conducted in his name, which was really an intrigue carried out by a claque of Democratic Party Lawfare attorneys led by Andrew Weissmann, Mr. Mueller’s chief deputy. Mr. Mueller’s testimony before two House committees last July revealed a pathetic figure who was unacquainted with the most basic pieces of his own inquiry.

The case for House members to get access to all that backstage Mueller material could go up to the Supreme Court. In the meantime, Impeachment’s second act is about to get underway whether Mrs. Pelosi likes the terms or not. It’s the Senate’s prerogative to decide. These terms appear to be exactly the same as the ones used by the Senate for Bill Clinton’s impeachment trial — which means that each side chooses a team of “managers” to present its case, and then the managers are subject to grilling by senators. The House Democrats are insisting on calling witnesses solely to maintain their court claim for testimony from the White House counsel, with which the aforesaid Mueller material is associated in the case. If the rules eschew witnesses, that case is moot, and the Democrats lose access to a trove of political oppo research obtained for them under false pretenses by their own operatives in the Department of Justice.

Secondarily, the impeachment was designed to get senators in swing states on the record voting to acquit the president in the hopes that it will somehow taint their re-election prospects and possibly flip control of the Senate to the Democrats. That outcome would above all insure that Mr. Trump could not get another Supreme Court nominee confirmed in his second term, nor continue the wholesale appointment of lesser federal district judges. Plus, of course, it would obstruct any other legislative initiative his party brought for four years.

Personally, I would miss the chance to hear from the so-called “whistleblower” who instigated the impeachment phase of the long-running coup against Mr. Trump. Contrary to the disinformation put out by The New York Times and other coup co-conspirators, the “whistleblower” enjoys no right to anonymity. It would also be satisfying to hear how his enabler, Intel Community IG Michael Atkinson, might account for the process that steered the “whistleblower” to Rep. Adam Schiff and his staff — for instance, back-dating the official documents that green-lighted the “whistleblower’s” case. Mr. Atkinson is deeply implicated himself as a player in the earlier 2017 RussiaGate FISA court mischief, since his previous job was agency counsel to DOJ National Security chief John Carlin, who signed off on fraudulent FISA warrants. Mr. Atkinson must have counseled Mr. Carlin to do that. Testimony from Mr. Schiff about the “whistleblower” process would also be edifying. Senators would surely get to see Mr. Atkinson’s so-far-withheld deposition transcript from the House Intel Committee hearings of November. It might establish grounds for Mr. Schiff’s expulsion from the House of Representatives as a serial liar, a salutary measure to restore a sense of legitimacy in American affairs.

If witnesses were allowed in the Senate trial phase of impeachment, the president’s team could haul in scores of former and current government officials implicated in the seditious activities against him to testify. The nation would be well-served and enlightened. The only question is whether their testimony might queer the actual criminal cases pending against them outside the impeachment circus.


Tyler Durden

Fri, 01/10/2020 – 12:30

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US Begins Probe Of Russian “Meddling” In Biden 2020 Campaign

US Begins Probe Of Russian “Meddling” In Biden 2020 Campaign

Scapegoating by the establishment (for a Dem loss) or pre-emptive actions by Trump (for a Trump victory which will be inevitably besmirched by another round of sore-losing snowflakes)?

It’s hard to know for sure but one thing is certain, it will prolong the ‘Russia, Russia, Russia’ headlines for one more news cycle.

Bloomberg reports that, according to two officials familiar with the matter, US intelligence and law enforcement have begun a probe to assess whether Russia is trying to “meddle’ in Joe Biden’s nomination (and perhaps election, as he remains the front-runner) campaign.

Part of the inquiry is reportedly to determine whether Russia is trying to weaken Biden by promoting controversy over his past involvement in U.S. policy toward Ukraine while his son worked for an energy company there.

As one anonymous official proclaimed – despite zero evidence of this actually happening other than an extremely small ad spend on Facebook? – a Kremlin strategy to undermine Biden would echo its work in 2016, when American intelligence agencies found that Russia carried out a sophisticated operation to damage Democrat Hillary Clinton and ultimately help Trump.

“In America, they’re using social media and many other tools to inflame social divisions, promote conspiracy theories and sow distrust in our democracy and elections,” William Evanina, director of the National Counterintelligence and Security Center, said in a statement.

“As we look ahead to 2020, one thing I can guarantee is they’ll keep up their influence campaigns and utilize new vectors of disinformation.”

But, as Bloomberg is quick to remind readers, Russia’s campaign interference in 2016 resulted in a multiagency investigation that led to a highly classified intelligence assessment, part of which was made public in January 2017.

Trump has questioned the finding of Russian meddling and has asserted that government agents biased against him conducted a “witch hunt” into whether his campaign conspired with Russia.

