Review: The Outpost

loder-outpost

The Outpost is a ripping combat film that demonstrates one more time how soldiers confronting death in some godforsaken outback can be fatally hobbled by the micro-management of top brass who are in turn taking orders from bumbling politicians half a world away. Why do some things never change?

Based on a true-life book by CNN journalist Jake Tapper, the movie is set at a remote U.S. Army outpost in the mountains of eastern Afghanistan in 2009, the eighth year of the Afghan war. The base has no particular strategic value and is in fact situated in a valley ringed by three mountains (a violation of a fundamental law of combat: “Aren’t we supposed to be on top of the mountain to win this thing?” one soldier asks). The mountains are crawling with Taliban fighters, whose sudden bursts of gunfire crackle through the hours of every day. It’s a rocky and inhospitable land, populated by villagers that American officers are naively eager to aid, but whom none of the grunts trust. When a group of new soldiers arrives by helicopter, the commanding officer (Orlando Bloom in a nicely modulated performance) greets them with, “welcome to the dark side of the moon, gentlemen.” (Welcome to Bulgaria, actually, where the movie was in fact shot.)

The director, Rod Lurie, is a West Point graduate who served four years as a U.S. Army officer. He conveys the profane male camaraderie of outpost life and the headlong chaos of combat with a close-up familiarity uncommon in these sorts of films. He is aided immeasurably by cinematographer Lorenzo Senatore, whose long tracking shots through dark rooms and then right out again into blazing sunlight to twirl with the actors through gunfire and explosions, is a rare achievement in war-movie camerawork.

The cast includes a number of showbiz offspring: Scott Eastwood, Milo Gibson, James Jagger, Will Attenborough. They’re all fine, but it’s Eastwood who gravitates quickly to the center of the movie. As we know by now, while he may lack only a dead cigarillo stuck in his mug to fully recall the scowling sang-froid of his father Clint, he has his own reserves of charisma. As commanding officers come and go at the outpost, Eastwood’s character—Staff Sergeant Clint Romesha—convincingly evolves into a leader himself. In one portentous scene, in which Romesha has led some of his men out on a daytime patrol into the mountains and stands with them looking down at the outpost as the Taliban might do, he says, “Every time they take a potshot at us, they’re figuring us out.” Then he points out the damage that enemy fighters could easily inflict in an attack, taking out the Americans’ armored vehicles, ammo depot, the base generators—and finally the Americans themselves, who’d be left exposed and helpless.

The Taliban actually are planning a major assault, an inevitability that further agitates the already jumpy Staff Sergeant Ty Carter (Caleb Landry Jones in yet another fascinating performance). The good news for Carter and the outpost’s other 53 soldiers is that there’s a squad of combat helicopters that’s ready to fly to the rescue when the Taliban—some 400 of them—launch their assault. The bad news is that those choppers are two hours away. Can the Americans hold out? That, of course, is what makes this a story worth retelling—somehow they do; and in the end they prevail.

Lurie devotes the second half of the movie to giving this ferocious battle its due, with breathtaking stretches of wonderfully well-choreographed action – some of it unflinchingly bloody—and an accumulation of telling detail: a body bag being zipped up over a dead man’s face; the nonstop sound inside an armored Humvee of bullets slapping the vehicle’s outer skin; and the drained faces of men watching their comrades going down, or already dead on the ground.

The movie is an instant classic, and it’s a shame it can’t be shown on a big theatrical screen at the moment. But it can still reach out and excite you from a smaller one. And also make you wonder why, after 19 years, we are still in Afghanistan.

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Action Park

minisactionpark_penguin

Action Park was the Somalia of theme parks, a New Jersey thunderdome for people who preferred risk to rules. It was founded in the mid-1970s by Gene Mulvihill, an eccentric businessman who dreamed of a participatory place that offered more than just the illusion of danger.

“My father seized upon the idea that we were all tired of being coddled, of society dictating our behaviors and lecturing us on our vices,” Gene’s son and onetime employee Andy Mulvihill writes in Action Park, an extremely entertaining memoir co-authored by the journalist Jake Rossen. So the park erected attractions that ceded high levels of control to the patrons. “Guests riding down an asbestos chute on a plastic cart,” for example, “could choose whether to adopt a leisurely pace or tear down at thirty miles per hour and risk hitting a sharp turn that would eject them into the woods.”

