Dallas DEA Makes Largest-Ever Meth Bust In North Texas 

Dallas DEA Makes Largest-Ever Meth Bust In North Texas 

The Drug Enforcement Administration’s (DEA) Dallas field division reported this week the largest methamphetamine seizure ever in North Texas, according to local news WFAA

DEA agents seized 1,950 pounds of meth, valued at $45 million, hidden within the bed of a refrigerated tractor-trailer off Interstate 35 in Denton County. A detection dog or sniffer dog pinpointed the large stash during a traffic stop, amounting to 663 packages. 

“It’s a staggering amount to be seized at one time,” said Eduardo Chavez, the Special Agent in Charge for DEA Dallas. “They were like sausage links.”

The bust was equivalent to 20% of the total amount the Dallas field division seized in 2020. 

“I see a lot of lives saved when we can stack up kilograms of drugs like this on a table,” Chavez said. “Unfortunately, methamphetamine is one of the largest threats in North Texas, so we would anticipate that a lot of it was destined for the market here.”

Chavez said the drugs were likely intended for black markets in St. Louis, Chicago, and Atlanta. The DEA believes the drugs belonged to the Jalisco New Generation Cartel headed by Nemesio Oseguera-Cervantes, otherwise known as “El Mencho.” 

“No doubt, this got his (El Mencho) attention. A seizure like this, he most likely got a phone call,” Chavez said. “We take one of these seizures and try to expand the network, try to identify perhaps what other ones have gotten through.”

During the pandemic, the Trump administration cracked down on drug traffickers along a ‘meth superhighway’ controlled by Mexican cartels that stretched across the U.S. A six-month operation by the federal government seized thousands of pounds of meth, tens of millions of dollars, and hundreds of firearms. 

During the pandemic, meth inflation surged from $4,000 in March to nearly $16,000 by May. 

Meanwhile, deaths related to meth-overdoses have surged across the country, especially among Blacks and American Indians/Alaska Natives.

“While much attention is focused on the opioid crisis, a methamphetamine crisis has been quietly, but actively, gaining steam — particularly among American Indians and Alaska Natives, who are disproportionately affected by a number of health conditions,” said Dr. Nora Volkow, director of the U.S. National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA).

The Trump administration made a concerted effort among federal, state, and local leaders to combat drug traffickers and criminal cartels for violating U.S. sovereignty via breaching the southern border. However, it remains to be seen if the Biden administration will continue such policies.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 01/28/2021 – 19:23

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Sri Lanka’s Stock Market Is Up 30% In 2021 And Has Doubled From Its 2020 Lows

Sri Lanka’s Stock Market Is Up 30% In 2021 And Has Doubled From Its 2020 Lows

While attention in the U.S. may be focused on the ongoing short squeezes in a few select names, the Sri Lankan stock market – as a whole – isn’t far behind.

Stocks in Sri Lanka have returned a “world beating” 30% so far this year, Bloomberg noted on Wednesday. The returns are eye popping, especially given that we are only 28 days into the new year.

Traders in Sri Lanka have bought $802 million worth of equities this month, the report notes, which is 45% of last year’s total domestic purchases. The domestic inflows come as many overseas investors leave the market, selling a net $25 million in shares in January. In 2020, overseas investors had outflows of $273 million. 

Joshua Crabb, a Hong Kong-based money manager, told Bloomberg: “As the pandemic rebound got underway, abundance of global liquidity, substantial rate cuts and domestic retail participation have helped fuel the rally. Keep in mind the currency has also weakened, which makes exports more competitive, encourages tourism and introduces inflation, which helps nominal assets like equities.”

The country’s Colombo Stock Exchange All Share Index tumbled in March 2019 with global markets as a result of the global pandemic and localized political uncertainty. But the country’s central bank cut its key rate by 200 basis points and has provided liquidity, prompting the nation’s market to scream higher.

The market has doubled off of its lows and the country has now even re-opened some of its airports for international tourism again. The country also recently approved the Oxford/AstraZeneca Covid vaccine for emergency use, providing another tailwind for the market heading into the Spring.

Crabb concluded: “In the near term, I would expect the market to consolidate its gains. At current valuations, we really need to see an improvement in the economy and in company earnings to see another leg up.”
 

