Gov Cuomo Threatens To Send In National Guard To Pick Up Trash As NYC Garbage Crisis Worsens

Gov Cuomo Threatens To Send In National Guard To Pick Up Trash As NYC Garbage Crisis Worsens

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/29/2020 – 15:45

Offering perhaps the clearest indication yet of his priorities as a Democratic governor of one of the most liberal states in the country, NY Gov. Andrew Cuomo just suggested Tuesday that he might send in the national guard to help pick up trash around the city, infuriating critics who questioned his eagerness to send in the National Guard to act as glorified garbagemen, despite his unwillingness to deploy them during the unrest that followed the killing of George Floyd.

During the lockdown and the months that followed, trash has piled up on some NYC sidewalks. While kvetching about the growing trash pileup, the governor complained that he didn’t know “what was going on” in NYC – which is run by his political rival, Mayor Bill de Blasio –  and claimed that he had offered to send in the National Guard to come pick up the garbage if the city couldn’t handle the job.

Complaints about negligent trash pickup have piled up alongside the mountains of garbage, largely thanks to a $106 million cut to the budget of the city’s Department of Sanitation. Complaints about trash piling up in city parks have doubled since last summer, according to Patch.com.

City politicians have demanded the mayor address the problem, which primarily impacts low-income neighborhoods, officials have argued.

If the “New York City Department of Sanitation and their resources can’t do it for one reason or another,” the national guard will be sent in, Cuomo claimed. Cuomo made the remarks during a presentation devoted to his “New York City Stabilization and Recovery Strategy,” where the governor outlined ideas on how to improve everything from schools to the city’s homelessness crisis.

“This is a public health pandemic — cleanliness matters,” Cuomo insisted. the trash comment wasn’t the only dig at de Blasio.

Many NYers would probably agree.

However, some on Twitter took issue with the governor’s remarks, claiming the National Guard shouldn’t be co-opted for something like picking up the trash left behind by the Department of Sanitation.

Cuomo’s presentation comes as NYC’s new COVID-19 hotspots have pushed its positive test rate to its highest level in months.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3kYA3yN Tyler Durden

Which Drugs Should Biden Take Pre-Debate?

Which Drugs Should Biden Take Pre-Debate?

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/29/2020 – 15:25

Authored by ‘Cockburn’ via The Spectator,

With the first presidential debate now just hours away, President Trump continues to insist that Joe Biden take a drug test. Trump’s none-too-subtle insinuation is that the former vice president is so mentally frail that he cannot hope to match the vaulting intellect of the 45th president of the United States on the debate stage.

It’s a peculiar form of Trumpian baiting – something the President has probably learned from the world of Mixed Martial Arts – or perhaps the product of a guilty conscience. Trump himself famously sniffed his way through his first debate with Hillary Clinton four years ago, and there’s been plenty of speculation over the years that the President consumes medicinal substances to combat some form of attention-deficit disorder.

Cockburn won’t weigh in on the specifics. But if Biden were to use drugs for tonight’s performance, which ones should he take? Because make no mistake, Biden should absolutely be taking drugs prior to Tuesday’s debate.

Pro athletes all take performance enhancing drugs, after all, and winning a presidential election is at least as important as hitting 40 home runs or making the Pro Bowl, or something.

Fortunately, Cockburn is a writer, which means he has countless friends who are perpetually in one sort of drug-induced haze or another. They quickly supplied suggestions.

1. Aricept

Aricept is used to enhance mental acuity in patients suffering from Alzheimer’s or vascular dementia. That will certainly be handy for keeping Biden from drooling on the podium. However, Aricept also has the side effect of increasing libido, and has been found to correlate with inappropriate sexual behaviors in those who take it.

did putin tell biden to sniff every woman he comes across pic.twitter.com/lfk0UqznTm

— Elon Mollusk (@minvskv) May 5, 2020

…actually, Biden may have been taking this drug for a long time.

2. Fentanyl

This may seem like an odd choice. Fentanyl causes mood swings, irritation and heart failure — and the last thing Joe Biden needs is to fall asleep on stage. It would be an interesting statement in favor of globalization, however, since most Fentanyl is synthesized by our friends in China. And what better way for Biden to exhibit his legendary ‘empathy’ than by showing America’s opioid addicts that he knows what it’s like?

3. Ecstasy

Arriving Tuesday night amped on MDMA would offer a host of benefits to Biden. Besides keeping him cheerful and upbeat for the cameras, if Biden is caught, he can easily pivot in a positive direction: by taking a party drug, he will disavow one of his tough-on-crime achievements, the 2003 RAVE Act. Cockburn doesn’t understand how contributing to the dramatic collapse of crime rates nationwide is a bad thing, but in 2020 everybody is convinced that it is. Biden debating while hopped upon Molly would go a long way toward showing his remorse. ‘Loved-up’, Biden would also show a winning spirit of magnanimity towards Donald Trump, which might help sway independents.