Those riders just might be drunk too. Action Park sold a lot of beer, eventually building its own brewery.

The park survived into the ’90s. Mulvihill’s book covers virtually everything you’d want to know about it, including the inevitable legal and regulatory battles. Injuries were common, but somehow they became part of the draw. “The risk did not keep people away,” the proprietor’s son concludes. “The risk is what drew them to us.”

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Action Park

minisactionpark_penguin

Action Park was the Somalia of theme parks, a New Jersey thunderdome for people who preferred risk to rules. It was founded in the mid-1970s by Gene Mulvihill, an eccentric businessman who dreamed of a participatory place that offered more than just the illusion of danger.

“My father seized upon the idea that we were all tired of being coddled, of society dictating our behaviors and lecturing us on our vices,” Gene’s son and onetime employee Andy Mulvihill writes in Action Park, an extremely entertaining memoir co-authored by the journalist Jake Rossen. So the park erected attractions that ceded high levels of control to the patrons. “Guests riding down an asbestos chute on a plastic cart,” for example, “could choose whether to adopt a leisurely pace or tear down at thirty miles per hour and risk hitting a sharp turn that would eject them into the woods.”

Those riders just might be drunk too. Action Park sold a lot of beer, eventually building its own brewery.

The park survived into the ’90s. Mulvihill’s book covers virtually everything you’d want to know about it, including the inevitable legal and regulatory battles. Injuries were common, but somehow they became part of the draw. “The risk did not keep people away,” the proprietor’s son concludes. “The risk is what drew them to us.”

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“University of Massachusetts Nursing Dean Fired After Saying ‘Everyone’s Life Matters'”

Prof. Jonathan Turley (GW) reports:

We have been discussing the growing fear of professors and students over the loss of free speech on campuses for years, but recently those concerns have been greatly magnified with the investigation or termination of professors for expressing opposing views about police abuse, Black Lives Matter movement or aspects of the protests following the killing of George Floyd.  There is a sense of a new orthodoxy that does not allow for dissenting voices as campaigns are launched to fire faculty who are denounced as insensitive or even racist for such criticism.

The most recent controversy involves the recently installed University of Massachusetts-Lowell Dean of Nursing Leslie Neal-Boylan. Dr. Neal-Boylan had only been in her position for a few months when she was fired.  The reason, according to many reports, is that she sent an email on June 2 to the Solomont School of Nursing on the recent anti-racism demonstrations across the country that include the words “everyone’s life matters.” …

I contacted the University to confirm (1) whether Dr. Neil-Boylan was fired for her statement about “everyone’s life matters” and (2) whether she was given an opportunity to hear the complaints against her and to contest the allegations.

The university responded with this statement:

“Leslie Neal-Boylan’s employment at UMass Lowell ended on June 19, after she was informed she would no longer serve as dean of the Solomont School of Nursing. She had been in that role for 10 months. Although a tenured full faculty member, she declined to join the nursing faculty. As with all such employment decisions, it was made in the best interests of the university and its students. Although we are not able to discuss specifics of a personnel matter, it would be incorrect to assume any statement by Dr. Neal-Boylan was the cause of that decision.”

This suggests that there were other reasons for the termination but, if the letter posted from Dr. Neal-Boylan is accurate, she was not aware of what those reasons might be.  If she is unaware of those allegations, this would be a rather Orwellian position where the university protects her privacy by refusing to confirm the basis for her termination even to herself.  I was hoping that the University would at least say that she was given those reasons and an opportunity to defend herself.  Instead, the university did not deny the allegation that Dr. Neal-Boylan was denied the opportunity to respond and contest any allegations….

If her firing was unrelated to the statement [“everyone’s life matters”], the University could have so stated without any violation of privacy. Such a clarification would have put to rest concerns over free speech.  Instead, there is lingering confusion ….