Tyler Durden
Thu, 01/28/2021 – 19:10

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Cuomo Admin “Under-Counted’ COVID-19 Nursing-Home Death By Up To 50%, NY AG Report Finds

Cuomo Admin “Under-Counted’ COVID-19 Nursing-Home Death By Up To 50%, NY AG Report Finds

Authored by Libby Emmons via ThePostMillennial .com,

New York State Attorney General Letitia James released a report on Thursday detailing the investigations her office has conducted into nursing homes policies and actions during the pandemic. The report shows that the nursing home deaths in New York State were likely undercounted by up to 50 percent.

The investigation, ongoing since March, when Governor Andrew Cuomo issued his directive to send COVID patients back to nursing homes following hospitalizations, was begun due to allegations of “patient neglect and other concerning conduct,” according to The Post-Journal.

Cuomo made headlines earlier this week for saying that “incompetent government kills people.”

The New York State Department of Health’s figures on deaths in nursing homes from COVID showed far less death than James’ latest findings. Cuomo and the Dept. of Health reported more than 8,500, and Cuomo has consistently and repeatedly denied that his policies had any negative impact on nursing home deaths in the state.

In July, the Dept. of Health tried to counter the claim that sending patients back to nursing homes while they were still contagious had occurred, saying the patients “were no longer contagious when admitted and therefore were not a source of infection.” James’ investigation reveals that this was untrue.

James’ investigation focuses on 20 nursing homes that are of particular concern. She stated: “As the pandemic and our investigations continue, it is imperative that we understand why the residents of nursing homes in New York unnecessarily suffered at such an alarming rate.”

“While we cannot bring back the individuals we lost to this crisis,” James said, “this report seeks to offer transparency that the public deserves and to spur increased action to protect our most vulnerable residents. Nursing homes residents and workers deserve to live and work in safe environments, and I will continue to work hard to safeguard this basic right during this precarious time.”

The report from the Office of the Attorney General comes in at 76 pages, and the death count was only one of the inconsistencies found between what the Dept. of Health reported and what the AG found.

A summary of the report read that “Preliminary data obtained by OAG suggests that many nursing home residents died from Covid-19 in hospitals after being transferred from their nursing homes, which is not reflected in DOH’s published total nursing home death data.” James found additionally that there were several nursing homes that “failed to comply with critical infection control policies.”

The basics of the AG’s report are: many more nursing home residents died from COVID than the official state numbers show; many homes didn’t follow the guidance to keep contagion at bay; the residents of homes that were not well-staffed suffered more; a lack of personal protective equipment among staff and residents was a factor in increased contagion; a lack of testing in these facilities meant the extent of the contagion was unknown for far too long.

Additionally, the report found that Cuomo’s policy from March that required COVID patients to be returned to nursing homes, or for COVID patients to be admitted to nursing homes, likely put residents directly in harm’s way.

The undercount of the deaths of nursing home residents is likely due to the fact that is a person was transferred from their care home to a hospital and then died in the hospital, that death was not counted as a nursing home death.

James’ office compared the deaths that were reported to the Dept. of Health by nursing homes and found that one nursing home had underreported by 29 the number of deaths from COVID that took place at their facility for one day in August alone.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 01/28/2021 – 18:50

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U.S. Billionaire Wealth Rises 40%, Up $1.1 Trillion, Since March 2020

U.S. Billionaire Wealth Rises 40%, Up $1.1 Trillion, Since March 2020

As we have continued to document, Central Bank “responses” to the Covid pandemic have done little for lower and middle class Americans and continue to disproportionately enrich the already wealthy. 

Further evidence of how the Fed’s flawed policies work, in action, came from the Institute for Policy studies and Americans For Tax Fairness, who yesterday issued a press release noting that 10 months into the Covid crisis, America’s billionaires have seen their wealth rise 40%, or $1.1 trillion. 

Using March 18th as a starting point for the pandemic, the release offers up similar stunning numbers to those that we have been covering since 2020. 

“Not much has changed for America’s billionaires in the midst of the crisis—except the further swelling of their bank balances,” the release says. The combined fortune of the nation’s 660 billionaires as of Monday, January 18, 2021 was $4.1 trillion, up 38.6% from their collective net worth of just under $3 trillion on March 18, 2020, the rough start of the pandemic.”

“At $4.1 trillion, the total wealth of America’s 660 billionaires is two-thirds higher than the $2.4 trillion in total wealth held by the bottom half of the population, 165 million Americans,” the release notes.

Among the usual suspects were:

  • Elon Musk’s wealth grew by over $154 billion, from $24.6 billion on March 18 to $179.2 billion on Jan. 18, a nearly eight-fold increase, boosted by his Tesla stock. The boost in wealth of the SpaceX founder over the past 10 months is more than twice that of any other billionaire. That $154 billion growth in wealth is also about seven times NASA’s $22.6 billion budget in FY2020, the federal agency Musk has credited with saving his company with a big federal contract when the firm’s rockets were failing and it faced bankruptcy.