Finally, for years Biden was known as the ‘senator from MBNA’ due to his pro-credit card activism in Congress. If he rebrands as the senator on MDMA, at the least everyone will be really confused.

4. Steroids

It’s not well-known, but then-Sen. Biden also played a key role in banning the recreational use of anabolic steroids. It’s time for Biden’s position to evolve. Putting on 10-20 pounds of lean muscle mass will alleviate concerns about Biden looking old and frail, while also providing a leg up if he and Trump decide to settle their differences through personal combat instead of rhetoric.

5. Adrenochrome

Hunter S. Thompson’s favorite would provide a mountain of psychological benefits to Biden. By inducing thought disorder and derealization, Biden will cease to believe physical reality. That in turn will produce exciting policy insights and a blunted affect that voters will mistake for sangfroid. Even better, though, adrenochrome will be easy to get. While previously obtainable only at the finest pizza arcades, today almost unlimited amounts of the drug are harvested in human sacrifice rituals held by Satan-worshipping pedophiles like Hillary Clinton — or so Cockburn is told. Biden will be able to get more than enough of the drug to power him through all three of the debates, and thanks to the drug’s youth-preservation qualities, he’ll be able to serve a full eight (or 12 — or 200) years as president.

6. Bath salts

Bath salts wouldn’t do much for Biden’s debate coherence. They may, however, trigger a psychotic break that would cause him to assault Trump on stage and try to eat him. This would demonstrate Biden’s vigor and determination to lead the country, and if he does in fact consume Trump, Mike Pence would likely prove a far less formidable adversary.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/30iv6Zw Tyler Durden

US Intelligence Investigated Hillary Clinton Over Alleged Plan To Smear Trump With Russia Accusations

US Intelligence Investigated Hillary Clinton Over Alleged Plan To Smear Trump With Russia Accusations

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/29/2020 – 15:12

On September 7, 2016, US intelligence officials forwarded an investigative referral to former FBI officials James Comey and Peter Strzok concerning allegations that Hillary Clinton approved a plan to smear then-candidate Donald Trump by tying him to Russian President Vladimir Putin and Russian hackers, according to information given to Sen. Lindsey Graham by the Director of National Intelligence.

According to Fox News’ Chad Pergram, “In late July 2016, U.S. intelligence agencies obtained insight into Russian intelligence analysis alleging that U.S. Presidential candidate Hillary Clinton had approved a campaign plan to stir up a scandal against U.S. Presidential candidate Donald Trump,” after one of Clinton’s foreign policy advisers proposed vilifying Trump “by stirring up a scandal claiming interference by Russian security services.”

Read the letter from DNI Director John Ratcliffe to Lindsey Graham below:

In 2017, it was claimed that the “blame Russia” plan was hatched “within twenty-four hours” of Clinton losing the election – while the US intelligence investigation predates that by several months.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/30e5Vrh Tyler Durden

It’s Time To Buy Value: Here Are Bank of America’s 29 Favorite Value Stocks

It’s Time To Buy Value: Here Are Bank of America’s 29 Favorite Value Stocks

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/29/2020 – 15:10

Two weeks after Goldman presented what it views as the “Future Five” mega growth stocks, i.e., the next FAAMG basket which consists of VRTX, ADSK, PYPL, ISRG, NOW or VAPIN, this morning Bank of America published a report which aims a little bit lower, and instead of growth, presents its 29 favorite Value stocks, as well as 8 value traps.

Noting that in September value finally started to show signs of life, reversing the trend by 4ppt MTD, Bank of America’s chief equity strategist Savita Subramanian writes that value “still see more room to run for several reasons” the main of which is that BofA still views the economy as continuing its recovery, a cycle phase which traditionally supports cyclicals over defensive sectors.

A second reason for the value bet is that value has outperformed coming out of 14 of the last 14 recessions for at least three months.

Reason three is that BofA’s proprietary Regime Indicator has officially entered into a recovery phase…

… where Value outperformed 100% of the time by over 20ppt on average during this phase, with Growth lagging in previous Recovery phases, with average relative returns of -8.5%. In the first “official” month of a Recovery (i.e. after two consecutive months of improvement from the Downturn phase), Value has historically outperformed Growth and Quality by over 3ppt on average.

Despite its recovery optimism, BofA admits that it is too early to write out Growth stocks just yet: as Savita writes, “despite our Value preference, there is still a number of compelling arguments supporting Growth’s continued leadership. The Fed put (FANG stocks have been the ultimate beneficiaries of monetary stimulus), Tech disruption and the rise of ESG investing favor Growth over Value. A potential second wave also does not bode well for Value.”

Additionally, the bank notes that when growth is scarce, investors will pay up for growth. As growth broadens out, investors become more price sensitive and seek out the cheapest growth they can find.

And contrary to popular belief, Subramanian writes, “rates have very little impact on style rotations.”