“Vladimir Putin has interfered in our elections before and it’s no surprise he’s doing so again to prop up President Trump,” said Biden campaign spokesman Andrew Bates.

“Biden is to 2020 what Clinton was to 2016,” said Clint Watts, a former FBI agent who has been tracking Russia’s foreign influence operations.

“When you watch just how they speak publicly, they’re very clear that, yes, a second term of Trump would be great.”

“Going all the way back to May they were talking about Biden-Ukraine very heavily,” he said.

“It’s a great narrative for them.”

The potential for Russia to spread falsehoods – and to develop increasingly sophisticated techniques to do so – is one of the bigger concerns that U.S. officials have as the 2020 election approaches, said John Demers, head of the Justice Department’s national security division.

One thing is notable – no one is claiming China is meddling? Yet!


Tyler Durden

Fri, 01/10/2020 – 12:13

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Pelosi To Send Articles Of Impeachment To Senate Next Week

Pelosi To Send Articles Of Impeachment To Senate Next Week

After several weeks of delays, Nancy Pelosi’s gambit of withholding the articles of impeachment from the Senate appears to have backfired following intense pressure not only from Republicans – amid a series of political, economic and stock market victories by Trump who managed to put the impeachment news solidly on the back burner – but also amid a rising outcry by frustrated Democrats, and moments ago the House Speaker said the House will prepare to send articles of impeachment against President Donald Trump to the Senate next week, just one day after Mitch McConnell said he was backing a resolution to change the Senate’s rules to allow for lawmakers to dismiss the articles of impeachment against Trump before the House sends them over.

“I have asked Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler to be prepared to bring to the floor next week a resolution to appoint managers and transmit articles of impeachment to the Senate,” Pelosi wrote in a letter to House Democrats on Friday.

“I will be consulting with you at our Tuesday House Democratic Caucus meeting on how we proceed further” she wrote further, effectively capitulating to Senate GOP leader Mitch McConnell, who has promised a speedy acquittal of Trump, and has all but told Pelosi to pound sand, saying in a Wednesday speech on the Senate floor: “There will no haggling with the House over Senate procedure,” adding “We will not cede our authority to try this impeachment.”

Pelosi’s full letter is below:

Dear Democratic Colleague,

For weeks now, Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell has been engaged in tactics of delay in presenting transparency, disregard for the American people’s interest for a fair trial and dismissal of the facts.

Yesterday, he showed his true colors and made his intentions to stonewall a fair trial even clearer by signing on to a resolution that would dismiss the charges. A dismissal is a cover-up and deprives the American people of the truth. Leader McConnell’s tactics are a clear indication of the fear that he and President Trump have regarding the facts of the President’s violations for which he was impeached.

The American people have clearly expressed their view that we should have a fair trial with witnesses and documents, with more than 70 percent of the public stating that the President should allow his top aides to testify. Clearly, Leader McConnell does not want to present witnesses and documents to Senators and the American people so they can make an independent judgment about the President’s actions.

Honoring our Constitution, the House passed two articles of impeachment against the President — abuse of power and obstruction of Congress — to hold the President accountable for asking a foreign government to interfere in the 2020 elections for his own political and personal gain.

While the House was able to obtain compelling evidence of impeachable conduct, which is enough for removal, new information has emerged, which includes:

On December 20, new emails showed that 91 minutes after Trump’s phone call with Ukrainian President Zelensky, a top Office of Management and Budget (OMB) aide asked the Department of Defense to “hold off’ on sending military aid to Ukraine.

On December 29, revelations emerged about OMB Director and Acting Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney’s role in the delay of aid, the effort by lawyers at the OMB, the Department of Justice and the White House to justify the delay, and the alarm that the delay caused within the Administration.

On January 2, newly-unredacted Pentagon emails, which we had subpoenaed and the President had blocked, raised serious concerns by Trump Administration officials about the kg, of the  President’s hold on aid to Ukraine.

And on January 6, just this week, former Trump National Security Advisor John Bolton announced he would comply with a subpoena compelling his testimony. His lawyers have stated he has new relevant information.

I am very proud of the courage and patriotism exhibited by our House Democratic Caucus as we support and defend the Constitution. I have asked Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler to be prepared to bring to the Floor next week a resolution to appoint managers and transmit articles of impeachment to the Senate. I will be consulting with you at our Tuesday House Democratic Caucus meeting on how we proceed further.

In an impeachment trial, every Senator takes an oath to “do impartial justice according to the Constitution and laws.” Every Senator now faces a choice: to be loyal to the President or the Constitution.

No one is above the law, not even the President.

Thank you for your leadership For The People.