  • Jeff Bezos’s wealth grew from $113 billion on March 18 to $182 billion, an increase of 61%. Adding in his ex-wife MacKenzie Scott’s wealth of $55 billion on Jan. 18, the two had a combined wealth of almost a quarter of a trillion dollars thanks to their Amazon stock. If Bezos’s $68.6 billion growth in wealth was distributed to all his 810,000 U.S. employees, each would get a windfall bonus of almost $85,000 and Bezos would not be any “poorer” than he was 10 months ago.

  • Mark Zuckerberg’s wealth grew from $54.7 billion on March 18 to $92 billion, an increase of over two-thirds fueled by his Facebook stock.

Trying to argue for tax changes, the IPS says that “the $1.1 trillion wealth gain by 660 U.S. billionaires since March 2020 could pay for all of the relief for working families contained in President Biden’s proposed $1.9 trillion pandemic rescue package, which includes $1,400 in direct payments to individuals, $400-a-week supplements to unemployment benefits, and an expanded child tax credit.”

While the logic isn’t exactly rock solid, as it assumes that no billionaires deserve to be rewarded for many sacrifices and services they have provided to the general public during the pandemic, it is still a stunning visualization of exactly how much wealth has been funneled to the 1% under the guise of “bailing out” main street. 

Meanwhile, ordinary Americans have not fared as well as billionaires during the pandemic, the release notes. It says:

  • Over 25 million have fallen ill with the virus and more than 420,000 have died from it. [Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center]

  • Collective work income of rank-and-file private-sector employees—all hours worked times the hourly wages of the entire bottom 82% of the workforce—declined by 1% in real terms from mid-March to mid-December, according to Bureau of Labor Statistics data.

  • Over 73 million lost work between Mar. 21 and Dec. 26, 2020. [U.S. Department of Labor]

  • 16 million were collecting unemployment on Jan. 2, 2021. [U.S. Department of Labor] 

  • Nearly 100,000 businesses have permanently closed. [Yelp/CNBC]

  • 12 million workers have likely lost employer-sponsored health insurance during the pandemic as of August 26, 2020. [Economic Policy Institute]

  • Some 29 million adults reported between Dec. 9-21 that their household had not had enough food in the past week. From Nov. 25-Dec. 7, between 8 and 12 million children lived in a household where kids did not eat enough because the household could not afford to fully feed them. [Center on Budget & Policy Priorities (CBPP)]

  • 14 million adults—1 in 5 renters—reported in December being behind in their rent. [CBPP]

Frank Clemente, executive director of Americans for Tax Fairness, argued: “While we can all rejoice that our nation’s response to the terrible pandemic is now in steadier and more caring hands, we can only lament that America’s billionaires are not making a meaningful contribution to that national effort, even as their wealth continues to soar.”

He continued: “The COVID crisis is crushing people of color and low-income workers while billionaires who are nearly all white have seen fortunes skyrocket. This is why we need the fair-share taxes program Joe Biden ran on, won on and is now ready to pursue.”

“Billionaires are reaping unseemly windfalls of wealth during the pandemic,” said Chuck Collins of the Institute for Policy Studies. “They benefit from having their competitors shut down or controlling technologies and services we are all dependent on in this unprecedented time. We should tax these windfall gains to pay for recovery.“

Our question is: why are people still pushing for old fashioned tax reform when we can just print the money now. Haven’t they gotten the memo?

Tyler Durden
Thu, 01/28/2021 – 18:30

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Court Allows U.S. Prosecution for American’s North Korea Speech About Cryptocurrency

From U.S. v. Griffith, decided yesterday by Judge P. Kevin Castel (S.D.N.Y.):

Defendant Virgil Griffith is charged in an indictment with conspiring to violate the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (“IEEPA”), 50 U.S.C. §§ 1701–1706. The indictment alleges that an object of the fifteen-month conspiracy was to provide services to the Democratic People’s Republic of North Korea (“DPRK”) without the required government approvals. He now moves to dismiss the indictment …. [U]pon review of the law governing the offense conduct, the indictment states a federal crime and violates no constitutional prohibition….

Griffith asserts that he is an American citizen from Tuscaloosa, who at the time of the acts underlying the indictment, was domiciled in Singapore working for the Ethereum Foundation as a Senior Researcher. His position was similar to a business development manager for the Foundation. As part of his employment and interest in cryptocurrencies, Griffith spoke and gave presentations at various panels or conferences about the technology.