Another historical observation: during the recovery phase, value has outperformed growth in all but two instances during the trough to peak profit periods.

Meanwhile, BofA warns that given the lack of fiscal stimulus (for now), Growth stocks will not be immune to a second wave and could potentially see more downside, especially given rich valuations and positioning.

Positioning also suggests that value has more upside thatn growth, as active managers maintain a near-record overweight in Growth sectors like TMT and a near record underweight in Value sectors like Financials. FANG carries an overweight of 1.7x by hedge funds, and 1.8x by long only mutual funds. At the same time, banks are at a post–GFC record underweight: “On almost any measure, and among almost every investor group, Growth is over-owned and Value is neglected.”

Predictably, when look at from a valuation standpoint, the aptly named Value stock are far cheaper (i.e., undervalued) than growth. In fact, as shown in the chart below, value sits close to the deepest discount to Momentum. The only other instances  during which Value traded at such a steep discount were 2003 and 2008, after which Value outperformed Momentum by 22ppt and 69ppt, respectively, over the subsequent 12 months.

Another compelling reason to go long value: as Growth has grown pricier and Value has grown cheaper, valuation dispersion has risen to the highest levels since the GFC. According to BofA, “when valuation dispersion has been this high or higher, Value stocks have outperformed Growth 95% of the time over the subsequent 12 months, by 24ppt on average.”

One final reason to be long value: Japanification. While not its base case, BofA writes that similarities to Japan (low rates, aging demographics, a closing economy, deflationary threats and a range-bound market) are hard to ignore. In such a case, Japan factor performance during the 1990s’ “Lost Decade” indicates that Value was the best performing factor among the standard quantitative strategies.

* * *

At the same time, BofA also advises its clients to stay away from value traps: to do that, it presents its Value Trap model which attempts to steer investors out of stocks that are inexpensive for the wrong reasons: prices are falling faster than analysts are cutting earnings expectations. These are the industries which tend to remain trapped until a catalyst propels them upward. Also, since 1996, these industries have underperformed the benchmark by 4% annually and have failed to outperform the market more than half of the time. According to Subramanian, more than half of the time, industries that are identified as Value traps have failed to outperform the market in the subsequent month, and performance of Value Traps relative to the benchmark have underperformed by 4ppt p.a.

* * *

With all that in mind, here are Bank of America’s 29 top Quality Value stocks to buy and eight Value Traps to avoid. As BofA notes, “these Quality Value stocks offer attractive yields (3.4% on avg.), which analysts believe dividends are mostly secure, as well as compelling fundamental drivers.”

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/2S8lxrE Tyler Durden

Trump’s Anti-Trust “Cop” Targets Wall Street’s Data Pricing In Blow To Exchanges

Trump’s Anti-Trust “Cop” Targets Wall Street’s Data Pricing In Blow To Exchanges

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/29/2020 – 14:55

Until now, practically all of the leaks about the anti-trust group gestating inside the DoJ and FTC have focused on big tech. But in an unexpected pivot, Bloomberg just reported that regulators are investigating the different data pricing packages sold by the exchanges to wire services like Bloomberg – along with High Frequency Traders who use the data to employ HFT strategies that rack up steady profits by inserting the “market makers” in between more trades.

Makan Delrahim, who heads the Justice Department’s antitrust division, said in an interview that he’s paying close attention to the data that securities exchanges sell to banks and investment companies. Market participants have long complained that the prices they pay to acquire the data they depend on to trade are too steep.

Delrahim said that one area of potential concern is whether the exchanges are using market power to hurt competition, for example by forcing investors to buy other products or services in addition to the data feeds, a practice known as tying. He declined to comment on whether the division has opened a formal investigation related to the data feeds.

Bloomberg reported that Bloomberg News (one of the subsidiaries of Bloomberg LP) is among the companies that have contested increases in pricing for the different packages offered by the exchanges.

In recent years, the business models of the world’s financial exchanges, which facilitate trading in financial markets from stocks to commodity futures, has pivoted to rely more on these lucrative data subscriptions, and less on the actual trading fees, which have been squeezed by years of consolidation and intensifying competition. And in a world where every nanosecond of frontrunning the orderflow data latency matters, exchanges can charge an arm and a leg, and there will always be a highest HFT bidder willing to pay the price if it means guaranteed and legal “information arbitrage.”

The financial market data peddled by these exchanges provides the world with the view of the financial markets reflected everywhere from CNBC to Google Finance to the Bloomberg terminals and Reuters Eikon platforms used by financial professionals. Of course, different pricing arrangements provide different data with varying levels of delay.

Shares of exchange operators ICE, CME and Nasdaq all tumbled on the news (note: ICE owns the NYSE):

According to Bloomberg, it’s not the only party that has “long griped” about these high prices for financial data. So have Wall Street banks (though mostly because Bloomberg passes on these charges to customers).

