What If Widespread Disinformation Is the Solution to Fake News?

What if disinformation, defamation, and deep fakes aren’t the central problem of “fake news,” either on the internet or in other media? What if they’re actually part of the solution?

These questions get raised in an early chapter of Neal Stephenson’s new novel, Fall, or Dodge in Hell, and the author’s answers are eerily persuasive. They’re also a weird echo of creative thinking pioneered by the cypherpunks more than 20 years ago—a group that Stephenson, then working on his encryption-centric opus Cryptonomicon, frequently hung out with and consulted.  (Cypherpunk creativity, which nowadays deserves credit for things like cryptocurrency, is a gift that keeps on giving.)

I confess I haven’t yet finished Stephenson’s latest 800-plus-page tome, which so far might be characterized, although not necessarily captured, by the term “near-future dystopia.”  But when I came across Stephenson’s depiction of how automated disinformation could actually remedy the damage that internet-based “doxxing” and fake news inflict on an innocent private individual, I paused my reading and jumped down the rabbit hole of tracing this idea to its 1990s roots. 

What caught me was a passage about the character Maeve, an Australian who becomes involved with Corvallis, a cloud-computing engineer who’s quasi-famous. When both appear in video news coverage of a presidential speech, they become obsessional objects of internet gossip, which Stephenson refers to with some justice as “Crazytown”: “For he had been identified by name, on national television, by the president of the United States, and had been a reasonably well-known person to begin with. And she had been standing next to him.”

The result, per Stephenson, is predictable:

“Crazytown was repelled by facts and knowledge, as oil fled from water, but was fascinated by the absence of hard facts, since it provided vacant space in which to construct elaborate edifices of speculation. Toward power it felt some combination of fear and admiration, and Corvallis was powerful. Toward vulnerability it was drawn, in the same way that predators would converge on the isolated and straggling. Within a week, Maeve—who suffered from the fatal combination of being mysterious, vulnerable, and female—had been doxxed.”

All that could have happened yesterday, or anytime in the last decade. But then Corvallis’s friend Pluto shows up, joins Corvallis and Maeve on a private jet flight to Australia, and offers Maeve a solution:

“It came to my attention that you were being abused on the Internet,” Pluto said, “and so I am here to destroy it.”

“Destroy what?” Corvallis inquired.

“The Internet,” Pluto said. “Or what Dodge referred to as the Miasma. Does your jet have Wi-Fi?”

“Yes, but it doesn’t work over the Pacific Ocean.”

Pluto sighed. “Then it will have to wait until we have reached Australia.”

“I didn’t like your friend at first,” Maeve said, “but I’m warming up to him.”

“That is convenient, Maeve, if I may take the liberty of addressing the lady by her Christian name, because I will require your permission. Your complicity in utterly destroying your reputation.”

“It’s already destroyed, haven’t you seen a bloody thing?”

“It is not sufficiently destroyed yet,” Pluto said. He glanced at the screen of his laptop. 

“The total number of unique slanderous and defamatory statements that have been made about you, on all of the blogs, boards, and social media networks being tracked by my bots, currently stands at a little more than seventy-three thousand.”

Pluto’s solution is to release a troop of bots designed to defame a person randomly.

“This kind of thing has to be gone about in a systematic way, so that nothing is missed,” he said, now staring out the window at a fuel truck. “Partly through direct study of dictionaries, thesauri, and so on, and partly through brute-forcing archives of defamatory Miasma postings, I have compiled what I think is a pretty comprehensive ontology of execration. A mere lexicon doesn’t get us anywhere because it’s language-specific. Both in the sense of relating to only one language, such as English, and in the sense that it only covers defamation in a textual format. But many defamatory posts are now made in the form of images or videos. For example, if you want to call someone a slut—”

“We don’t need to go there right now,” Corvallis said.

“‘Slut,’ ‘bitch,’ ‘hag,’ ‘fatty,’ all the bases need to be covered [but if] it’s all skewed toward, say, ‘feminazi,’ then the impression will be created in the minds of many casual users that the subject is indeed a feminazi. But if an equal amount of traffic denounces the subject as a slut, a bitch, a whore, an attention seeker, a gold digger, an idiot […] then even the most credulous user will be inoculated with so many differing, and in many cases contradictory, characterizations as to raise doubts in their mind as to the veracity of any one characterization, and hence the reliability of the Miasma as a whole.”

Later, Pluto explains how Maeve would take advantage of the disinformation efforts:

“It’s an open campaign. We would announce it. Publish statistics on how it’s going. You could do press interviews, if you wanted. The sheer magnitude of it would make it obvious, even to the most credulous user of the Miasma, that it was all a bunch of nonsense. Afterward, no one in their right mind would ever believe anything negative about you that had ever been posted on the Miasma. But because it is all technically slanderous, you would have to promise not to sue me.” Maeve asks him how this particular campaign would “destroy the Internet,” and Pluto explains that he’s going to “open-source all the tools” and combine them with “an easy-to-use graphical interface.”

This whole chapter rang many bells for me, not least because it paralleled a discussion I had with a law professor at a conference last year when I pitched the idea of a “libel service.” Basically, you’d hire a “libel service” to randomly defame you on the internet, so that whenever anyone says something bad about you on Twitter or Facebook, or in the comments area of some newspaper, you could just say “that’s probably my libel service.” No one would know whether the defamatory statements were true or not, and people would be predisposed to doubt anything too terrible that’s said about you. 