In August 2018, Griffith learned about a cryptocurrency conference in North Korea. Since early 2018, Griffith wanted to establish an Ethereum environment in the DPRK, at one point texting a colleague, “we’d love to make an Ethereum trip to the DPRK and setup an Ethereum node…. It’ll help them circumvent the current sanctions on them.” Griffith also sent texts to a colleague speculating that while he was not sure why the DPRK was interested in cryptocurrencies, it was “probably avoiding sanctions.”

In January 2019, Griffith applied to the State Department for permission to travel to the DPRK, informing them that he would speak at a cryptocurrency conference about “the applications of blockchain technology to business and anti-corruption.” The State Department denied his request, though according to the defense, they did not inform him that traveling to DRPK or participating in the conference would violate United States law. Griffith was determined to attend despite the denial, and sought the approval of the DPRK UN Mission in Manhattan. He sent the mission (via email) copies of his CV, passport, and explained his desire to attend the conference. He was granted a visa a month later.

Griffith flew to the DPRK on April 18, 2019. The conference was held from April 23 to April 24. He flew back to Singapore on April 25. The parties characterize the nature of Griffith’s presentation differently. Griffith claims that he spoke before approximately 100 North Koreans, covering very basic information about use of blockchain technology, use of “smart contracts,” and “information that one could readily learn from a Google search[.]” The government claims that Griffith gave a presentation and answered questions on cryptocurrency topics that were pre-approved by the DPRK and largely surrounded the potential to launder money and evade sanctions. The government obtained portions of audio recordings of the conference that have been produced to the defendant.

Upon returning to Singapore, Griffith visited the U.S. embassy to report his trip, and was interviewed by a State Department official for “several hours.” On May 22, 2019, he traveled to New York and was interviewed by the FBI at their request. On November 6, 2019, he was questioned over the phone by the FBI. On November 12, 2019, he again was interviewed by the FBI, this time in San Francisco, where he voluntarily turned over his cell phone. On or about November 28, 2019, he was arrested at Los Angeles International Airport on a criminal complaint. On January 7, 2020, an indictment was filed charging him with one count of conspiring to violate the IEEPA….

While framed as a challenge to the face of the indictment and its legal and constitutional infirmities, Griffith, in actuality, argues that the facts that are likely to be presented at trial will not support a lawful conviction. His argument vacillates between complaining of the paucity of facts alleged in the indictment and an assertion that the government’s evidence and theory of the case will not succeed in proving a crime: “While the indictment lists not a single allegation of fact, based on the government’s complaint, its filing in this case, and the discovery it has produced to date, it appears that the government’s theory is that by attending and speaking at a blockchain conference in Pyongyang, Mr. Griffith provided ‘services’ because he ‘provided the DPRK with valuable information on blockchain and cryptocurrency technologies, and participated in discussions regarding cryptocurrency technologies to evade sanctions and launder money.'” …

Griffith argues that his conduct does not meet the definition of providing “services” to the DPRK, as he only discussed well-known and well-understood features of cryptocurrency and blockchain technologies…. Griffith relies on United States v. Homa Int’l Trading Corp. (2d Cir. 2004) for the principle that “[t]he term ‘services’ is unambiguous and refers to the performance of something useful for a fee.” He asserts that he was not paid by the DPRK to attend and speak at the conference….

Subsequent Circuit law firmly points to the conclusion that the language in Homa was dicta. The Second Circuit dealt with the same regulation as Homa—the ban of providing services to Iran—in United States v. Banki (2d Cir. 2012). But there, the Banki court noted that reading a fee requirement into the term “services” would allow entities and individuals to provide uncompensated assistance and services to Iranian corporations with no consequence. Instead, the panel looked to the various dictionary definitions of “services,” most of which did not require a fee…. The Court concludes that that Banki is the controlling law in this Circuit….

Griffith further argues that, even if his speaking engagement is considered “services,” the conduct is statutorily exempt from the NKSR under the information exception. As interpreted by OFAC, the exception only applies to materials that are “fully created and in existence at the date of the transactions.”

The exception has not been construed by the Second Circuit. In determining what is included in this exception (again in the context of Iranian sanctions), the Third Circuit has stated that “the key distinction rests between informational materials that are widely circulated in a standardized format and those that are bespoke.” United States v. Amirnazmi (3d Cir. 2011). Griffith argues that because his presentation was nothing more than “high-level publicly available information” without substantive alteration, it falls under the exception. The government characterizes his presentation differently. It claims to have evidence that will show that Griffith drew diagrams on a whiteboard while speaking and concluded his time with a brief question-and-answer session. There is a factual dispute that, in the face of the grand jury’s indictment, can only be resolved by a petit jury….