Tyler Durden

Fri, 01/10/2020 – 12:05

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A $15 Federal Minimum Wage Would Destroy Jobs and Hurt America’s Poorest Workers

“The idea of using a minimum wage to overcome poverty is old, honorable—and fundamentally flawed,” The New York Times editorial board wrote in 1987. “It’s time to put this hoary debate behind us, and find a better way to improve the lives of people who work very hard for very little.”

Last week, the Times editorial board revisited the issue and reached a different conclusion: “The American economy is generating plenty of jobs; the problem is in the paychecks,” the paper writes. “The solution is a $15 federal minimum wage.”

The current federal minimum wage is $7.25.

The paper’s editorial board points to America’s strong economy and low unemployment rate as proof that we can afford to raise the federal minimum wage. It dismisses the possible job-killing consequences—the same ones raised by the paper in 1987—as “never entirely sincere” and says the data we have now shows that doubling the minimum wage will have no unintended consequences for low-wage workers. 

Yet the research is anything but decisive, something that freelance business writer Dee Gill points out in the nonpartisan UCLA Anderson Review. “Some 60 years and hundreds of research papers from prestigious universities, government agencies, and private organizations have created little consensus on the subject [of the minimum wage], academic or otherwise,” she writes. “Just last year, [in 2017], separate Seattle minimum wage studies by researchers at the University of Washington and the University of California Berkeley suggested polar opposite effects.”

The short version of the minimum wage debate can be summed up as follows: some economists say that mandating a higher base pay helps workers without harming their employers; other economists contend that the policy forces employers to slash hours and cut jobs, which ultimately harms workers.

To refute these concerns, the Times board cites a 1993 study by economists David Card and Alan Krueger in which they compared fast-food restaurants in New Jersey, which had recently implemented a minimum wage increase, with businesses in nearby Pennsylvania, which had not raised the minimum wage. Card and Krueger found that raising the minimum wage did not reduce employment in New Jersey.

But consider the first wave of data collected by Card and Krueger in February and March of 1992, before the wage hike took effect on April 1 of that year. At that time, Pennsylvania’s fast-food restaurants averaged 23.2 full-time workers, while New Jersey’s only employed 20.2. That may not have been mere coincidence. “Employers typically don’t like to fire workers,” writes Thomas Firey, a Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute, “so a rational strategy to prepare for the policy change would have been to reduce employment through attrition in anticipation of the policy change, rather than issue morale-crushing pink slips on March 31, 1992.”

The Times also invokes British economist Arindrajit Dube’s compilation of studies, from which he deduced that raising the minimum wage has a “very muted effect on employment.” Yet you don’t have to look very far to find studies that come to the opposite conclusion. “Although the wide range of estimates is striking, the oft-stated assertion that the new minimum wage research fails to support the traditional view that the minimum wage reduces the employment of low-wage workers is clearly incorrect,” write economists David Neumark and William Wascher. “Indeed, in our view, the preponderance of the evidence points to disemployment effects.” Approximately two-thirds of studies they surveyed show a negative impact on jobs.

Neumark and Wascher add that “among the papers we view as providing the most credible evidence, almost all point to negative employment effects, both for the United States as well as for many other countries.”

What makes for credible evidence? No two economies are identical or immediately comparable, a fact researchers have been wrestling with since they started exploring the minimum wage question. Regional, state, and municipal economies vary in ways that lead to different outcomes when wage floors change. This fact helps explain the vast variability among researchers’ conclusions.

“For many years, researchers have manipulated these control groups to weed out factors that don’t equally affect employment in both locations,” notes Gill. “But there are huge differences among experts over how the data can justifiably be manipulated.”

In all reality, the result of any given minimum wage hike likely lies somewhere in a mushy middle: some workers see a bump in pay; some workers see no change in income (because they’re making at or just above the new minimum wage); some workers are let go; some workers are never hired.

The research can be confusing, so let’s consider Target’s $15 minimum wage. In 2017, the retail colossus promised to voluntarily bump pay nationwide, and eventually delivered. Except, for many of the intended beneficiaries, the results weren’t positive.

“I got that dollar raise but I’m getting $200 less in my paycheck,” a Target employee named Heather, whose hours have been cut from about 40 to 20, explained to CNN. Twenty-two other Target employees were interviewed by the network, all of whom had seen their hours reduced even as their hourly pay increased. Put another way, minimum wage increases don’t have to lead to layoffs to hurt the people who are supposed to benefit. Companies can reduce hours to keep take-home pay roughly the same, or slash hours even further, as happened to Heather.

The Times never addresses the very real potential for companies to reduce hours in response to wage increases. But they do eventually grant a more dire concession: “It is possible that a national $15 standard would produce the kinds of damage critics have long predicted,” they write at the end of their piece in reference to unemployment issues they initially dismissed. Indeed, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) recently estimated that about 1.3 million workers would be priced out of the labor market entirely should Congress double the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour.