The professor was skeptical—why would anyone actively seek to be defamed?—but I said, wait, the cypherpunks were talking about this idea 25 years ago, and there’s no reason to think it wouldn’t work. I’d first heard the notion explained by Eric Hughes—a mathematician and programmer who, along with John Gilmore and Tim May, was a founding member of the cypherpunks movement—at some conference or other back in the mid-1990s. Hughes’s idea, as he spelled it out back then, was remarkably like Pluto’s exposition in Stephenson’s novel, except that Stephenson, of course, turned the idea’s volume up to 11.

Did Stephenson get the idea from Hughes? I hadn’t spoken to Hughes in at least ten years, but I’m in contact with Stephenson from time to time—I’ve reviewed him and interviewed him for Reason—so I sent him a query about it. At the same time, I asked around to see if anyone I know had contact information for Hughes; it turns out he’s now in Salt Lake City, the principal of a contract-programming company. Hughes got back to me first.

I asked him if he remembered the conversation we had in the early 1990s about the libel service. Was it his idea?

“It could have been mine,” Hughes told me. “I know I talked about it to different people, but the idea of a disinformation service to protect people from damaged reputations was in the air. It’s possible I came up with it and then Neal heard it from someone who heard it from me.”

Stephenson got back to me next, and I asked him if he’d gotten his character’s deliberate-defamation scheme from Hughes. “It’s linked in my mind with Matt [Blaze] and Encyclopedia Disinformatica,” Stephenson said, “but now that you mention it, I do remember Eric talking about similar ideas around the same time.”

I know Matt Blaze, but I didn’t remember Encyclopedia Disinformatica, so I had to query him about that idea and its connection to Stephenson’s novel. (It bears mentioning that, like me, neither Hughes nor Blaze has finished the novel, but both recognized the cypherpunk roots of Pluto’s disinformation scheme.)

The theoretical encyclopedia in question is one that, as Blaze describes it, would have lots of true information in it but also plenty of false information in it, too. Its function would be to demonstrate that even content that sometimes appears to be mostly true needs to be questioned and independently verified. Blaze’s idea was that this would be a kind of perverse media-education project, one that (one hopes) would seed some skepticism about what we encounter on the internet and elsewhere. But it’s not quite the same as the project that appears in Stephenson’s novel.

In tracing this idea back to its roots, I realized there was an early recognition, at least among people who were thinking about the implications of a wide-open internet, that disinformation—sometimes computer-assisted or computer-enhanced—was going to be a problem we’d need to think about before it became, well, a problem.

But Stephenson’s new book adds another takeaway: In the novel, Pluto’s automated-defamation scheme does actually work for some high percentage of the population, who learn to think more critically about stuff they came across on the internet and elsewhere in our media culture. (In the near future, they hire their own editors to cull the digital information overload for them.) But there’s also an irreducible fraction of people who continue to cherry-pick narratives, whether true or false, solely on the criterion of whether the narratives confirm their cherished beliefs. They won’t be newly sophisticated media skeptics or discriminating news consumers—instead they’ll commit to the path of confirmation bias, which Cato’s Julian Sanchez described a few years back as “epistemic closure.” (And, yes, these people will hire their own editors too, picked to serve up content that confirms their biases rather than challenging them.)

In the novel, we see a far more fragmented United States, in which different populations use their digital tools and networked devices to protect themselves from other American subcultures. It will be weird and dangerous, and even successful cypherpunk hacks like Pluto’s defamation scheme ultimately will be only stopgap measures. The problem isn’t disinformation, defamation, or deep fakes—it’s self-deception, a deep-rooted and likely ineradicable human vice. All this sounds like a near-future dystopia, all right, but right now I’m only at page 200. I’ve got to drive on to page 883 to find out if that’s a fair assessment after all.

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What If Widespread Disinformation Is the Solution to Fake News?

What if disinformation, defamation, and deep fakes aren’t the central problem of “fake news,” either on the internet or in other media? What if they’re actually part of the solution?

These questions get raised in an early chapter of Neal Stephenson’s new novel, Fall, or Dodge in Hell, and the author’s answers are eerily persuasive. They’re also a weird echo of creative thinking pioneered by the cypherpunks more than 20 years ago—a group that Stephenson, then working on his encryption-centric opus Cryptonomicon, frequently hung out with and consulted.  (Cypherpunk creativity, which nowadays deserves credit for things like cryptocurrency, is a gift that keeps on giving.)

I confess I haven’t yet finished Stephenson’s latest 800-plus-page tome, which so far might be characterized, although not necessarily captured, by the term “near-future dystopia.”  But when I came across Stephenson’s depiction of how automated disinformation could actually remedy the damage that internet-based “doxxing” and fake news inflict on an innocent private individual, I paused my reading and jumped down the rabbit hole of tracing this idea to its 1990s roots. 

What caught me was a passage about the character Maeve, an Australian who becomes involved with Corvallis, a cloud-computing engineer who’s quasi-famous. When both appear in video news coverage of a presidential speech, they become obsessional objects of internet gossip, which Stephenson refers to with some justice as “Crazytown”: “For he had been identified by name, on national television, by the president of the United States, and had been a reasonably well-known person to begin with. And she had been standing next to him.”