As it turns out, an updated draft of the Bloomberg story revealed that their source was none other than Makan Delrahim, the new head of the DoJ’s antitrust division, which is working with the FTC to investigate anti-trust abuses by Big Tech. However, in the interview, Delrahim confirmed that “I want to make sure that, if there’s anticompetitive conduct on Wall Street, that we pursue it.”

In an aside that could create headaches for the banks someday, Delrahim said he is also interested in revamping the code surrounding bank mergers.

But when it comes to the exchanges, Delrahim said an area of potential concern is whether they illegally force customers to buy additional, unnecessary products or services, a strategy known as “tying”. Last year, SEC Chairman Jay Clayton, the same man who let Elon Musk mock the federal government then walk away with a slap on the wrist, told the agency to start looking into potential abuses, as the agency clashed with the major exchange operators, including ICE. Clayton was apparently concerned that the rules had created a “two-tiered system”, where firms must pay exchanges for the private information just to be competitive. In May, the agency ordered the exchanges to improve the quality of public data feeds to try and reduce the market’s dependence on the private feeds. Ultimately, the standard that Clayton and Delrahim seem to be hinting at is whether firms are forced to pay exhorbitant sums just to get the data they need to be competitive. However, Delrahim declined to say whether an official investigation had actually been launched.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/2GicJwQ Tyler Durden

Does Tonight’s Debate Even Matter?

Does Tonight’s Debate Even Matter?

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/29/2020 – 14:41

Opinions are split about tonight’s debate: On one hand, DB’s Jim Reid says that it “will be critical, since it represents one of the last set-piece opportunities for either candidate to change the contours of the race.” On the other, as Rabobank’s Michael Every is dismissive, writing that “neither man has a reputation for eloquence, remaining calm at all times, clearly getting their point across to neutrals, or remaining gaffe free.”

In short, while the debate will likely draw huge television numbers, it is unlikely to sway many voters.

Underscoring that point, Poynter writes that the first Trump-Clinton debate in 2016 drew a whopping TV audience of 84 million, making it the most-watched presidential debate ever. That many people could watch tonight’s debate, although not all on TV. Streaming services and views on websites could make up a sizable portion of the audience.

But will it make a difference among voters? The New York Times’ Michael M. Grynbaum points to a recent Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll that shows that 70% of voters say the debates likely would not influence their vote. In that case, many may choose not watch “simply because they are stressed out or just plain tired of divisive politics.”

One place where the debate could have an impact is in narrowing Biden’s lead. According to Citi, four of the past five “first debates” have seen the trailing candidate close the gap in the polls – at least temporarily.

Meanwhile, Citi claims that market focus will be on the potential for a poor showing from Biden as a turning point in the election; however, according to media reports, the Biden campaign has been preparing for the debate and will likely focus on key issues (economy, pandemic) rather than direct confrontation with Trump.

What about the outcome of the debate and the pronounced winner? Here, as Jim Reid also points out, the reality is that the candidates’ perceived debate success has in the past had a fairly random correlation as to whether they will be elected on not. Mitt Romney “won” the first debate against Obama in 2012 by a huge 52% majority according to Gallup but lost the election. More spectacularly, Trump comfortably “lost” all three 2016 debates to Hillary Clinton (according to the same media that said Hillary had 95% odds of success). A similar fate was bestowed on John Kerry in 2004 when he won all three debates against G.W. Bush but lost the election.

Extending the list, in the last 10 elections with debate reaction data stretching back to 1976, only 2 candidates who were perceived to have won the first debate went on to win the election. Which is why Reid’s advice to clients is “enjoy the spectacle but there may not be too much to read into it ahead of November 3rd.”

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3cHotVF Tyler Durden

Will These Lawsuits End Trump’s Tariffs? More Than 3,500 U.S. Companies Hope So.

scmpphotos961258

More than 3,500 American companies have filed lawsuits asking a federal court to cancel the Trump administration’s tariffs on Chinese-made goods—by far the most significant legal challenge yet to the president’s trade war.

The lawsuits were filed over the past two weeks in the U.S. Court of International Trade, a special federal court that hears cases involving customs laws and duties, on behalf of several major American companies. The plaintiffs include retailers Target and Home Depot, car manufacturers Tesla and Ford, and several major manufacturing firms. The companies are challenging what Dana Incorporated, an auto parts manufacturer and plaintiff, calls an “unbounded and unlimited trade war impacting billions of dollars in goods,” Reuters reported.

The companies argue that the Trump administration failed to meet certain deadlines for imposing tariffs under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, a federal law that gives the president authority to impose tariffs for the purposes of enforcing trade agreements or countering anticompetitive behavior by foreign countries. Trump invoked Section 301 when slapping an escalating series of tariffs on imports from China starting in 2018, but the lawsuits contend that the administration made procedural mistakes that should invalidate those tariffs.