“For most low-wage workers, earnings and family income would increase, which would lift some families out of poverty,” the CBO writes. “But other low-wage workers would become jobless, and their family income would fall—in some cases, below the poverty threshold.”

That comports with the conclusions of Neumark and Wascher, who say that research looking at how the minimum wage affects low-wage workers “provide relatively overwhelming evidence of stronger disemployment effects for these groups.”

Yet those individuals wouldn’t be the only ones to suffer under a $15 federal minimum wage. Tipped workers, often employed at bars and restaurants, earn a fraction of the mandated minimum and make up the rest of their pay in tips. These employees would see an explosion in hourly base pay from the current federal tipped-wage floor of $2.13. If New York City’s tipped wage increases are any guide to what we’d see in other parts of the country, then restaurant staff and their patrons stand to lose quite a bit from a federally mandated increase in the minimum wage. 

And what about communities outside of big city centers? An approximate 100 percent increase in Mississippi’s minimum wage, for instance, would likely shutter small businesses across the state. 

The Times editorial board proposes a workaround to these concerns: a directive “to include exemptions from the $15 standard for low-wage metropolitan areas and rural areas.” How would that exemption process work? What it would cost to review requests? How much would businesses and cities spend lobbying for or against carveouts? And with so much money on the line, why not just leave the decision in the hands of policymakers closer to the problem? After all, 24 states raised their respective minimum wages at the start of 2020. 

As localities across the U.S. continue to engage in this discussion, politicians and pundits alike should remember that objections to a minimum wage are rooted in genuine concern for the people who will bear the brunt of these policies if they fail. 

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“We Want Iran To Behave Like A Normal Nation”: US Imposes Sanctions On Virtually Entire Iranian Economy

“We Want Iran To Behave Like A Normal Nation”: US Imposes Sanctions On Virtually Entire Iranian Economy

As was previewed by Trump two days earlier, moments ago Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo confirmed that the Trump administration is imposing new sanctions on Iran, specifically targeting the country’s metals exports and eight senior leaders. The Treasury said the actions Friday target the 13 largest steel and iron manufacturers in Iran and top copper and aluminum producers.

With the latest sanctions targeting steel, aluminum, copper and iron as well as sectors of the economy such as construction, manufacturing, textiles and mining, it now appears that virtually the entire Iranian economy is off-limits to any nation that has diplomatic ties with the US. As a reminder, Iran’s critical oil exports and shipping industries were already sanctioned in 2019, sending the economy in turmoil as most of the country’s oil exports were taken offline with only a handful of countries such as China and India still importing Iranian crude.

The economic pressure from US sanctions has already had a destabilizing effect on Iran’s economy, sending the currency tumbling and leading to sporadic anti-government protests across the nation.

In this vein, the new measures are aimed at cracking down on Iran’s few remaining sources of export revenue and squeezing the nation’s economy to force its leaders back into negotiations for a new nuclear agreement.

“We want Iran to simply behave like a normal nation,” Pompeo said during a media briefing at the White House.

The move to expand penalties on the Islamic Republic followed one day after President Trump said Iran would be sanctioned “immediately” for the airstrikes against two U.S. military installations in Iraq, which resulted in no casualties.

As Bloomberg notes, “the administration first prepared the sanctions in December, before tensions escalated between the U.S. and Iran, leading to the Jan. 2 U.S. airstrike in Baghdad that killed top Iranian general Qassem Soleimani.”

“By cutting off the economics to the regime, we are having an impact,” Mnuchin said.

Separately, Mnuchin also said that the U.S. will issue waivers on sanctions against Iran to allow investigators from the US and other countries to take part in the probe of a Ukrainian jetliner crash in Tehran earlier this week which several western nations have said was likely downed by an Iranian missile shortly after Tehran attacked US air bases in Iraq.

Reiterating that the target of US economic pressure remains Iran’s oil industry, the State and Treasury Departments issued guidance that warns ship insurers, banks, charter companies, port owners, crews and captains that they all face sanctions exposure if they can’t account for the legitimacy of the cargoes they carry. The administration is seeking to close a significant loophole that allows Iran and other nations to avoid sanctions: ship-to-ship transfers of crude oil, refined petroleum and other goods.

Ironically, the biggest client of Iranian oil exports remains China in stark violation of US sanctions, yet despite this clear snub of Washington in the international arena, US and China are expected to sign the Phase One trade deal as early as next Monday.

As for the immediate impact of the sanctions, it is debatable if they will achieve the desired concession by Rouhani to sit down on the negotiating table with Trump; instead a far more likely outcome is that after Iran’s leaders succeeded in placating the population’s thirst for retaliation and vindication after Soleimani’s assassination, which was achieved with Iran’s casualty-free attack on US airbases in Iraq, the angry Iranian population will demand another round of retaliatory escalation, made more likely by the fact that now Tehran’s cash-strapped government has even fewer sources of income, which may explain why risk assets are suddenly sinking.