The result, per Stephenson, is predictable:

“Crazytown was repelled by facts and knowledge, as oil fled from water, but was fascinated by the absence of hard facts, since it provided vacant space in which to construct elaborate edifices of speculation. Toward power it felt some combination of fear and admiration, and Corvallis was powerful. Toward vulnerability it was drawn, in the same way that predators would converge on the isolated and straggling. Within a week, Maeve—who suffered from the fatal combination of being mysterious, vulnerable, and female—had been doxxed.”

All that could have happened yesterday, or anytime in the last decade. But then Corvallis’s friend Pluto shows up, joins Corvallis and Maeve on a private jet flight to Australia, and offers Maeve a solution:

“It came to my attention that you were being abused on the Internet,” Pluto said, “and so I am here to destroy it.”

“Destroy what?” Corvallis inquired.

“The Internet,” Pluto said. “Or what Dodge referred to as the Miasma. Does your jet have Wi-Fi?”

“Yes, but it doesn’t work over the Pacific Ocean.”

Pluto sighed. “Then it will have to wait until we have reached Australia.”

“I didn’t like your friend at first,” Maeve said, “but I’m warming up to him.”

“That is convenient, Maeve, if I may take the liberty of addressing the lady by her Christian name, because I will require your permission. Your complicity in utterly destroying your reputation.”

“It’s already destroyed, haven’t you seen a bloody thing?”

“It is not sufficiently destroyed yet,” Pluto said. He glanced at the screen of his laptop. 

“The total number of unique slanderous and defamatory statements that have been made about you, on all of the blogs, boards, and social media networks being tracked by my bots, currently stands at a little more than seventy-three thousand.”

Pluto’s solution is to release a troop of bots designed to defame a person randomly.

“This kind of thing has to be gone about in a systematic way, so that nothing is missed,” he said, now staring out the window at a fuel truck. “Partly through direct study of dictionaries, thesauri, and so on, and partly through brute-forcing archives of defamatory Miasma postings, I have compiled what I think is a pretty comprehensive ontology of execration. A mere lexicon doesn’t get us anywhere because it’s language-specific. Both in the sense of relating to only one language, such as English, and in the sense that it only covers defamation in a textual format. But many defamatory posts are now made in the form of images or videos. For example, if you want to call someone a slut—”

“We don’t need to go there right now,” Corvallis said.

“‘Slut,’ ‘bitch,’ ‘hag,’ ‘fatty,’ all the bases need to be covered [but if] it’s all skewed toward, say, ‘feminazi,’ then the impression will be created in the minds of many casual users that the subject is indeed a feminazi. But if an equal amount of traffic denounces the subject as a slut, a bitch, a whore, an attention seeker, a gold digger, an idiot […] then even the most credulous user will be inoculated with so many differing, and in many cases contradictory, characterizations as to raise doubts in their mind as to the veracity of any one characterization, and hence the reliability of the Miasma as a whole.”

Later, Pluto explains how Maeve would take advantage of the disinformation efforts:

“It’s an open campaign. We would announce it. Publish statistics on how it’s going. You could do press interviews, if you wanted. The sheer magnitude of it would make it obvious, even to the most credulous user of the Miasma, that it was all a bunch of nonsense. Afterward, no one in their right mind would ever believe anything negative about you that had ever been posted on the Miasma. But because it is all technically slanderous, you would have to promise not to sue me.” Maeve asks him how this particular campaign would “destroy the Internet,” and Pluto explains that he’s going to “open-source all the tools” and combine them with “an easy-to-use graphical interface.”

This whole chapter rang many bells for me, not least because it paralleled a discussion I had with a law professor at a conference last year when I pitched the idea of a “libel service.” Basically, you’d hire a “libel service” to randomly defame you on the internet, so that whenever anyone says something bad about you on Twitter or Facebook, or in the comments area of some newspaper, you could just say “that’s probably my libel service.” No one would know whether the defamatory statements were true or not, and people would be predisposed to doubt anything too terrible that’s said about you. 

The professor was skeptical—why would anyone actively seek to be defamed?—but I said, wait, the cypherpunks were talking about this idea 25 years ago, and there’s no reason to think it wouldn’t work. I’d first heard the notion explained by Eric Hughes—a mathematician and programmer who, along with John Gilmore and Tim May, was a founding member of the cypherpunks movement—at some conference or other back in the mid-1990s. Hughes’s idea, as he spelled it out back then, was remarkably like Pluto’s exposition in Stephenson’s novel, except that Stephenson, of course, turned the idea’s volume up to 11.

Did Stephenson get the idea from Hughes? I hadn’t spoken to Hughes in at least ten years, but I’m in contact with Stephenson from time to time—I’ve reviewed him and interviewed him for Reason—so I sent him a query about it. At the same time, I asked around to see if anyone I know had contact information for Hughes; it turns out he’s now in Salt Lake City, the principal of a contract-programming company. Hughes got back to me first.

I asked him if he remembered the conversation we had in the early 1990s about the libel service. Was it his idea?

“It could have been mine,” Hughes told me. “I know I talked about it to different people, but the idea of a disinformation service to protect people from damaged reputations was in the air. It’s possible I came up with it and then Neal heard it from someone who heard it from me.”

Stephenson got back to me next, and I asked him if he’d gotten his character’s deliberate-defamation scheme from Hughes. “It’s linked in my mind with Matt [Blaze] and Encyclopedia Disinformatica,” Stephenson said, “but now that you mention it, I do remember Eric talking about similar ideas around the same time.”