Essentially, the court is being asked to determine whether Section 301 allows the White House to engage in what the plaintiffs call an “open-ended trade war,” or if it merely allows a president to take distinct actions to counter perceived “discriminatory” actions by a foreign government, The National Law Review explains.

The companies concede in their lawsuit that Trump acted within his authority when he imposed 25 percent tariffs on about $50 billion dollars of annual Chinese imports in mid-2018. Those tariffs were implemented to counter what the Trump administration said was unfair practices by the Chinese government having to do with the theft of intellectual property from American-owned businesses.

But when the administration expanded the trade war to include 10 percent tariffs on another $200 billion of annual Chinese imports in 2019, the plaintiffs say it went too far. Section 301 allows a president to “modify or terminate” tariffs at any time, the plaintiffs argue, but it does not allow the government to expand tariffs beyond the initial action.

If the legal challenge is successful, the court would likely order the federal government to remove that second round of tariffs on Chinese imports and refund, with interest, the import taxes paid by American companies. “Duties paid by U.S. importers, by the way, not ‘The Chinese,'” writes Dan Ikenson, director of the center for trade policy studies at the Cato Institute, a free market think tank.

This isn’t the first legal challenge to Trump’s trade war, but it is the first one to target Section 301 tariffs against Chinese-made goods. A previous effort filed by steel importers against tariffs imposed under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 helped expose the hypocrisy of imposing tariffs for “national security” purposes on imports from allied countries, but their lawsuit failed to overturn them. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to take the case after the Trump administration prevailed at the U.S. Court of International Trade.

Even if the new legal effort succeeds, it would not revoke all of Trump’s Section 301 tariffs and would not touch the Section 232 tariffs on aluminum and steel.

Congress, meanwhile, has been completely useless when it comes to reining in Trump’s tariff powers. That means the best hope for ending Trump’s tariffs probably lies with whoever occupies the White House next year.

Could a second-term Trump be more willing to abandon his failed trade war now that he no longer needs to appear “tough on China” to win reelection? Unlikely, but possible.

Alternatively, a newly inaugurated President Joe Biden could lift the tariffs with the stroke of a pen, though Ikenson warns that Biden could “perceive certain strategic and domestic political advantages in maintaining some, if not all, of those tariffs.”

Ultimately, unless Congress takes steps to reform and limit presidential authority over trade, it seems like American businesses will continue to be at the mercy of whomever occupies the White House.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3jscGxn
via IFTTT

This Time, We Really Should Think of the Children

rtrltwelve149846

The ongoing debate over whether to reopen K-12 schools amid the pandemic has pitted teachers unions against frustrated parents, white people against people of color (who are disproportionately at risk of COVID-19), and, of course, cautious Democratic politicians against the Trump administration, which pressured the Centers for Disease Control to support a reopening agenda, according to a new report in The New York Times.

But the one group whose opinions on the matter have received very little attention is the group most directly harmed by virtual learning: the students themselves.

There aren’t many youngsters writing op-eds for major newspapers, or appearing on cable news to air their views on reopening. Kindergarteners don’t usually attend town halls or participate in drive-by protests (except, occasionally, as props). “There are no polls of six-year-olds,” laments Meira Levinson, a professor of education at Harvard University.

Levinson’s comment appeared in a terrific, though horrendously depressing New Yorker article about “the children left behind by virtual learning.” Reporter Alex MacGillis notes that many private schools are currently open while public schools in large, inner-city districts are mostly closed. The result is a two-tiered education system: Wealthier families can provide their kids with something approaching a normal school experience, while the less privileged must “attend” school from home via Zoom. But for many kids, including and especially marginalized kids, virtual learning has been an absolute failure.

MacGillis details the frustrations of one specific Baltimore child who is frequently shuffled between the households of a mother with drug addiction and a grandmother with many other youngsters to wrangle. In-person education was a source of stability for this child—without it, he’s socially neglected, intellectually under-stimulated, and rapidly falling behind his peers. He may be protected from COVID-19, but he will likely be at greater risk of all sorts of socially undesirable consequences simply because he can’t go to school. It’s a heartbreaking story that probably describes the terrible situation in which countless economically disadvantaged children now find themselves.