Tyler Durden

Fri, 01/10/2020 – 11:50

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As Stocks Soared This Week, This Is What You Missed

As Stocks Soared This Week, This Is What You Missed

Authored by Michael Every via Rabobank,

Ark B

Friday. End of the first full week of 2020. What have you missed so far if you are only going back to on Monday?

To date, you would have missed the Brexit bill finally passing in the UK – and Europe reminding the UK that they can’t have a free trade deal without being closely aligned with them on all fronts, and the UK saying “Oh yes we can.” As if this were still pantomime season.

Then there were Prince Harry and Princess “Suits” Meghan deciding that they would like to be independently wealthy and royal in a tax-payers-pay-for-our-travel-and-security-bills and living-off-royal-estates kind of way, while also doing dignified things like selling energy drinks and avoiding undignified things like the whole dull public duties kind of stuff.

And how about US stocks at an all-time high again? Indeed, we also have the US President tweeting: “STOCK MARKET AT ALL-TIME HIGH! HOW ARE YOUR 409K’S DOING? 70%, 80%, 90% up? Only 50% up! What are you doing wrong!” Of course, Trump has tweeted similar things before, but this is a blatant apotheosis which takes us to a political-economy of ‘liberté, inégalité, équité’. I seem to recall similar headlines to the Trump tweet, albeit worded differently, in the Chinese press during their epic equity bubble of 2015.

What else have you missed? That it’s not just the current occupant of the White House leading the charge into an equity-fetishist weltanschauung. The Fed are also doing their part to support asset prices and prevent any bad investment decision from ever being punished, as repo operation piles on top of repo operation to ensure that all have liquidity in ever-increasing amounts. With nearly free money and increasingly risk-free investing, is it any wonder we have flying cars being touted as the solution to our lack-of-public-transport problems? I seem to recall the PBOC also forever shovelling cash down the maw of a financial system that will collapse without it – and yet still not able to generate strong, sustainable, equitable growth.

And what else? Oh yes, brief fears of World War Three over Iran. As we wrote several times this week, that scream was reflective of the same lack of critical thinking that has now seen markets run all the way back to “Don’t worry, all geopolitical risk no longer matters!”. And apparently it doesn’t. Did it ever? I don’t think it did – right? (NB Sarcasm.)

You would additionally have missed the market increasingly convinced the US-China trade deal to be signed next week is the real deal, and not just a piece of political theatre for both sides to avoid escalation before November 2020. Trump even now says that “phase two” negotiations will begin straight after signing a “phase one” deal that doesn’t look to have any real substance. That’s the same voice telling you stocks are going to get even stockier ahead.

Putting this all together, a pattern emerges.

And is spells GOLGAFRINCHAN. In ‘The Hitchhikers Guide to the Galaxy’–the original book and not the vacuum of a movie–the Golgafrinchans are a species who had to flee their doomed planet in three ships, Ark Fleet Ships A, B, and C. Arks A and C contained all the “useful people who ruled, thought, or actually did work”. Ark B consisted solely of “telephone sanitisers, account executives, hairdressers, tired TV producers, insurance salesmen, personnel officers, security guards, public relations executives, and management consultants.”

Arks A and C rapidly “lose contact” with Ark B, led by an ablutophiliac captain who spends all his time having a nice bath with a rubber duck. It eventually crash-lands on a heavily-forested blue-green planet, and is settled by the crew and passengers without any of the ship’s destroyed technology.

A year later, the Golgafrinchan Colonization Committee have met 573 times – and have an inflation problem to tackle. This is because they had opted to adopt the common leaf as their currency unit, and had consequently “all suddenly become very rich”. Money literally grows on trees for them. The proposed solution to this inflation is that they should revalue the leaf by burning down all the forests.

Of course, it turns out that the planet the Golgafrinchans land on is actually Earth of the distant past; and while our current central bankers act like they belonged on Arks A and C, they are Ark B all the way, it seems.

In a country with plenty of forest and fire issues, sadly, Australia has just seen a bumper retail sales number of 0.9% for November, well above the downwardly-revised flat October reading and the 0.4% consensus. Perhaps the Golgafrinchan RBA and their rate cuts, and looming QE, have succeeded in making Aussies believe that their rising mortgage debt makes them “suddenly very rich” again. However, I think the warm water in that particular bath is still going to get cold, and fast.

Please continue to ponder the wisdom of the Golgafrinchans as you sit in your own metaphorical bath and ponder today’s main highlight, US payrolls, which we can all pretend are important when actually the Fed is locked and loaded to do nothing on rates right up until the economy slips into recession in H2 2020, which is still our house call.