I know Matt Blaze, but I didn’t remember Encyclopedia Disinformatica, so I had to query him about that idea and its connection to Stephenson’s novel. (It bears mentioning that, like me, neither Hughes nor Blaze has finished the novel, but both recognized the cypherpunk roots of Pluto’s disinformation scheme.)

The theoretical encyclopedia in question is one that, as Blaze describes it, would have lots of true information in it but also plenty of false information in it, too. Its function would be to demonstrate that even content that sometimes appears to be mostly true needs to be questioned and independently verified. Blaze’s idea was that this would be a kind of perverse media-education project, one that (one hopes) would seed some skepticism about what we encounter on the internet and elsewhere. But it’s not quite the same as the project that appears in Stephenson’s novel.

In tracing this idea back to its roots, I realized there was an early recognition, at least among people who were thinking about the implications of a wide-open internet, that disinformation—sometimes computer-assisted or computer-enhanced—was going to be a problem we’d need to think about before it became, well, a problem.

But Stephenson’s new book adds another takeaway: In the novel, Pluto’s automated-defamation scheme does actually work for some high percentage of the population, who learn to think more critically about stuff they came across on the internet and elsewhere in our media culture. (In the near future, they hire their own editors to cull the digital information overload for them.) But there’s also an irreducible fraction of people who continue to cherry-pick narratives, whether true or false, solely on the criterion of whether the narratives confirm their cherished beliefs. They won’t be newly sophisticated media skeptics or discriminating news consumers—instead they’ll commit to the path of confirmation bias, which Cato’s Julian Sanchez described a few years back as “epistemic closure.” (And, yes, these people will hire their own editors too, picked to serve up content that confirms their biases rather than challenging them.)

In the novel, we see a far more fragmented United States, in which different populations use their digital tools and networked devices to protect themselves from other American subcultures. It will be weird and dangerous, and even successful cypherpunk hacks like Pluto’s defamation scheme ultimately will be only stopgap measures. The problem isn’t disinformation, defamation, or deep fakes—it’s self-deception, a deep-rooted and likely ineradicable human vice. All this sounds like a near-future dystopia, all right, but right now I’m only at page 200. I’ve got to drive on to page 883 to find out if that’s a fair assessment after all.

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Buchanan: Will Joe Repudiate His Segregationist Friends?

Authored by Patrick Buchanan via Buchanan.org,

“Apologize for what? Cory should apologize. He knows better. There’s not a racist bone in my body.”

Thus did a stung Joe Biden answer rival Cory Booker’s demand he apologize for telling contributors, in a southern drawl, “I was in a caucus with James O. Eastland, He never called me ‘boy.’ He always called me ‘son.”

Joe was recalling fondly a time in the 1970s when he came into the Senate at 30, having lost his wife and child in an accident, and “Jim” Eastland, the arch-segregationist from Mississippi, took him under his wing and became a patron, mentor and friend.

“You don’t joke about calling black men ‘boy’,” Booker had said. “Biden’s relationships with proud segregationists are not the model for how we make America a safer and more inclusive place for black people.”

Kamala Harris piled on: If Biden’s segregationist friends “had their way … I wouldn’t be in the United States Senate.”

New York Mayor Bill de Blasio tweeted a photo of his black wife and two children, saying, “Eastland thought my multiracial family should be illegal & that whites were entitled to ‘the pursuit of dead n——-s.’”

Said The Washington Post, “(Biden’s) history of collegiality with racists is being seen by many in his party as a reason to question his judgment — and not, as Biden says, a sign of his civility.”

This portends a coming clash over race inside the Democratic Party in 2019 and perhaps 2020. For Joe is bleeding and his rivals can see in his segregationist friends of yesterday a way to peel off the black support crucial to his nomination.

Biden is about to have his nose rubbed in friendships formed almost half a century ago.

Like reparations for slavery, on which hearings have opened in the House, this issue seems certain to arise in the debates next week, where taking down Biden will be an objective of every other candidate.

And Jim Eastland is not the only segregationist friend Joe had.

Joe called Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, who conducted the longest filibuster in history against the 1957 Civil Rights Act, “one of my closest friends,” and delivered a eulogy at Strom’s funeral.

When Joe backed an anti-busing amendment in the 1970s, Sen. Jesse Helms, on the Senate floor, welcomed him to the “ranks of the enlightened.” On leaving the Senate for the vice presidency in 2009, Biden spoke of his “close personal relationships” with “Eastland, Stennis, Thurmond … all these men became my friends.”

Those three Senators all signed the Southern Manifesto pledging “massive resistance” to desegregation of the public schools mandated by the Brown decision of 1954. All three opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, enacted after bloody Sunday at Selma Bridge.

Asked her views on Biden’s remarks, Elizabeth Warren joined the attack: “It’s never OK to celebrate segregationists. Never.”

But if that is the new Warren Rule in Democratic politics, it may be hard to maintain.

For the Democratic Party, the oldest party on earth, was from its founding to the final third of the 20th century, the bastion of slavery, secession and segregation.

Jim Crow voted a straight Democratic ticket.

Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson, founding fathers of the party, were slave owners, as were James Madison and James Monroe, who succeeded Jefferson in the White House. And so were John Tyler and James K. Polk, who succeeded them.

Washington, a slave owner, was the Father of our Country and gave us our independence and a new nation from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. Jefferson executed the Louisiana Purchase. Jackson seized Florida. Tyler annexed Texas. Polk got us the Southwest, California and clear title to Washington and Oregon. All were slave owners — and also the Democrats who gave America almost all of her land and frontiers.