Significantly, the grand jury has not charged Griffith with a substantive violation of the IEEPA but with a conspiracy to violate IEEPA. The government has represented, both in their brief and at oral argument, that Griffith’s speaking engagement at the April 2019 conference was a major step in a long-term plan to persuade and assist the DPRK in using Ethereum to avoid sanctions and launder money.

Even if Griffith’s presentation at the conference, taken in isolation, did not qualify as the provision of services, or was exempt under the information exception, evidence at trial may be sufficient to demonstrate his guilt in conspiring to provide services. The charged conspiracy is alleged to have been in existence from August 2018 through November 2019, extending seven months after the April speaking engagement. “[T]he law does not require that an indictment set forth every act committed by the conspirators in furtherance of the conspiracy.”

The facts will emerge at trial. The jury will be free to draw reasonable and permissible inferences and will decide the ultimate factual issues. The Court declines the invitation to opine whether the government’s proof will fail to establish “services” falling outside the information exception….

Griffith argues that “[t]o the extent that any OFAC regulation, as applied, criminalizes protected pure speech, it would violate Mr Griffith’s First Amendment rights….”

The difficulty of an as applied challenge in this case arises from its present posture. The indictment charges Griffith with participation in a fifteen-months’ long conspiracy to violate the statute, regulation and Executive Orders. No substantive crime is alleged. In their briefing to this Court, the government and Griffith each venture beyond the indictment and do not agree on the precise contours of the conspiratorial activities.

The government claims that the co-conspirators agreed to advise the North Koreans on how “to evade and avoid sanctions by using blockchain and cryptocurrency technologies.” Griffith asserts that the government’s evidence shows that his remarks at the April conference consisted of only “general articles in the public domain” and “very general information … available on the Internet.” Because the government’s evidence has not been presented at a trial, Griffith’s briefing does not address the seven-month period following the April 2019 conference. He faces a practical difficulty in mounting as an applied challenge to a conspiracy charge in a pretrial setting.

The Court assumes for the purpose of this motion that the regulatory scheme as applied and enforced against Griffith is subject to strict scrutiny. Strict scrutiny applies when the government regulation either “defin[es] regulated speech by particular subject matter,” or “by its function or purpose,” as “[b]oth are distinctions drawn based on the message a speaker conveys.” Such restrictions “are presumptively unconstitutional and may be justified only if the government proves that they are narrowly tailored to serve compelling state interests.” The narrow tailoring requirement is met only where “the challenged regulation is the least restrictive means among available, effective alternatives.”

The Court concludes that the government has a compelling interest in preventing the provision of services to the DPRK…. The Court also concludes that the regulatory scheme is narrowly tailored to achieve this compelling government interest. First, the regulations and Executive Orders are aimed at a designated country: DPRK. Second, the regulatory scheme has an express exemption that forecloses enforcement against “the exportation to any country of any [pre-existing] information or informational materials … whether commercial or otherwise, regardless of format or medium of transmission.” Third, the regulations implement a licensing scheme. Griffith could have but did not seek a license from OFAC to attend the conference and render services to the DPRK. Lastly, the government seeks to enforce the regulatory scheme against Griffith under a criminal statute that requires it to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that he “willfully” conspired to violate the law. In combination, the Court concludes that the regulatory scheme is narrowly tailored to achieve a compelling government interest and survives strict scrutiny as applied to Griffith.

This holding is consistent with Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project (2010), in which the Supreme Court held that a ban on providing “service” or “material support” to foreign entities designated as “foreign terrorist organizations” survived strict scrutiny. The statute in Holder, in the Court’s words, reached “material support … in the form of speech.” The support at issue consisted generally of “monetary contributions … legal training, and political advocacy ….” But the Court noted that the regulations were targeted only at “designated” terrorist organizations, the criminal enforcement provisions required that the person have acted “knowingly,” and the regulations did not prohibit independent advocacy on behalf of the designated groups, even though it prohibited advocacy in coordination with or at the behest of such groups.