*  *  *

We give the last word to Bankhaus Metzler strategists, who wrote in a note to clients this week:

“There are plenty of reasons for stronger corrections, especially in the overheated U.S. stock market: declining growth, historically ex­pensive stocks, euphoric sentiment, boiling geopolitical risks, the U.S. Federal Reserve ‘on hold’ and a US president who keeps the world on tenterhooks…”

But apart from that…?


Tyler Durden

Fri, 01/10/2020 – 11:35

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A $15 Federal Minimum Wage Would Destroy Jobs and Hurt America’s Poorest Workers

“The idea of using a minimum wage to overcome poverty is old, honorable—and fundamentally flawed,” The New York Times editorial board wrote in 1987. “It’s time to put this hoary debate behind us, and find a better way to improve the lives of people who work very hard for very little.”

Last week, the Times editorial board revisited the issue and reached a different conclusion: “The American economy is generating plenty of jobs; the problem is in the paychecks,” the paper writes. “The solution is a $15 federal minimum wage.”

The current federal minimum wage is $7.25.

The paper’s editorial board points to America’s strong economy and low unemployment rate as proof that we can afford to raise the federal minimum wage. It dismisses the possible job-killing consequences—the same ones raised by the paper in 1987—as “never entirely sincere” and says the data we have now shows that doubling the minimum wage will have no unintended consequences for low-wage workers. 

Yet the research is anything but decisive, something that freelance business writer Dee Gill points out in the nonpartisan UCLA Anderson Review. “Some 60 years and hundreds of research papers from prestigious universities, government agencies, and private organizations have created little consensus on the subject [of the minimum wage], academic or otherwise,” she writes. “Just last year, [in 2017], separate Seattle minimum wage studies by researchers at the University of Washington and the University of California Berkeley suggested polar opposite effects.”

The short version of the minimum wage debate can be summed up as follows: some economists say that mandating a higher base pay helps workers without harming their employers; other economists contend that the policy forces employers to slash hours and cut jobs, which ultimately harms workers.

To refute these concerns, the Times board cites a 1993 study by economists David Card and Alan Krueger in which they compared fast-food restaurants in New Jersey, which had recently implemented a minimum wage increase, with businesses in nearby Pennsylvania, which had not raised the minimum wage. Card and Krueger found that raising the minimum wage did not reduce employment in New Jersey.

But consider the first wave of data collected by Card and Krueger in February and March of 1992, before the wage hike took effect on April 1 of that year. At that time, Pennsylvania’s fast-food restaurants averaged 23.2 full-time workers, while New Jersey’s only employed 20.2. That may not have been mere coincidence. “Employers typically don’t like to fire workers,” writes Thomas Firey, a Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute, “so a rational strategy to prepare for the policy change would have been to reduce employment through attrition in anticipation of the policy change, rather than issue morale-crushing pink slips on March 31, 1992.”

The Times also invokes British economist Arindrajit Dube’s compilation of studies, from which he deduced that raising the minimum wage has a “very muted effect on employment.” Yet you don’t have to look very far to find studies that come to the opposite conclusion. “Although the wide range of estimates is striking, the oft-stated assertion that the new minimum wage research fails to support the traditional view that the minimum wage reduces the employment of low-wage workers is clearly incorrect,” write economists David Neumark and William Wascher. “Indeed, in our view, the preponderance of the evidence points to disemployment effects.” Approximately two-thirds of studies they surveyed show a negative impact on jobs.

Neumark and Wascher add that “among the papers we view as providing the most credible evidence, almost all point to negative employment effects, both for the United States as well as for many other countries.”

What makes for credible evidence? No two economies are identical or immediately comparable, a fact researchers have been wrestling with since they started exploring the minimum wage question. Regional, state, and municipal economies vary in ways that lead to different outcomes when wage floors change. This fact helps explain the vast variability among researchers’ conclusions.

“For many years, researchers have manipulated these control groups to weed out factors that don’t equally affect employment in both locations,” notes Gill. “But there are huge differences among experts over how the data can justifiably be manipulated.”

In all reality, the result of any given minimum wage hike likely lies somewhere in a mushy middle: some workers see a bump in pay; some workers see no change in income (because they’re making at or just above the new minimum wage); some workers are let go; some workers are never hired.

The research can be confusing, so let’s consider Target’s $15 minimum wage. In 2017, the retail colossus promised to voluntarily bump pay nationwide, and eventually delivered. Except, for many of the intended beneficiaries, the results weren’t positive.

“I got that dollar raise but I’m getting $200 less in my paycheck,” a Target employee named Heather, whose hours have been cut from about 40 to 20, explained to CNN. Twenty-two other Target employees were interviewed by the network, all of whom had seen their hours reduced even as their hourly pay increased. Put another way, minimum wage increases don’t have to lead to layoffs to hurt the people who are supposed to benefit. Companies can reduce hours to keep take-home pay roughly the same, or slash hours even further, as happened to Heather.