The first Democratic president of the 20th century, Woodrow Wilson, restored segregation to the U.S. government. The second, FDR, chose a segregationist vice president, “Cactus Jack” Garner, put a Klansman, Hugo Black, on the Supreme Court, and, with Wilson, carried all 11 segregated states of the Old Confederacy, all six times they ran.

To hold a segregated South against Eisenhower in 1952, liberal Adlai Stevenson continued the Southern strategy by putting on his ticket John Sparkman of Alabama. Returning to the Senate after Adlai’s defeat, Sparkman signed the Dixie Manifesto and opposed the civil rights acts of both 1964 and 1965.

On his second run for the presidency over a decade ago, Joe Biden joked of his home state: “Delaware … was a slave state that fought beside the North. That’s only because we couldn’t figure out how to get to the South. There were a couple of states in the way.”

The Warren Rule notwithstanding, Southern segregationists remain honored today. The Old Senate Office Building was renamed in 1972 for Sen. Richard Russell of Georgia and John C. Stennis of Mississippi.

via ZeroHedge News http://bit.ly/2LncvF0 Tyler Durden

Is This Why The Media Is Pushing For A War?

Following President Trump’s upset election in 2016 followed by more than two years of constant ‘Russiagate’ coverage, there now appears to be a “Trump slump” across all forms of media as we wait for what promises to be popcorn-worthy debates between Trump and his Democratic challenger in 2020. 

Top news executives have told Axios‘s Sara Fischer and Neal Rothschild that “Trump fatigue is very real,” and that “Interest in political coverage overall is down,” causing newsrooms to redirect their efforts on other beats such as technology and the global economy.”

Democrats don’t appear to be the lifeline media companies are hoping can fill the gap for diminished Trump interest. Executives say they expect this week’s debate ratings to be nothing like the ratings for the 2016 Trump debates.

Part of the problem is that 2020 Democrats don’t have a knock-out media star to drive interest in the election. To date, the Democrats’ biggest media attraction has been Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who isn’t running for president.

Other candidates split the spotlight in the crowded Democratic primary field. –Axios

What do the numbers indicate?

According to traffic analytics company Parse.ly, digital demand for all things Trump dropped 29% between the first six months of Trump’s presidency and the most recent six months. Axois, meanwhile, provides more evidence of the “Trump slump.” 

  • In March, New York Times COO Meredith Kopit Levien told Axios during a panel at SXSW that the paper’s subscription “Trump Bump” ended in mid-2018.
  • In December, media research firm MoffettNathanson found that live news network ratings were down “in the -10% to -20% range” for the better part of 2018. Overall, the firm found that ratings around TV news coverage overall began to decline after the 2016 election.
  • Cable TV networks, which still reach a majority of Americans with political news coverage, began pulling back on Trump campaign rallies late last year because they weren’t driving ratings, according to Politico. –Axios

Is this why the MSM has been featuring war hawk ‘analysts’ such as Raytheon board member and former Navy Admiral James Winnefeld? 

As The American Conservative‘s Barbara Boland pointed out last week, the mainstream press jumped all over President Trump for not bombing Iran in response to the Islamic Republic shooting down a US drone that may or may not have been in Iranian airspace. 

… several war agitators were quick to respond.

Trump bizarrely chickens out of responding to a direct attack from Iran, a piece for Business Insider charged

The piece approvingly cites Mark Dubowitz, chief executive of the hawkish Foundation of Defense for Democracies, who told The New York Times that Iran had likely mined oil tankers in the region in order “to demonstrate that Trump is a Twitter Tiger.”

Meanwhile, invoking Ronald Reagan, David Adesnik at the National Review ladles all the praise on Trump’s hawkish secretary of state. “Mike Pompeo brought a Reagan-esque flourish to the Trump administration’s foreign policy, demanding nothing short of Iranian surrender. While insisting that President Trump is prepared to negotiate a new deal with Tehran, Pompeo listed no fewer than twelve preconditions for an end to American pressure.”

In the Wall Street Journal Thursday, Reuel Marc Gerecht and Ray Takeyh wrote a piece headlined “America Can Face Down a Fragile Iran.”  –The American Conservative

According to New York-based Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting, the MSM has been painting US escalations against Iran as “defensive countermeasures” – an angle they’ve used for more than a decade. 

ABC used the headline (5/24/19) “1,500 More Troops and Defensive Capabilities Headed to Middle East to Deter Iran.” How the US sending soldiers to the doorstep of a country that has not attacked it is “defensive,” or the evidence of the need to “deter” Iran, goes unexplained, an egregious omission when one considers that there is every reason to doubt US claims that Iran is about to attack the US.

CNBC headline (5/24/19) told readers that the “Pentagon Will Send 1,500 Troops, Along With Drones and Fighter Jets, to the Middle East to Counter Iran Threat.” CNBC presents US officials’ justifications for their military maneuvers as though they were facts:

Currently, the USS Arlington, USS Abraham Lincoln carrier strike group, a Patriot missile defense battery and a US Air Force bomber task force have been sent to the region in order to deter Iranian and proxy threats.