Prof. Turley also points to a story at Campus Reform (Addison Smith) that adds more:

One document provided to Campus Reform was allegedly written by Neal-Boylan and sent to Provost Julie Nash. The letter, dated June 19, begins, “As you know, I was fired from my position as dean in the Solomont School of Nursing…” The author claims that an exit interview was requested, but not granted.

“It is important to point out that no one ever gave me an opportunity to share my views of how the college and school were interacting nor explain myself regarding the BLM email. My meeting with you, [Dean] Shortie [McKinney], and Lauren Turner was clearly not intended to give me an opportunity to defend my actions. I was condemned without trial,” the letter obtained by Campus Reform reads.

McKinney did not respond to multiple requests for comment from Campus Reform.

Another document provided to Campus Reform, dated June 16, is addressed to UML Chancellor Jacqueline Moloney and Provost Joseph Hartman. That letter states, in part,  “It seems clear that College Dean McKinney used my email regarding Black Lives Matter (BLM) as rationale to fire me. This is attributable to one phrase in my initial email that otherwise was very clearly a message to NOT discriminate against anyone…It is clear that Dean McKinney used this as an excuse because my performance as dean has otherwise been without fault and has, in fact, strengthened the SSON. You might be interested to know that I have NEVER (in a 40 year career) been accused of racism.”

The same letter went on to list 13 “accomplishments” from the “past 10 months.”

Campus Reform spoke with one faculty member who asked to remain anonymous. The source said the faculty was “totally dismayed” and “completely floored” by Neal-Boylan’s termination. It was allegedly determined that her firing was not due to performance, the source said.

“The Dean of the College of Health Sciences, Shortie Mckinney, had a meeting the day after [the incident], a town meeting… People wanted to know why [she was fired], and what was confirmed is it wasn’t a performance issue,” the source told Campus Reform.

The employee said that the faculty discovered the backlash against Neal-Boylan on Twitter and “put two-and-two together,” determining the reason behind her firing, adding that it was not performance-based.

“After some investigation, we found the [tweets], and some of the comments that were posted, and put two-and-two together,” the source said. “She [Neal-Boylan] was a wonderful woman…. When she came on board, it was like a ray of sunshine.”

There may be more facts that might shed a different light on the matter; but if the facts as reported by Prof. Turley (whose work I’ve found reliable) and Campus Reform are generally representative, the University’s actions strike me as quite improper. As I’ve mentioned before, the First Amendment and academic freedom rules aren’t quite the same for administrators as for faculty. (Compare Jeffries v. Harleston (2d Cir. 1995) with Levin v. Harleston (2d Cir. 1992).) Administrators are politicians of a sort, and questions about how various constituencies perceive them are more legitimately considered than for faculty.

Nonetheless, if Dean Neal-Boylan was fired simply for expressing the view that “everyone’s life matters”—which in context is reasonably seen as an argument that the Black Lives Matter movement focuses too much on the perils faced by blacks from the police, and that the better goal is to try to prevent police abuse more broadly (or violence more broadly)—that’s a very narrow-minded position for the university to take. And this position is also sure to send a chilling message to people other than Deans, such as faculty members (especially untenured ones) and students.

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“University of Massachusetts Nursing Dean Fired After Saying ‘Everyone’s Life Matters'”

Prof. Jonathan Turley (GW) reports:

We have been discussing the growing fear of professors and students over the loss of free speech on campuses for years, but recently those concerns have been greatly magnified with the investigation or termination of professors for expressing opposing views about police abuse, Black Lives Matter movement or aspects of the protests following the killing of George Floyd.  There is a sense of a new orthodoxy that does not allow for dissenting voices as campaigns are launched to fire faculty who are denounced as insensitive or even racist for such criticism.

The most recent controversy involves the recently installed University of Massachusetts-Lowell Dean of Nursing Leslie Neal-Boylan. Dr. Neal-Boylan had only been in her position for a few months when she was fired.  The reason, according to many reports, is that she sent an email on June 2 to the Solomont School of Nursing on the recent anti-racism demonstrations across the country that include the words “everyone’s life matters.” …

I contacted the University to confirm (1) whether Dr. Neil-Boylan was fired for her statement about “everyone’s life matters” and (2) whether she was given an opportunity to hear the complaints against her and to contest the allegations.