That remote learning is likely harming a significant number of children and worsening existing inequalities should be front and center in any policy discussion about reopening schools. MacGillis’s article includes the perspective of the most anti-reopening faction—teachers unions—but gently suggests that their wariness is extreme given current scientific understanding, which holds that young children are not likely disease vectors. (An influential study from South Korea that purportedly reached the opposite conclusion was seriously flawed, according to multiple experts MacGillis consulted.) Any advocate for keeping public schools closed in Baltimore, New York City, Washington D.C., Chicago, or elsewhere must grapple with the fact that schools are open in Europe, “including in towns and cities whose test-positivity rates were well above those in Maryland and many other parts of the U.S.” MacGillis goes on to report that:

Schools were also opening in roughly half of all districts in the U.S., and so far there was little evidence of the virus spreading inside school buildings. In Connecticut, many small towns and suburbs were offering in-person instruction—but not New Haven, which is heavily Black and Hispanic. In Texas, Florida, and Georgia, where many schools had been open since mid-August, COVID-19 case numbers and hospitalization rates generally continued to decline from their summer highs, despite reported outbreaks at some schools. In Wisconsin, where teachers’ unions had been hollowed out by Governor Scott Walker, schools were opening in much of the state (though not in Milwaukee). A middle-school teacher in Sheboygan told me that kids were spending the whole day in the same classroom, and the smell of sanitizer was overpowering. But so far there had been no confirmed cases at the school.

College reopenings, on the other hand, have produced significant COVID-19 spread—though outbreaks can be managed, quite successfully, by frequent testing of the entire student body. But for K-12, it’s mostly good news thus far.

Given all this, the Trump administration’s effort to push for school reopenings is hardly misguided: Many children who are currently at home in front of their laptops would be much better off in a classroom. And yet The New York Times would like readers to believe that there’s something nefarious going on here, thus the recent article, “Behind the White House Effort to Pressure the C.D.C. on School Openings.”

The Times largely rests its assertion that the administration improperly pressured the CDC to greenlight school reopenings on a single verifiable piece of information: White House staffers asked the agency to create a chart specifically showing that young kids and teenagers were overwhelmingly unlikely to die from the coronavirus. According to the Times:

The White House seized on a bar chart the C.D.C. distributed that week to other agencies, which showed that 60 percent of coronavirus deaths were people over the age of 75. Officials asked the C.D.C. to provide a new chart to show people 18 and under as a separate group—rather than including them as normal in an under-25 category—in an effort to demonstrate that the risk for school-age children was relatively low.

The Times obscures that this is a completely reasonable request given the available medical evidence about the effect of COVID-19 on different age groups. Why, given the scientific consensus, would it be “normal” to lump everyone under 25 in the same risk category? The death rate for 20-somethings is not the issue here. The White House was perfectly justified in asking for a chart showing the near-zero death rates for the actual K-12 set.

“If the CDC was refusing to provide age breakdowns on COVID risks in a discussion about *K-12* school openings, pointlessly lumping in the 18-25 *ADULTS* in there and not separating out 1-5, 5-12 & 12-18, it would be CDC who was terribly in the wrong,” writes Zeynep Tufekci, a sociologist and professor at the University of North Carolina, on Twitter. “This is baffling by the NYT.”

The Times also lambasts physician Deborah Birx, of the White House Coronavirus Task Force, for asking the CDC to include information about negative mental health outcomes for children learning remotely. While most people would agree that the mental health of children living below, at, and near the poverty line is objectively important information when discussing a policy that has made their mental health worse, the Times reporters treat this consideration as nefarious and unscientific.

Consigning disadvantaged children to weeks or possibly months of virtual learning would be a devastating choice—one that American cities are thus far quite alone in making. The school reopening debate might be the first in living memory where an appeal to “think of the children”—often a lazy and emotional rhetorical tool—should probably be made more loudly and in earnest.

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/33bLwF2
via IFTTT

Trump Still Doesn’t Have a Health Care Plan. He Does Have a $6.6 Billion Medicare Bribe for Seniors.

sipaphotoseleven075077-Trumphealthcare

At long last, President Donald Trump has announced his health care plan. The problem is, it’s not a health care plan. It’s an empty promise attached to a federally funded bribe. 

The saga of how we got here is a long and annoying one, filled with policy arcana that is both incredibly important and almost entirely irrelevant since it is so often discarded in favor of political imperatives. Trump has rendered the entire health care debate into a glum farce. 

From practically the moment he began running for president, Trump promised to repeal and replace Obamacare, the health care law signed by his predecessor, Barack Obama. Republicans in Congress spent most of the first year of Trump’s presidency working on various repeal and replace plans, but they never coalesced around a single proposal, and the final attempts were essentially legislative shells structured so that the details could be filled in later. Even as the GOP attempted to pass actual replacement legislation, it could not, in the end, describe what that replacement would be. No major health care bill was ever signed into law.

Still, Trump persisted in promising that a new health care plan was forthcoming, saying on multiple occasions over the last several months that it was imminent—just two or three weeks away. 

At no point did Trump provide any substantive details about what would be in his new plan; at most, he would promise that it would offer some form of protection to people with preexisting health conditions, without explaining precisely how. That promise was complicated by the fact that Trump was backing a legally dubious lawsuit to overturn Obamacare, including its rules governing how insurers must treat people with preexisting conditions. 