Both the ABC and CNBC articles note that Vice Adm. Michael Gilday, the director of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, blamed Iran for attacks on Saudi Arabia’s oil infrastructure and for a rocket that landed near the US embassy in Baghdad. Neither piece notes that US officials have said they have no evidence that Iran was behind either drone attacks on the pumping stations or the sabotage of four oil tankers, two of which were Saudi, in the Persian Gulf. Nor did either report inform their readers that the US produced no evidence that Iran was responsible for the rocket in Iraq. (Yemeni Houthis, falsely depicted as pawns of Tehran, said they carried out attacks of Saudi oil pumping stations in retaliation for the Saudi/US/UAE/UK/Canadian invasion and immiseration of Yemen.) –Fair.org

Also notable is a survey of opinion journalism released last month by FAIR which found that when it came to violent regime change in Venezuela, there were “no voices in elite corporate media that opposed regime change in that country.” (h/t Mintpress)

The media watchdog’s study, Zero Percent of Elite Commentators Oppose Regime Change in Venezuela, reviewed three months of commentary in the New York Times and the Washington Post, as well as on three major Sunday morning talk shows — ABC’s This Week, CBS’ Face the Nation, and NBC’s Meet the Press — and the PBS NewsHour.

Over a three-month period (1/15/19 – 4/15/19), zero opinion pieces in the New York Times and the Washington Post took an anti–regime change or pro-Maduro/Chavista position,” the survey’s author, Teddy Ostrow, wrote. “Not a single commentator on the big three Sunday morning talk shows or PBS NewsHour came out against President Nicolás Maduro stepping down from the Venezuelan government.” –MPN

In short, the MSM really needs some fireworks to improve their slumping bottom line – and are happy to report one side of the story in order to help light the fuse. 

via ZeroHedge News http://bit.ly/2KD09cl Tyler Durden

There Are Now More Than 5,000 Bitcoin ATMs Around The World

Authored by William Suberg via CoinTelegraph.com,

The total number of bitcoin ATMs (BTMs) worldwide reached 5,000 for the first time, monitoring resource CoinATMRadar confirmed on June 24.

image courtesy of CoinTelegraph

According to the latest statistics, there are now 5,006 standalone BTMs in around 90 countries, where cryptocurrency users can buy or sell bitcoin (BTC). Some machines offer both services simultaneously. 

The data caps a protracted period of growth in the BTM sector, with the U.S. leading the trend as more and more locations and formats appear. 

June has seen a total of 150 installations, around 6 per day. General Bytes recently overtook Genesis Coin as the manufacturer with the largest number of BTMs installed.

As Cointelegraph reported, in 2019, it is not just the ‘classic’ BTM model which is expanding, but other methods of procuring BTC. A deal earlier in the year involving coin counting kiosk operator Coinstar brought bitcoin functionality to over 2,200 U.S. locations. 

The U.S. currently has more than half of the world’s BTMs at 3,229, with a new pilot scheme this month bringing the machines to Circle K convenience stores in Arizona and Nevada.

“We are thrilled to be partnering with a respected organization like Circle K,” Marc Grens, president and co-founder of cryptocurrency provider DigitalMint said in a press release issued June 20. 

“This partnership opens the door for massive expansion of Bitcoin access to new markets around the globe.”

Increasing competition in the BTM market is likely to reduce the fees charged to users, which tend to be noticeably higher than online alternatives. 

Other in-person options, such as buying vouchers, are also gaining popularity with users keen on avoiding burdensome identity requirements.

via ZeroHedge News http://bit.ly/2NbPKqk Tyler Durden

Incensed by Warrantless Border Searches of Americans’ Tech Devices? These Senators Have the Cure.

Journalist Seth Harp shared a troubling story of warrantless border patrol searches of Americans coming into the country in a lengthy piece at The Intercept over the weekend.

Harp was returning to Austin, Texas, from Mexico. He was singled out for “secondary screening” by Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) officials clearly trying to get more information about his work, with agents asking him about the story he was currently investigating, as well as about his reporting as a war correspondent and his discussions with his editors and colleagues. The end result was, according to Harp’s telling, a pack of agents happy to wield their authority to demand unwarranted access to Harp’s devices and property, as well as detailed information about his journalistic work, before they permitted him to reenter the country.

For those who have been paying attention to what has been happening on our borders since the 9/11 attacks, Harp’s tale should have the ring of the familiar. For years now border agents have been demanding that Americans—including journalists—provide unfettered access to their devices and property without warrants or probable cause. Under President Barack Obama, for instance, there was a fivefold increase in warrantless border searches of tech devices. Back in 2016, Department of Homeland Security officials attempted to seize Wall Street Journal reporter Maria Abi-Habib’s phone when she flew into Los Angeles International Airport.

Abi-Habib did not cooperate and was eventually released. Harp did cooperate and then watched as CBP agents pretty much accessed every single bit of data on his iPhone and laptop. This was a learning experience for Harp, but not for those who have long been warning about such unwarranted searches. The Electronic Frontier Foundation and the American Civil Liberties Union, for example, are currently suing over the practice, representing 10 U.S. citizens and one permanent resident.

Among those in Congress who have been raising alarms about this behavior are Sens. Rand Paul (R–Ky.) and Ron Wyden (R–Ore.), two men who regularly attempt to develop bipartisan coalitions to bolster Americans’ Fourth Amendment rights.

Wyden is using Harp’s story to highlight a bill that he and Paul have been trying to pass that would protect people like Harp, and the rest of us, too. The Protecting Data at the Border Act would require a warrant, based on probable cause, before a government official may access an American’s tech device at a border entry point and would forbid officials from denying Americans reentry to the country if they refuse to provide passwords or online account information. The legislation would also prevent border officials from holding Americans for more than four hours to try to convince them to cooperate.