The Times never addresses the very real potential for companies to reduce hours in response to wage increases. But they do eventually grant a more dire concession: “It is possible that a national $15 standard would produce the kinds of damage critics have long predicted,” they write at the end of their piece in reference to unemployment issues they initially dismissed. Indeed, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) recently estimated that about 1.3 million workers would be priced out of the labor market entirely should Congress double the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour.

“For most low-wage workers, earnings and family income would increase, which would lift some families out of poverty,” the CBO writes. “But other low-wage workers would become jobless, and their family income would fall—in some cases, below the poverty threshold.”

That comports with the conclusions of Neumark and Wascher, who say that research looking at how the minimum wage affects low-wage workers “provide relatively overwhelming evidence of stronger disemployment effects for these groups.”

Yet those individuals wouldn’t be the only ones to suffer under a $15 federal minimum wage. Tipped workers, often employed at bars and restaurants, earn a fraction of the mandated minimum and make up the rest of their pay in tips. These employees would see an explosion in hourly base pay from the current federal tipped-wage floor of $2.13. If New York City’s tipped wage increases are any guide to what we’d see in other parts of the country, then restaurant staff and their patrons stand to lose quite a bit from a federally mandated increase in the minimum wage. 

And what about communities outside of big city centers? An approximate 100 percent increase in Mississippi’s minimum wage, for instance, would likely shutter small businesses across the state. 

The Times editorial board proposes a workaround to these concerns: a directive “to include exemptions from the $15 standard for low-wage metropolitan areas and rural areas.” How would that exemption process work? What it would cost to review requests? How much would businesses and cities spend lobbying for or against carveouts? And with so much money on the line, why not just leave the decision in the hands of policymakers closer to the problem? After all, 24 states raised their respective minimum wages at the start of 2020. 

As localities across the U.S. continue to engage in this discussion, politicians and pundits alike should remember that objections to a minimum wage are rooted in genuine concern for the people who will bear the brunt of these policies if they fail. 

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Vermont Bill Criminalizing Cell Phone Use for Anyone Under 21 Is a Brilliant Troll

A Vermont legislator has introduced a bill that would ban anyone under 21 from using a cellphone. Under the legislation introduced by Sen. John Rodgers (D–Essex-Orleans), 20-year-olds caught talking, texting, or TicToking could be imprisoned for up to a year and face $1,000 in fines.

If that sounds ridiculous, it’s because it’s supposed to be. Judging from Rodgers’ comments to the Barre Montpelier Times Argus, the pro–Second Amendment Democrat is trying to troll his gun-grabbing colleagues.

“I have no delusions that it’s going to pass. I wouldn’t probably vote for it myself,” Rodgers told the Times Argus. He added that the Vermont legislature “seems bent on taking away our Second Amendment rights.”

The text of Rodgers’ bill says that “young people frequently use cell phones to bully and threaten other young people, activities that have been linked to many suicides.” The bill also notes that cell phones have been used to radicalize youth and that mass shooters have used them to research previous mass shootings.

“In light of the dangerous and life-threatening consequences of cell phone use by young people, it is clear that persons under 21 years of age are not developmentally mature enough to safely possess them, just as the General Assembly has concluded that persons under 21 years of age are not mature enough to possess firearms, smoke cigarettes, or consume alcohol,” the bill cays.

In May 2019, Vermont Gov. Phil Scott, a Republican, signed a bill raising the state’s smoking age to 21. In April of the previous year, Scott signed legislation that raised the minimum age required to buy a gun to 21.

In light of all that, Rodgers is clearly trying to push back against the creeping infantilization of America’s young adults. That’s an important message. Whether a piece of troll legislation is the best medium for that message is another question.

Generally, I think lawmakers should pass on introducing purely symbolic bills. A more constructive approach would be for him to introduce legislation that actually repeals the restrictions he finds offensive.

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Vermont Bill Criminalizing Cell Phone Use for Anyone Under 21 Is a Brilliant Troll

A Vermont legislator has introduced a bill that would ban anyone under 21 from using a cellphone. Under the legislation introduced by Sen. John Rodgers (D–Essex-Orleans), 20-year-olds caught talking, texting, or TicToking could be imprisoned for up to a year and face $1,000 in fines.

If that sounds ridiculous, it’s because it’s supposed to be. Judging from Rodgers’ comments to the Barre Montpelier Times Argus, the pro–Second Amendment Democrat is trying to troll his gun-grabbing colleagues.

“I have no delusions that it’s going to pass. I wouldn’t probably vote for it myself,” Rodgers told the Times Argus. He added that the Vermont legislature “seems bent on taking away our Second Amendment rights.”