Griffith cites to a Ninth Circuit case sustaining a First Amendment challenge to an OFAC regulatory scheme prohibiting coordinated political advocacy with an Oregon-based group that had been classified as a “specially designated global terrorist.” But there, the proposed services were to be rendered by a fully domestic organization to a “domestic branch office” of a foreign entity. The Ninth Circuit explicitly distinguished the case before it from “the Supreme Court’s concern about foreign nations’ perception of ‘Americans furnishing material support to foreign groups.'”

The Ninth Circuit also concluded that the services under scrutiny … were unlikely to raise any money for the designated terrorist organization, and that even if they did, the organization’s assets were frozen by law. Because of the non-monetary and domestic nature of the advocacy …, the Ninth Circuit held that the organization had “a First Amendment right to engage in the forms of coordinated advocacy that it seeks, such as holding a joint press conference with AHIF–Oregon” and that “[t]he content-based prohibitions … violate the First Amendment.”

Griffith’s challenge has nothing to do with advocacy, whether independent or coordinated. He is charged with knowingly and willfully participating in a conspiracy to provide services to the DPRK, a foreign state which “increasingly imperils the United States and its allies.” It will be part of the government’s burden to prove that (1) Griffith knowingly and willfully joined a conspiracy with knowledge of its unlawful object, i.e. the providing services to the DPRK; (2) that the services were to be more than providing preexisting information; and (3) the services were to be provided without a required OFAC approval. Applying strict scrutiny, the regulatory scheme as applied to Griffith serves a compelling foreign policy interest of the United States and imposes the least restrictive burden on speech.

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i/s/h/a

Give your answer in the comments, and no fair peeking! I just learned it today, so I don’t advise people to use it unless they’re confident that it’s well-known in their jurisdiction. (A Westlaw search suggests that it’s used in New York and a bit New Jersey, and very little elsewhere.)

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Court Allows U.S. Prosecution for American’s North Korea Speech About Cryptocurrency

From U.S. v. Griffith, decided yesterday by Judge P. Kevin Castel (S.D.N.Y.):

Defendant Virgil Griffith is charged in an indictment with conspiring to violate the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (“IEEPA”), 50 U.S.C. §§ 1701–1706. The indictment alleges that an object of the fifteen-month conspiracy was to provide services to the Democratic People’s Republic of North Korea (“DPRK”) without the required government approvals. He now moves to dismiss the indictment …. [U]pon review of the law governing the offense conduct, the indictment states a federal crime and violates no constitutional prohibition….

Griffith asserts that he is an American citizen from Tuscaloosa, who at the time of the acts underlying the indictment, was domiciled in Singapore working for the Ethereum Foundation as a Senior Researcher. His position was similar to a business development manager for the Foundation. As part of his employment and interest in cryptocurrencies, Griffith spoke and gave presentations at various panels or conferences about the technology.

In August 2018, Griffith learned about a cryptocurrency conference in North Korea. Since early 2018, Griffith wanted to establish an Ethereum environment in the DPRK, at one point texting a colleague, “we’d love to make an Ethereum trip to the DPRK and setup an Ethereum node…. It’ll help them circumvent the current sanctions on them.” Griffith also sent texts to a colleague speculating that while he was not sure why the DPRK was interested in cryptocurrencies, it was “probably avoiding sanctions.”

In January 2019, Griffith applied to the State Department for permission to travel to the DPRK, informing them that he would speak at a cryptocurrency conference about “the applications of blockchain technology to business and anti-corruption.” The State Department denied his request, though according to the defense, they did not inform him that traveling to DRPK or participating in the conference would violate United States law. Griffith was determined to attend despite the denial, and sought the approval of the DPRK UN Mission in Manhattan. He sent the mission (via email) copies of his CV, passport, and explained his desire to attend the conference. He was granted a visa a month later.

Griffith flew to the DPRK on April 18, 2019. The conference was held from April 23 to April 24. He flew back to Singapore on April 25. The parties characterize the nature of Griffith’s presentation differently. Griffith claims that he spoke before approximately 100 North Koreans, covering very basic information about use of blockchain technology, use of “smart contracts,” and “information that one could readily learn from a Google search[.]” The government claims that Griffith gave a presentation and answered questions on cryptocurrency topics that were pre-approved by the DPRK and largely surrounded the potential to launder money and evade sanctions. The government obtained portions of audio recordings of the conference that have been produced to the defendant.

Upon returning to Singapore, Griffith visited the U.S. embassy to report his trip, and was interviewed by a State Department official for “several hours.” On May 22, 2019, he traveled to New York and was interviewed by the FBI at their request. On November 6, 2019, he was questioned over the phone by the FBI. On November 12, 2019, he again was interviewed by the FBI, this time in San Francisco, where he voluntarily turned over his cell phone. On or about November 28, 2019, he was arrested at Los Angeles International Airport on a criminal complaint. On January 7, 2020, an indictment was filed charging him with one count of conspiring to violate the IEEPA….