The university responded with this statement:

“Leslie Neal-Boylan’s employment at UMass Lowell ended on June 19, after she was informed she would no longer serve as dean of the Solomont School of Nursing. She had been in that role for 10 months. Although a tenured full faculty member, she declined to join the nursing faculty. As with all such employment decisions, it was made in the best interests of the university and its students. Although we are not able to discuss specifics of a personnel matter, it would be incorrect to assume any statement by Dr. Neal-Boylan was the cause of that decision.”

This suggests that there were other reasons for the termination but, if the letter posted from Dr. Neal-Boylan is accurate, she was not aware of what those reasons might be.  If she is unaware of those allegations, this would be a rather Orwellian position where the university protects her privacy by refusing to confirm the basis for her termination even to herself.  I was hoping that the University would at least say that she was given those reasons and an opportunity to defend herself.  Instead, the university did not deny the allegation that Dr. Neal-Boylan was denied the opportunity to respond and contest any allegations….

If her firing was unrelated to the statement [“everyone’s life matters”], the University could have so stated without any violation of privacy. Such a clarification would have put to rest concerns over free speech.  Instead, there is lingering confusion ….

Prof. Turley also points to a story at Campus Reform (Addison Smith) that adds more:

One document provided to Campus Reform was allegedly written by Neal-Boylan and sent to Provost Julie Nash. The letter, dated June 19, begins, “As you know, I was fired from my position as dean in the Solomont School of Nursing…” The author claims that an exit interview was requested, but not granted.

“It is important to point out that no one ever gave me an opportunity to share my views of how the college and school were interacting nor explain myself regarding the BLM email. My meeting with you, [Dean] Shortie [McKinney], and Lauren Turner was clearly not intended to give me an opportunity to defend my actions. I was condemned without trial,” the letter obtained by Campus Reform reads.

McKinney did not respond to multiple requests for comment from Campus Reform.

Another document provided to Campus Reform, dated June 16, is addressed to UML Chancellor Jacqueline Moloney and Provost Joseph Hartman. That letter states, in part,  “It seems clear that College Dean McKinney used my email regarding Black Lives Matter (BLM) as rationale to fire me. This is attributable to one phrase in my initial email that otherwise was very clearly a message to NOT discriminate against anyone…It is clear that Dean McKinney used this as an excuse because my performance as dean has otherwise been without fault and has, in fact, strengthened the SSON. You might be interested to know that I have NEVER (in a 40 year career) been accused of racism.”

The same letter went on to list 13 “accomplishments” from the “past 10 months.”

Campus Reform spoke with one faculty member who asked to remain anonymous. The source said the faculty was “totally dismayed” and “completely floored” by Neal-Boylan’s termination. It was allegedly determined that her firing was not due to performance, the source said.

“The Dean of the College of Health Sciences, Shortie Mckinney, had a meeting the day after [the incident], a town meeting… People wanted to know why [she was fired], and what was confirmed is it wasn’t a performance issue,” the source told Campus Reform.

The employee said that the faculty discovered the backlash against Neal-Boylan on Twitter and “put two-and-two together,” determining the reason behind her firing, adding that it was not performance-based.

“After some investigation, we found the [tweets], and some of the comments that were posted, and put two-and-two together,” the source said. “She [Neal-Boylan] was a wonderful woman…. When she came on board, it was like a ray of sunshine.”

There may be more facts that might shed a different light on the matter; but if the facts as reported by Prof. Turley (whose work I’ve found reliable) and Campus Reform are generally representative, the University’s actions strike me as quite improper. As I’ve mentioned before, the First Amendment and academic freedom rules aren’t quite the same for administrators as for faculty. (Compare Jeffries v. Harleston (2d Cir. 1995) with Levin v. Harleston (2d Cir. 1992).) Administrators are politicians of a sort, and questions about how various constituencies perceive them are more legitimately considered than for faculty.