There were legitimate arguments to be made that those rules raised premium prices for buyers of individual market health insurance, and even that they provided some incentives for insurance companies to provide worse coverage to the chronically ill. But Trump wasn’t making those arguments. Instead, when asked about Obamacare’s preexisting conditions rules, he would say, with characteristically jumbled syntax, something that sounded roughly like a promise to keep those rules in place. Trump was not teasing an alternative mechanism, or offering a critique of Obamacare; he was trying to have it both ways, pushing to strike down Obamacare in the courts while insisting that he would preserve its core insurance regulations.  

Last Thursday, with the election barely more than a month away, Trump revealed his vision for health care, including his plan for protecting preexisting conditions. It is exactly as substantive as his earlier promises to protect preexisting conditions, which is to say that it is almost completely without substance. To protect people with preexisting conditions, Trump said he would sign an executive order declaring that it is the policy of the United States to protect people with preexisting conditions. 

That is not a policy mechanism. It is not legislative edict. It is a statement of intent, backed up by nothing. It is equivalent to declaring that it is the policy of the United States that henceforth all watermelons shall be seedless. That might be desirable, but it is not going to happen without a mechanism in place to make it happen. It is not a plan, because Trump—still—does not actually have one. 

Instead, he has a gimmick. At the same speech last week, Trump said  he would send 33 million seniors $200 prescription drug gift cards. Think of it as the political equivalent of a retailer offering a holiday promotion, except the holiday in question here is the election. That is Trump’s preelection pitch to seniors: Here’s $200. 

If enacted, Trump’s gift card program would cost about $6.6 billion. In theory, that money would come from savings from a prescription drug program referred to as “most-favored-nation” pricing, which would guarantee the United States doesn’t pay more for drugs than other countries. But that program hasn’t gone into effect yet, and the administration has been tellingly quiet about the specifics, with one White House official telling reporters: “Unfortunately, the details of the offsetting requirements [of the Medicare drug pricing program] are still yet to come. Expect more details out of the White House in the near future.” As always with Trump and health care, the specifics will arrive later. 

Nor is it clear whether the program could even legally operate through Medicare’s demonstrations program. That program was intended to allow small-scale experiments with payment models, which, if successful, could then be scaled up to provide savings to the program as a whole. Trump’s plan to give $200 gift cards to 33 million seniors looks less like a small-scale experiment designed to find a way to save Medicare money and more like a program of taxpayer-funded bribery. 

Which, needless to say, is also not a health care plan in any meaningful sense. Because Trump never really has a plan. He has gimmicks and delaying tactics. That’s it.

Occasionally, when I complain that neither Trump nor most of his fellow Republicans have health care plans to speak of, libertarian-minded readers respond that politicians shouldn’t have health care plans, because the federal government shouldn’t be in the business of managing American health care at all. 

I agree that the federal role in health care should be significantly diminished. The problem with this is that the federal government is already in the business of managing American health care. One could plausibly argue that spending money on health care is the primary thing the federal government does. 

In 2019, the federal government spent about $630 billion on Medicare alone, an amount projected to rise to about $1.3 trillion in 2029. One of Medicare’s key trust funds is set to become insolvent in 2026, yet Trump has promised not to touch the program. Major health care programs—particularly Medicare and Medicaid—are among the largest federal budget items and biggest drivers of long-term federal debt. About one-sixth of the total economy is devoted to health care, and by the end of the decade it will be closer to one-fifth; about half of that spending comes from the federal government. Meanwhile, health insurance post-Obamacare has remained unaffordable for many middle-class families; longstanding tax incentives for employer-subsidized health insurance create logistical headaches and problematic incentives for insurers. Pricing for health care services is opaque and maddening.

No plan means no effort to address any of those issues. It means leaving the status quo, with all its problems, in place. Which, on the evidence, appears to be Trump’s actual plan. 

from Latest – Reason.com https://ift.tt/3cFlk93
via IFTTT

We’ve Reached “The Endpoint” – Monetary And Fiscal Policy Won’t Help

We’ve Reached “The Endpoint” – Monetary And Fiscal Policy Won’t Help

Tyler Durden

Tue, 09/29/2020 – 14:25

Authored by James Rickards via The Daily Reckoning,

Remember all those “green shoots?”

That was the ubiquitous phrase used by White House officials and TV talking heads in 2009 to describe how the U.S. economy was coming back to life after the 2008 global financial crisis.

The problem was we did not get green shoots; what we got was more like brown weeds.

The economy did recover, yes, but it was the slowest recovery in U.S. history.

After the green shoots theory had been discredited, Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner promised a “recovery summer” in 2010.

That didn’t happen either.

The recovery did continue, but it took years for the stock market to return to its previous highs and even longer for unemployment to come down to levels that could be regarded as close to full employment.

And after the worst of the 2020 pandemic (so we hope), we’ve gotten the same happy talk. But those hopes have been dashed, which the latest jobs numbers bear out.

Can monetary and/or fiscal policy lift us out of the new depression?  Let’s first take a look at monetary policy.