While framed as a challenge to the face of the indictment and its legal and constitutional infirmities, Griffith, in actuality, argues that the facts that are likely to be presented at trial will not support a lawful conviction. His argument vacillates between complaining of the paucity of facts alleged in the indictment and an assertion that the government’s evidence and theory of the case will not succeed in proving a crime: “While the indictment lists not a single allegation of fact, based on the government’s complaint, its filing in this case, and the discovery it has produced to date, it appears that the government’s theory is that by attending and speaking at a blockchain conference in Pyongyang, Mr. Griffith provided ‘services’ because he ‘provided the DPRK with valuable information on blockchain and cryptocurrency technologies, and participated in discussions regarding cryptocurrency technologies to evade sanctions and launder money.'” …

Griffith argues that his conduct does not meet the definition of providing “services” to the DPRK, as he only discussed well-known and well-understood features of cryptocurrency and blockchain technologies…. Griffith relies on United States v. Homa Int’l Trading Corp. (2d Cir. 2004) for the principle that “[t]he term ‘services’ is unambiguous and refers to the performance of something useful for a fee.” He asserts that he was not paid by the DPRK to attend and speak at the conference….

Subsequent Circuit law firmly points to the conclusion that the language in Homa was dicta. The Second Circuit dealt with the same regulation as Homa—the ban of providing services to Iran—in United States v. Banki (2d Cir. 2012). But there, the Banki court noted that reading a fee requirement into the term “services” would allow entities and individuals to provide uncompensated assistance and services to Iranian corporations with no consequence. Instead, the panel looked to the various dictionary definitions of “services,” most of which did not require a fee…. The Court concludes that that Banki is the controlling law in this Circuit….

Griffith further argues that, even if his speaking engagement is considered “services,” the conduct is statutorily exempt from the NKSR under the information exception. As interpreted by OFAC, the exception only applies to materials that are “fully created and in existence at the date of the transactions.”

The exception has not been construed by the Second Circuit. In determining what is included in this exception (again in the context of Iranian sanctions), the Third Circuit has stated that “the key distinction rests between informational materials that are widely circulated in a standardized format and those that are bespoke.” United States v. Amirnazmi (3d Cir. 2011). Griffith argues that because his presentation was nothing more than “high-level publicly available information” without substantive alteration, it falls under the exception. The government characterizes his presentation differently. It claims to have evidence that will show that Griffith drew diagrams on a whiteboard while speaking and concluded his time with a brief question-and-answer session. There is a factual dispute that, in the face of the grand jury’s indictment, can only be resolved by a petit jury….

Significantly, the grand jury has not charged Griffith with a substantive violation of the IEEPA but with a conspiracy to violate IEEPA. The government has represented, both in their brief and at oral argument, that Griffith’s speaking engagement at the April 2019 conference was a major step in a long-term plan to persuade and assist the DPRK in using Ethereum to avoid sanctions and launder money.

Even if Griffith’s presentation at the conference, taken in isolation, did not qualify as the provision of services, or was exempt under the information exception, evidence at trial may be sufficient to demonstrate his guilt in conspiring to provide services. The charged conspiracy is alleged to have been in existence from August 2018 through November 2019, extending seven months after the April speaking engagement. “[T]he law does not require that an indictment set forth every act committed by the conspirators in furtherance of the conspiracy.”

The facts will emerge at trial. The jury will be free to draw reasonable and permissible inferences and will decide the ultimate factual issues. The Court declines the invitation to opine whether the government’s proof will fail to establish “services” falling outside the information exception….

Griffith argues that “[t]o the extent that any OFAC regulation, as applied, criminalizes protected pure speech, it would violate Mr Griffith’s First Amendment rights….”

The difficulty of an as applied challenge in this case arises from its present posture. The indictment charges Griffith with participation in a fifteen-months’ long conspiracy to violate the statute, regulation and Executive Orders. No substantive crime is alleged. In their briefing to this Court, the government and Griffith each venture beyond the indictment and do not agree on the precise contours of the conspiratorial activities.

The government claims that the co-conspirators agreed to advise the North Koreans on how “to evade and avoid sanctions by using blockchain and cryptocurrency technologies.” Griffith asserts that the government’s evidence shows that his remarks at the April conference consisted of only “general articles in the public domain” and “very general information … available on the Internet.” Because the government’s evidence has not been presented at a trial, Griffith’s briefing does not address the seven-month period following the April 2019 conference. He faces a practical difficulty in mounting as an applied challenge to a conspiracy charge in a pretrial setting.