Nonetheless, if Dean Neal-Boylan was fired simply for expressing the view that “everyone’s life matters”—which in context is reasonably seen as an argument that the Black Lives Matter movement focuses too much on the perils faced by blacks from the police, and that the better goal is to try to prevent police abuse more broadly (or violence more broadly)—that’s a very narrow-minded position for the university to take. And this position is also sure to send a chilling message to people other than Deans, such as faculty members (especially untenured ones) and students.

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Why Haven’t We Seen the Body Cam Footage of Duncan Lemp’s Killing?

Duncan Socrates Lemps

It’s been nearly four months since Montgomery County police killed 21-year-old Duncan Lemp during a nighttime raid on his house in Potomac, Maryland, but the Montgomery County Police Department has still not released body camera footage from the incident, despite calls from civil liberties groups and Lemp’s family.

Lawyers for Lemp’s family claim he was shot while he was lying in bed during a March 12 no-knock raid by a Montgomery County Police Department SWAT team, who threw flashbangs into his room and fired on him through his bedroom window.

The MCPD says it received a tip that Lemp was in illegal possession of firearms, which he was allegedly barred from owning due to a juvenile offense. The MCPD claims Lemp was in “possession of a rifle” when he was shot. Additionally, the department says Lemp had designed a booby trap on his bedroom door to detonate a shotgun shell in the direction of anyone entering his room.

There’s one way to possibly clear up these two conflicting narratives: release the body camera footage from the fatal raid. But the MCPD has steadfastly refused to do so.

Reason sent two public records requests, one via third-party service Muckrock and another by mail requesting the body camera footage, to the MCPD. It never received a response to either, despite Maryland law requiring the department to acknowledge those requests within 10 days. The American Conservative reported that the MCPD rejected similar requests from the Firearms Policy Coalition, a 2nd Amendment group.

“Montgomery County has refused to confirm that body camera video even exists and the chief has refused our requests for the family to meet with him,” Rene Sandler, an attorney representing Lemp’s family, says. “That is where things stand for the time being.”

A Montgomery county prosecutor also threatened Lemp’s family with jail time and fines if they violated Maryland’s stay-at-home order to protest his killing.

The MCPD and county can spring into action when it feels like it, however. For example, MCPD released body camera footage of the fatal May 7 police shooting of another man, Finan Berhe, a mere 24 hours after it occurred.

A friend of Lemp told ABC News that Lemp was a libertarian. Lemp’s social media accounts show an interest in cryptocurrency and guns. ABC News also reported that Lemp posted on militia forums, although Lemp’s attorneys say he wasn’t a member of any militias.

Since his death, his name has been frequently invoked by “boogaloo boys,” a loose, heavily armed, and very online anti-government movement. (“Boogaloo” refers to a second civil war or armed conflict between citizens and the government. It’s also used by some white supremacists to refer to the race war that they believe is just around the corner, although USA Today reports that the libertarian wing of the boogaloo movement rejects this association.)

Boogaloo groups are under intense scrutiny after several violent acts by men associated with it. Federal prosecutors recently charged two boogaloo supporters, Steven Carrillo and Robert Justus, in the May 29 killing of a security guard at a federal courthouse in Oakland, California. Facebook announced on Tuesday that it was removing hundreds of boogaloo pages.

The Howard County State’s Attorney’s Office is currently investigating Lemp’s killing. Montgomery County and Howard County, which are adjacent to each other, have a reciprocal agreement where prosecutors for one county investigate fatal police shootings in the other.

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Why Haven’t We Seen the Body Cam Footage of Duncan Lemp’s Killing?

Duncan Socrates Lemps

It’s been nearly four months since Montgomery County police killed 21-year-old Duncan Lemp during a nighttime raid on his house in Potomac, Maryland, but the Montgomery County Police Department has still not released body camera footage from the incident, despite calls from civil liberties groups and Lemp’s family.

Lawyers for Lemp’s family claim he was shot while he was lying in bed during a March 12 no-knock raid by a Montgomery County Police Department SWAT team, who threw flashbangs into his room and fired on him through his bedroom window.

The MCPD says it received a tip that Lemp was in illegal possession of firearms, which he was allegedly barred from owning due to a juvenile offense. The MCPD claims Lemp was in “possession of a rifle” when he was shot. Additionally, the department says Lemp had designed a booby trap on his bedroom door to detonate a shotgun shell in the direction of anyone entering his room.