Wyden first introduced this bill back in April 2017, and it went absolutely nowhere. He and Paul recently reintroduced the bill in May, along with co-sponsors Edward Markey (D–Mass.) and Jeff Merkley (D–Ore.). In the House of Representatives, Rep. Ted Lieu (D–Calif.) introduced a companion bill.

The two senators provided some choice quotes in a prepared statement to explain why the bill is so important:

 “The border is quickly becoming a rights-free zone for Americans who travel. The government shouldn’t be able to review your whole digital life simply because you went on vacation, or had to travel for work. Senator Paul and I are introducing this bill to start taking back Americans’ Constitutional protections,” Sen. Wyden said. “It’s not rocket science: Require a warrant to search Americans’ electronic devices, so border agents can focus on the real security threats, not regular Americans.”

“The Fourth Amendment is more important than ever in the digital age, and as the Supreme Court recognized in 2014, smart phones and digital devices are shielded from unreasonable searches. Respecting civil liberties and our Constitution actually strengthens our national security, and Americans should not be forced to surrender their rights or privacy at the border. Our bill will put an end to these intrusive government searches and uphold the fundamental protections of the Fourth Amendment,” Sen. Paul said.

Read the bill’s text here.

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“(Un)Civil Denaturalization” in Print in NYU Law Review

In our latest coauthored article “(Un)Civil Denaturalization“, now out in the NYU Law Review, Cassandra Robertson and I discuss the problems with our current denaturalization procedures. Here is the abstract:

Over the last fifty years, naturalized citizens in the United States were able to feel a sense of finality and security in their rights. Denaturalization, wielded frequently as a political tool in the McCarthy era, had become exceedingly rare. Indeed, denaturalization was best known as an adjunct to criminal proceedings brought against former Nazis and other war criminals who had entered the country under false pretenses.

Denaturalization is no longer so rare. Naturalized citizens’ sense of security has been fundamentally shaken by policy developments in the last five years. The number of denaturalization cases is growing, and if current trends continue, it will continue to increase dramatically. This growth began under the Obama administration, which used improved digital tools to identify potential cases of naturalization fraud from years and decades ago. The Trump administration, however, is taking denaturalization to new levels as part of its overall immigration crackdown. It has announced plans for a denaturalization task force. And it is pursuing denaturalization as a civil-litigation remedy and not just a criminal sanction—a choice that prosecutors find advantageous because civil proceedings come with a lower burden of proof, no guarantee of counsel to the defendant, and no statute of limitations. In fact, the first successful denaturalization under this program was decided on summary judgment in favor of the government in 2018. The defendant was accused of having improperly filed an asylum claim twenty-five years ago, but he was never personally served with process and he never made an appearance in the case, either on his own or through counsel. Even today, it is not clear that he knows he has lost his citizenship.

The legal status of denaturalization is murky, in part because the Supreme Court has long struggled to articulate a consistent view of citizenship and its prerogatives. Nonetheless, the Court has set a number of significant limits on the government’s attempts to remove citizenship at will—limits that are inconsistent with the adminis- tration’s current litigation policy. This Article argues that stripping Americans of citizenship through the route of civil litigation not only violates substantive and procedural due process, but also infringes on the rights guaranteed by the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Finally, (un)civil denaturalization undermines the constitutional safeguards of democracy.

 

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No F-35 For Turkey If Russia Arms Deal Goes Forward: US Envoy

The United States will stop Turkey from flying and developing the F-35 stealth jet if Ankara moves forward with their purchase of Russia’s S-400 missile system, according to Kay Bailey Hutchison, the US envoy to NATO. 

“There will be a disassociation with the F-35 system, we cannot have the F-35 affected or destabilized by having this Russian system in the alliance,” Hutchison told reporters in Brussels. “Everything indicates that Russia is going to deliver the system to Turkey and that will have consequences,” she added. 

“There will be a disassociation with the F-35 system, we cannot have the F-35 affected or destabilized by having this Russian system in the alliance.” 

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan, however, vowed on Tuesday to push forward with their purchase of the Russian system, according to Reuters

“We will hopefully start to receive the S-400 systems we purchased from Russia next month, Erdogan told his AK Party in parliament, adding: “Turkey is not a country that needs to seek permission or bow to pressures. The S-400s are directly linked to our sovereignty and we will not take a step back.” 

S-400 missile system

The United States says the jets, made by Lockheed Martin Corp., give NATO forces a number of technological advantages in the air, including the ability to disrupt enemy communications networks and navigation signals.

Turkey produces parts of the F-35s fuselage, landing gear and cockpit displays. Hutchison said Ankara was an important partner in that production but that security concerns about Russia were paramount.

So many of us have tried to dissuade Turkey,” she said. –Reuters

The United States has offered Turkey its more expensive Patriot missile system – first at full price, and then at a steep discount – however, issues arose over a timely delivery of the Raytheon-made systems

Turkey has also complained that NATO allies have abandoned it during periods of uncertainty, causing them to seek alternatives elsewhere. 

Germany and the United States stationed Patriot surface-to-air missile batteries in Turkey on a temporary basis in 2013 but moved them out in 2015, citing demands on assets elsewhere.

Washington also warned Ankara that it will face U.S. sanctions over the agreement with Moscow, a move that could deal a significant blow to Turkey’s ailing economy and its defense industry.