Fed money printing is an exhibition of monetarism, an economic theory most closely associated with Milton Friedman, winner of the Nobel Memorial Prize in economics in 1976. Its basic idea is that changes in money supply are the most important cause of changes in GDP.

A monetarist attempting to fine-tune monetary policy says that if real growth is capped at 4%, the ideal policy is one in which money supply grows at 4%, velocity is constant, and the price level is constant. This produces maximum real growth and zero inflation. It’s all fairly simple as long as the velocity of money is constant.

But money velocity is not constant, contrary to Friedman’s thesis. Velocity is like a joker in the deck. It’s the factor the Fed cannot control.

Velocity is psychological: It depends on how an individual feels about her economic prospects. It cannot be controlled by the Fed’s printing press. It measures how much money gets spent from people to businesses.

Think of when you tip a waiter. That waiter might use that tip to pay for an Uber. And that Uber driver might pay for fuel with that money. This velocity of money stimulates the economy.

Well, velocity has been crashing for the past 20 years. From its peak of 2.2 in 1997 (each dollar supported $2.20 of nominal GDP), it fell to 2.0 in 2006 just before the global financial crisis and then crashed to 1.7 in mid-2009 as the crisis hit bottom.

The velocity crash did not stop with the market crash. It continued to fall to 1.43 by late 2017, despite the Fed’s money printing and zero rate policy (2008–15). Even before the pandemic, it fell to 1.37 in early 2020.

It can be expected to fall even further as the new depression drags on. As velocity falls, the economy falls. Money printing is impotent. $7 trillion times zero = zero. There is no economy without velocity.

The factors the Fed can control, such as base money, are not growing fast enough to revive the economy and decrease unemployment.

Spending is driven by the psychology of lenders and consumers, essentially a behavioral phenomenon. The Fed has forgotten (if it ever knew) the art of changing expectations about inflation, which is the key to changing consumer behavior and driving growth. It has nothing to do with money supply.

The bottom line is, monetary policy can do very little to stimulate the economy unless the velocity of money increases. And the prospects of that happening aren’t great right now.

But what about fiscal policy? Can that help get the economy out of depression? Let’s take a look…

We’re seeing more deficit spending in 2020 than the past several years combined. The government will add more to the national debt this year than all presidents combined from George Washington to Bill Clinton.

This spending explosion comes on top of a baseline budget deficit of $1 trillion. Combining the baseline deficit, the approved spending and the expected additional spending brings the total deficit for 2020 to over $3 trillion at the minimum.

That added debt will increase the U.S. debt-to-GDP ratio to over 120%. That’s the highest in U.S. history and puts the U.S. in the same super-debtor’s league as Japan, Greece, Italy and Lebanon.

The idea that deficit spending can stimulate an otherwise stalled economy dates to John Maynard Keynes and his classic work The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936).

Keynes’ idea was straightforward.

He said that each dollar of government spending could produce more than $1 of growth. When the government spent money (or gave it away), the recipient would spend it on goods or services. Those providers of goods and services would, in turn, pay their wholesalers and suppliers.

This would increase the velocity of money.

Depending on the exact economic conditions, it might be possible to generate $1.30 of nominal GDP for each $1.00 of deficit spending. This was the famous Keynesian multiplier. To some extent, the deficit would pay for itself in increased output and increased tax revenues.

Here’s the problem:

There is strong evidence that the Keynesian multiplier does not exist when debt levels are already too high. In fact, America and the world are inching closer to what economists Carmen Reinhart and Ken Rogoff describe as an indeterminate yet real point where an ever-increasing debt burden triggers creditor revulsion, forcing a debtor nation into austerity, outright default or sky-high interest rates.

Reinhart and Rogoff’s research reveals that a 90% debt-to-GDP ratio or higher is not just more of the same debt stimulus. Rather it’s what physicists call a critical threshold.

The first effect is the Keynesian multiplier falls below 1. A dollar of debt and spending produces less than a dollar of growth. Creditors grow anxious while continuing to buy more debt in a vain hope that policymakers reverse course or growth spontaneously emerges to lower the ratio.

This doesn’t happen. Society is addicted to debt, and the addiction consumes the addict.

The endpoint is a rapid collapse of confidence in U.S. debt and the U.S. dollar. This means higher interest rates to attract investor dollars to continue financing the deficits. Of course, higher interest rates mean larger deficits, which makes the debt situation worse. Or the Fed could monetize the debt, yet that’s just another path to lost confidence.

The result is another 20 years of slow growth, austerity, financial repression (where interest rates are held below the rate of inflation to gradually extinguish the real value of debt) and an expanding wealth gap.

The next two decades of U.S. growth would look like the last two decades in Japan. Not a collapse, just a slow, prolonged stagnation. This is the economic reality we are facing.

And neither monetary policy nor fiscal policy will change that.

via ZeroHedge News https://ift.tt/3ic0VcD Tyler Durden