There’s one way to possibly clear up these two conflicting narratives: release the body camera footage from the fatal raid. But the MCPD has steadfastly refused to do so.

Reason sent two public records requests, one via third-party service Muckrock and another by mail requesting the body camera footage, to the MCPD. It never received a response to either, despite Maryland law requiring the department to acknowledge those requests within 10 days. The American Conservative reported that the MCPD rejected similar requests from the Firearms Policy Coalition, a 2nd Amendment group.

“Montgomery County has refused to confirm that body camera video even exists and the chief has refused our requests for the family to meet with him,” Rene Sandler, an attorney representing Lemp’s family, says. “That is where things stand for the time being.”

A Montgomery county prosecutor also threatened Lemp’s family with jail time and fines if they violated Maryland’s stay-at-home order to protest his killing.

The MCPD and county can spring into action when it feels like it, however. For example, MCPD released body camera footage of the fatal May 7 police shooting of another man, Finan Berhe, a mere 24 hours after it occurred.

A friend of Lemp told ABC News that Lemp was a libertarian. Lemp’s social media accounts show an interest in cryptocurrency and guns. ABC News also reported that Lemp posted on militia forums, although Lemp’s attorneys say he wasn’t a member of any militias.

Since his death, his name has been frequently invoked by “boogaloo boys,” a loose, heavily armed, and very online anti-government movement. (“Boogaloo” refers to a second civil war or armed conflict between citizens and the government. It’s also used by some white supremacists to refer to the race war that they believe is just around the corner, although USA Today reports that the libertarian wing of the boogaloo movement rejects this association.)

Boogaloo groups are under intense scrutiny after several violent acts by men associated with it. Federal prosecutors recently charged two boogaloo supporters, Steven Carrillo and Robert Justus, in the May 29 killing of a security guard at a federal courthouse in Oakland, California. Facebook announced on Tuesday that it was removing hundreds of boogaloo pages.

The Howard County State’s Attorney’s Office is currently investigating Lemp’s killing. Montgomery County and Howard County, which are adjacent to each other, have a reciprocal agreement where prosecutors for one county investigate fatal police shootings in the other.

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“Shitty Media Men” List Libel Lawsuit Can Go Forward

From Tuesday’s decision by Judge LaShann DeArcy Hall in Elliott v. Donegan:

On or about October 11, 2017, [Plaintiff Stephen Elliott’s] name was published on a shared Google spreadsheet entitled “Shitty Media Men” (the “List”). He was identified as a “Freelance writer/novelist.” Under the heading “ALLEGED MISCONDUCT,” Plaintiff’s entry initially stated, “rape accusations, sexual harassment.”  On or about and between October 11 and October 12, 2017, the entry regarding Plaintiff was revised to read “rape accusations, sexual harassment [sic], coercion, unsolicited invitations to his apartment, a dude who snuck into Binders???” According to the complaint, Defendant, together with certain Jane Does, outlined Plaintiff’s entry in red, signaling that Plaintiff was accused of physical sexual violence by multiple women. Likewise, the column headed “NOTES” indicated that “multiple women allege misconduct.” Although the entry for Plaintiff initially appeared at row 13, it was subsequently moved to row 12. Plaintiff complains that the allegations about him included in the List are false.

Defendant [Moira] Donegan is alleged to have created the List. She, along with Jane Does, circulated the List to numerous women in the media industry via email and other electronic means. The purpose of the List was to “encourag[e] women to anonymously publish allegations of sexual misconduct by men” in the media sector. According to Plaintiff, participants were encouraged to publish allegations of misconduct, whether or not they had personal knowledge of the conduct or evidence to corroborate the allegations. Defendant, together with Jane Does, actively edited, removed, organized, published, highlighted, and added to the list. Defendant is alleged to have added heading names to the columns, including, “NAME, AFFILIATION, ALLEGED MISCONDCUT and NOTES.” Defendant also added a header to the top of the List that read, “Men accused of physical sexual violence by multiple women are highlighted in red.”