Turkey has dismissed the U.S. warnings, saying it would take the necessary measures to avoid complications, and proposed to form a joint working group with Washington to assess concerns. It has said U.S. officials have yet to respond to the offer. –Reuters

The US military, meanwhile, has stopped training Turkish pilots on the F-35. 

Later this week, Erdogan and Trump will sit down at the G20 summit in Japan, where they are expected to discuss the issue. According to one senior NATO diplomat cited by Reuters, it will likely be the last opportunity for the two nations to reach an agreement. 

“It’s not over until its over, but so far Turkey has not appeared to retract from the sale,” said Hutchison. “The consequences will occur, we don’t feel there’s a choice in that.”

via ZeroHedge News http://bit.ly/2WZpTSd Tyler Durden

Dollar & Bond Yields Tumble On Reports “No Deal” Expected At G-20

In what appears to be an exercise in expectations management, White House officials are talking to Reuters to set the table for this weekend’s meeting between Trump and Xi at the G-20.

  • *TRUMP, XI WILL MEET SATURDAY IN JAPAN, OFFICIAL TELLS REUTERS

  • *U.S. GOAL FOR G-20 MEETING TO REOPEN CHINA TRADE TALKS: REUTERS

Officials set the tone:

  • *SENIOR ADMIN. OFFICIAL SAYS U.S. WON’T ACCEPT TARIFF CONDITIONS

  • *U.S.-CHINA MAY AGREE ON NO NEW TARIFFS AS GOODWILL: REUTERS

Finally, and most notably, Reuters notes:

  • *NO DEAL EXPECTED AT G-20, SENIOR ADMIN. OFFICIAL SAYS

  • *U.S. DOESN’T EXPECT BROAD TRADE DEAL AFTER G20 MEETING: REUTERS

  • *CHINA TALKS MAY PERSIST FOR MONTHS, YRS, OFFICIAL TELLS REUTERS

Stocks shook off the news but bonds and the dollar did not…

 

via ZeroHedge News http://bit.ly/2X7RzsX Tyler Durden

Incensed by Warrantless Border Searches of Americans’ Tech Devices? These Senators Have the Cure.

Journalist Seth Harp shared a troubling story of warrantless border patrol searches of Americans coming into the country in a lengthy piece at The Intercept over the weekend.

Harp was returning to Austin, Texas, from Mexico. He was singled out for “secondary screening” by Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) officials clearly trying to get more information about his work, with agents asking him about the story he was currently investigating, as well as about his reporting as a war correspondent and his discussions with his editors and colleagues. The end result was, according to Harp’s telling, a pack of agents happy to wield their authority to demand unwarranted access to Harp’s devices and property, as well as detailed information about his journalistic work, before they permitted him to reenter the country.

For those who have been paying attention to what has been happening on our borders since the 9/11 attacks, Harp’s tale should have the ring of the familiar. For years now border agents have been demanding that Americans—including journalists—provide unfettered access to their devices and property without warrants or probable cause. Under President Barack Obama, for instance, there was a fivefold increase in warrantless border searches of tech devices. Back in 2016, Department of Homeland Security officials attempted to seize Wall Street Journal reporter Maria Abi-Habib’s phone when she flew into Los Angeles International Airport.

Abi-Habib did not cooperate and was eventually released. Harp did cooperate and then watched as CBP agents pretty much accessed every single bit of data on his iPhone and laptop. This was a learning experience for Harp, but not for those who have long been warning about such unwarranted searches. The Electronic Frontier Foundation and the American Civil Liberties Union, for example, are currently suing over the practice, representing 10 U.S. citizens and one permanent resident.

Among those in Congress who have been raising alarms about this behavior are Sens. Rand Paul (R–Ky.) and Ron Wyden (R–Ore.), two men who regularly attempt to develop bipartisan coalitions to bolster Americans’ Fourth Amendment rights.

Wyden is using Harp’s story to highlight a bill that he and Paul have been trying to pass that would protect people like Harp, and the rest of us, too. The Protecting Data at the Border Act would require a warrant, based on probable cause, before a government official may access an American’s tech device at a border entry point and would forbid officials from denying Americans reentry to the country if they refuse to provide passwords or online account information. The legislation would also prevent border officials from holding Americans for more than four hours to try to convince them to cooperate.

Wyden first introduced this bill back in April 2017, and it went absolutely nowhere. He and Paul recently reintroduced the bill in May, along with co-sponsors Edward Markey (D–Mass.) and Jeff Merkley (D–Ore.). In the House of Representatives, Rep. Ted Lieu (D–Calif.) introduced a companion bill.

The two senators provided some choice quotes in a prepared statement to explain why the bill is so important:

 “The border is quickly becoming a rights-free zone for Americans who travel. The government shouldn’t be able to review your whole digital life simply because you went on vacation, or had to travel for work. Senator Paul and I are introducing this bill to start taking back Americans’ Constitutional protections,” Sen. Wyden said. “It’s not rocket science: Require a warrant to search Americans’ electronic devices, so border agents can focus on the real security threats, not regular Americans.”

“The Fourth Amendment is more important than ever in the digital age, and as the Supreme Court recognized in 2014, smart phones and digital devices are shielded from unreasonable searches. Respecting civil liberties and our Constitution actually strengthens our national security, and Americans should not be forced to surrender their rights or privacy at the border. Our bill will put an end to these intrusive government searches and uphold the fundamental protections of the Fourth Amendment,” Sen. Paul said.

Read the bill’s text here.

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