The text of Rodgers’ bill says that “young people frequently use cell phones to bully and threaten other young people, activities that have been linked to many suicides.” The bill also notes that cell phones have been used to radicalize youth and that mass shooters have used them to research previous mass shootings.

“In light of the dangerous and life-threatening consequences of cell phone use by young people, it is clear that persons under 21 years of age are not developmentally mature enough to safely possess them, just as the General Assembly has concluded that persons under 21 years of age are not mature enough to possess firearms, smoke cigarettes, or consume alcohol,” the bill cays.

In May 2019, Vermont Gov. Phil Scott, a Republican, signed a bill raising the state’s smoking age to 21. In April of the previous year, Scott signed legislation that raised the minimum age required to buy a gun to 21.

In light of all that, Rodgers is clearly trying to push back against the creeping infantilization of America’s young adults. That’s an important message. Whether a piece of troll legislation is the best medium for that message is another question.

Generally, I think lawmakers should pass on introducing purely symbolic bills. A more constructive approach would be for him to introduce legislation that actually repeals the restrictions he finds offensive.

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Escalation Breeds Escalation, in Iran and Beyond

The assassination of Gen. Qassem Soleimani, commander of Iran’s Quds Force, begins a new decade of American foreign policy by perversely recommiting us to the errors of the old one. With Soleimani’s death, President Donald Trump capped months of uncertainty in U.S.-Iranian relations with a lurch toward war.

Iran’s face-saving missile strikes on Tuesday had no casualties, and Trump appears to be wisely taking this as an offramp from open conflict. But it’s only a matter of time before we again start hearing the war drums calling for regime change in Iran. Escalation breeds escalation. “IRAN WILL NEVER HAVE A NUCLEAR WEAPON!” Trump tweeted Monday morning, but his short-sighted tactics make it more likely that Iran—to say nothing of other adversarial states, such as North Korea—will seek a nuclear deterrent.

This paradox is not unique to this administration. Washington’s bipartisan military-first approach to foreign affairs broadcasts to bad actors worldwide that U.S. intervention is always at hand and that a nuclear arsenal is the only sure deterrence against it.

North Korea has affirmed this logic explicitly. “History proves that powerful nuclear deterrence serves as the strongest treasure sword for frustrating outsiders’ aggression,” a state-run media editorial declared in January 2016. Neither Iraq’s Saddam Hussein nor Libya’s Moammar Gadhafi, both deposed and killed with U.S. involvement, could “escape the fate of destruction after being deprived of their foundations of nuclear development and giving up undeclared programs of their own accord,” the editorial continued. North Korea’s Kim Jong-un is visibly determined not to follow in their footsteps.

For all its imperfections, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)—better known as the “Iran deal”—presented an opportunity to break this pattern. Unfortunately, that opportunity is gone following Trump’s withdrawal from the agreement in 2018. After the Soleimani strike, Tehran announced its own exit from the plan and, with that, its intent to proceed with nuclear research and development at will.

Before Trump left the JCPOA, independent observers repeatedly verified Iran’s compliance. As recently as this past fall, with halting but sometimes promising talks between Washington and Tehran underway, Iran’s initial steps away from compliance were not a sprint toward nuclear warheads so much as a lunge for leverage at the negotiating table.

That lunge was part of a broader foray into provocation, which in turn was Iran’s response to the administration’s “maximum pressure.” That reckless Trump policy consists of leaving the nuclear deal, reinstating harsh sanctions that the agreement had repealed, and expanding the U.S. military presence in the Middle East, including stationing thousands of American forces to defend Iran’s regional rival, Saudi Arabia, and keeping troops in Iraq “to watch” neighboring Iran.

Such pressure, the White House assured us, would force Iran to come begging for relief at any cost. It failed.

Far from humbling Iran, maximum pressure multiplied the political capital of Iranian hardliners and pushed us closer to open conflict. It raised the specter of direct U.S. military intervention and, with it, the nagging perception that nuclear weapons are the single reliable guarantee against it. Even if Iran does not build a nuclear arsenal, the last year has more than demonstrated that Tehran will not passively defer to Washington’s coercion, the Soleimani strike included.

Whether we are now “at war” with Iran is impossible to say. In another time, one nation taking credit for bombing another nation’s high-ranking military official—however dastardly his record—would unquestionably be an act of war. But Washington has long since abandoned old constraints of conflict; wars don’t formally begin anymore, and they certainly never end.

The most probable outcome is that Washington will sleepwalk into a new theater in what I suspect historians will record as Washington’s multi-front Hundred Years’ War of the Greater Middle East. But it may not be too late to change course, to learn the lesson that escalation breeds escalation, and to apply that lesson both here and elsewhere. Even the most powerful nation on earth cannot act without regard for cost and consequence. Constantly threaten conflict with simplistic shows of “strength,” and conflict is what you’ll eventually get.

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