On October 12, 2017, Buzzfeed published an article about the existence of the List, and various other news outlets reported on it. At this point, more than 70 men had been named on the List. By Defendant’s own characterization, the List had gone “viral” and she took the List offline after about 12 hours.

In January 2018, Defendant published an article in New York Magazine’s online division, “The Cut,” identifying herself as the creator of the List.  In the article, Defendant described her perspective on the List’s susceptibility to falsehoods as follows:

“There were pitfalls. The document was indeed vulnerable to false accusations, a concern I took seriously. I added a disclaimer at the top of the spreadsheet: ‘This document is only a collection of misconduct allegations and rumors. Take everything with a grain of salt.'”

Later in the article, Defendant went on to comment about the veracity of the claims: “Some have expressed doubts about the veracity of the claims in the document, but it’s impossible to deny the extent and severity of the sexual harassment problem in media if you believe even a quarter of the claims that were made on the spreadsheet. For my part, I believe significantly more than that.” …

The court first had to consider whether Elliott was a “limited-purpose public figure,” which is to say someone who had voluntarily injected himself into a public controversy. If he were, then he’d have to show that any statements by Donegan knew that any statements she made about him in the context of that controversy were false or at least likely false. If he weren’t a limited-purpose public figure, then he’d have to show that Donegan was negligent about the statements’ falsehood. (I oversimplify here, but let’s go with that.)

The court concluded that the relevant public controversy was “sexual assault, sexual harassment, and consent in the workplace,” and Elliott’s past writings about sex and sex crimes weren’t sufficiently related to that controversy (because they weren’t focused on the workplace.

The court then concluded that Elliott’s lawsuit wasn’t barred by 47 U.S.C. § 230, which generally immunizes online site operators from liability for third parties’ online speech on their sites: Elliott, the court stressed, had alleged that Donegan had herself written or added to some of the material about him on the List. (Presumably that will be determined through further discovery.)

Plaintiff alleges that Defendant published the allegedly defamatory accusations in the List as relayed to her by another person.  Defendant argues that, if true, she is shielded by § 230 because she did not materially contribute to their allegedly defamatory meaning, and did not change the meaning and purpose of the content. However, this argument assumes a key fact not known to the Court at this juncture—whether Plaintiff materially contributed to the allegedly defamatory meaning—which is the very fact on which CDA immunity turns. That Plaintiff did not explicitly plead that Defendant materially contributed to the unlawful statements she inputted in the list on someone else’s behalf is of no consequence. Defendant may not “rel[y] upon the absence of facts not pled in the complaint” to secure CDA immunity on a motion to dismiss.

Furthermore, Plaintiff also rightly points out that if Defendant inputted information into the List that was not provided to Defendant for use on the Internet, she would not qualify for CDA immunity. “The structure and purpose of § 230(c)(1) indicate that the immunity applies only with regard to third-party information provided for use on the Internet or another interactive computer service.” Thus, if Defendant wrote the allegedly defamatory statements in the List that had been relayed to her by a third party—and the third party never intended that communication “be placed on an interactive computer service for public viewing”—CDA immunity would not attach…. [I]f “an individual who happens to operate a website receives a defamatory ‘snail mail’ letter from an old friend, the website operator cannot be said to have been ‘provided’ the information in his capacity as a website service.” …

But the court rejected Elliott’s alternative theory that Donegan had “‘specifically encourage[d]’ the posting of unlawful content” and was thus ineligible for § 230 immunity:

Plaintiff directs the Court to the disclaimer at the top of the List, which described it as “only a collection of allegations and rumors” that should be taken “with a grain of salt.” Plaintiff argues that “[t]his statement alone could reasonably have been interpreted by the List’s recipients as encouraging them to post their own ‘rumors'” and “[n]owhere did the List advise users that they were only to post about their own experiences.” …

Roommates.Com [a leading 2008 Ninth Circuit precedent] provides a helpful illustration as to when the design of a website can be found to have encouraged unlawful content. Roommates operated a website designed to match individuals seeking roommates. As part of the online registration form for the service, Roommates required subscribers to answer questions about their sex, sexual orientation and familial status, and their roommate preferences along these same criteria. The potential answers to these questions were pre-set by Roommates. (“Subscribers who are seeking housing must make a selection from a drop-down menu, again provided by Roommates, to indicate whether they are willing to live with “Straight or gay” males, only with “Straight” males, only with “Gay” males or with “No males.”) Roommates used the responses to these questions to populate a subscriber’s profile page. The Ninth Circuit found that Roommates’ website, by design, “force[d] subscribers to divulge protected characteristics and discriminatory preferences, and to match those who have rooms with those who are looking for rooms based on criteria that appear to be prohibited by the FHA [Fair Housing Act].” Thus, Roommates was not entitled to CDA immunity on this aspect of the registration form. (“By requiring subscribers to provide the information as a condition of accessing its service, and by providing a limited set of pre-populated answers, Roommate becomes much more than a passive transmitter of information provided by others; it becomes the developer, at least in part, of that information. And section 230 provides immunity only if the interactive computer service does not ‘creat[e] or develop[ ]’ the information ‘in whole or in part.'” Nothing about the registration form’s pre-set answers is analogous to the List.

Rather, the List, which was circulated in a Google spreadsheet, is akin to the comment boxes in Roommates.Com. Roommates also presented subscribers with a blank text box and prompted subscribers to “tak[e] a moment to personalize your profile by writing a paragraph or two describing yourself and what you are looking for in a roommate.” Subscribers could write as much or as little as desired, and the responses were visible to other paying subscribers. Id. Certain subscribers took the opportunity to write discriminatory comments such as, “NOT looking for [B]lack [M]uslims.” The Ninth Circuit found that the CDA protected Roommates with respect to these comment boxes. The court reasoned that because “Roommate[s] publishes these comments as written,” “[i]t does not provide any specific guidance as to what the essay should contain,” and it does not “urge subscribers to input discriminatory preferences,” Roommates was not responsible for the development of this content.

As with Roommates’ comment box, the possibility that someone may have entered defamatory content into the List does not mean that Defendant specifically encouraged unlawful content. That the Defendant added the disclaimer that the document consisted of “a collection of misconduct allegations and rumors” does not change the Court’s conclusion.  Neither this header nor the design of the spreadsheet urges or requires users to input defamatory statements—or otherwise unlawful content—to view or contribute to the List. In other words, based on the design of the List, that Defendant circulated the List, without more, does not constitute specific encouragement of unlawful content.

That is not to say that Plaintiff’s complaint has foreclosed the possibility that Defendant encouraged the posting of unlawful content. The full contours of Defendant’s conduct during the approximately 12 hour period during which her Google spreadsheet was online are unknown at this juncture. Accordingly, Plaintiff is entitled to discovery on whether Defendant specifically encouraged the posting of unlawful content on the List….

And the court concluded that the highlighting in red and annotation of plaintiff’s entry wouldn’t themselves be creation or development of information:

Defendant is correct that “visually aggregating or classifying user content does not constitute ‘creation or development’ under Section 230(f)(3).” The implementation of categorization features “constitute[s] quintessential neutral assistance.” [C]ategorizing information, without more, “does not transform [a defendant] into a developer of the underlying misinformation.”

Here, Plaintiff’s entry included “rape accusations,” in the plural form.  In highlighting Plaintiff’s entry in red, denoting that Plaintiff was “accused of physical sexual violence by multiple women,” Defendant provided neutral assistance or generally augmented the content…. See Seldon v. Magedson (S.D.N.Y. 2012) (dismissing the case on other grounds but noting that the defendant’s act of adding the heading “Sexual Pervert” to a post that detailed how the plaintiff had allegedly kept “all kinds of perverted photos on his computer” did not alter the substance, meaning, or purpose of the content for the purposes of the CDA”). Therefore, Defendant’s categorization of Plaintiff’s entry in the List through text or highlighting does not bring her outside of the protection of the CDA.

Finally, the court provided that “the parties shall proceed without delay to narrowly tailored discovery to address factual issues related to Defendant’s CDA immunity defense….. Once such discovery is completed, the parties may move for summary judgment on CDA immunity in accordance with this Court’s Individual Practices.”

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