The Court assumes for the purpose of this motion that the regulatory scheme as applied and enforced against Griffith is subject to strict scrutiny. Strict scrutiny applies when the government regulation either “defin[es] regulated speech by particular subject matter,” or “by its function or purpose,” as “[b]oth are distinctions drawn based on the message a speaker conveys.” Such restrictions “are presumptively unconstitutional and may be justified only if the government proves that they are narrowly tailored to serve compelling state interests.” The narrow tailoring requirement is met only where “the challenged regulation is the least restrictive means among available, effective alternatives.”

The Court concludes that the government has a compelling interest in preventing the provision of services to the DPRK…. The Court also concludes that the regulatory scheme is narrowly tailored to achieve this compelling government interest. First, the regulations and Executive Orders are aimed at a designated country: DPRK. Second, the regulatory scheme has an express exemption that forecloses enforcement against “the exportation to any country of any [pre-existing] information or informational materials … whether commercial or otherwise, regardless of format or medium of transmission.” Third, the regulations implement a licensing scheme. Griffith could have but did not seek a license from OFAC to attend the conference and render services to the DPRK. Lastly, the government seeks to enforce the regulatory scheme against Griffith under a criminal statute that requires it to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that he “willfully” conspired to violate the law. In combination, the Court concludes that the regulatory scheme is narrowly tailored to achieve a compelling government interest and survives strict scrutiny as applied to Griffith.

This holding is consistent with Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project (2010), in which the Supreme Court held that a ban on providing “service” or “material support” to foreign entities designated as “foreign terrorist organizations” survived strict scrutiny. The statute in Holder, in the Court’s words, reached “material support … in the form of speech.” The support at issue consisted generally of “monetary contributions … legal training, and political advocacy ….” But the Court noted that the regulations were targeted only at “designated” terrorist organizations, the criminal enforcement provisions required that the person have acted “knowingly,” and the regulations did not prohibit independent advocacy on behalf of the designated groups, even though it prohibited advocacy in coordination with or at the behest of such groups.

Griffith cites to a Ninth Circuit case sustaining a First Amendment challenge to an OFAC regulatory scheme prohibiting coordinated political advocacy with an Oregon-based group that had been classified as a “specially designated global terrorist.” But there, the proposed services were to be rendered by a fully domestic organization to a “domestic branch office” of a foreign entity. The Ninth Circuit explicitly distinguished the case before it from “the Supreme Court’s concern about foreign nations’ perception of ‘Americans furnishing material support to foreign groups.'”

The Ninth Circuit also concluded that the services under scrutiny … were unlikely to raise any money for the designated terrorist organization, and that even if they did, the organization’s assets were frozen by law. Because of the non-monetary and domestic nature of the advocacy …, the Ninth Circuit held that the organization had “a First Amendment right to engage in the forms of coordinated advocacy that it seeks, such as holding a joint press conference with AHIF–Oregon” and that “[t]he content-based prohibitions … violate the First Amendment.”

Griffith’s challenge has nothing to do with advocacy, whether independent or coordinated. He is charged with knowingly and willfully participating in a conspiracy to provide services to the DPRK, a foreign state which “increasingly imperils the United States and its allies.” It will be part of the government’s burden to prove that (1) Griffith knowingly and willfully joined a conspiracy with knowledge of its unlawful object, i.e. the providing services to the DPRK; (2) that the services were to be more than providing preexisting information; and (3) the services were to be provided without a required OFAC approval. Applying strict scrutiny, the regulatory scheme as applied to Griffith serves a compelling foreign policy interest of the United States and imposes the least restrictive burden on speech.

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Give your answer in the comments, and no fair peeking! I just learned it today, so I don’t advise people to use it unless they’re confident that it’s well-known in their jurisdiction. (A Westlaw search suggests that it’s used in New York and a bit New Jersey, and very little elsewhere.)

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Turley: Rhode Island Professor Says Science, Statistics And Technology Are “Inherently Racist”

Turley: Rhode Island Professor Says Science, Statistics And Technology Are “Inherently Racist”

Authored by Jonathan Turley via jonathanturley.org (emphasis ours)

We have previously discussed the radical declarations of University of Rhode Island and Director of Graduate Studies of History Erik Loomis who has defended the murder of a conservative protester and said that he saw “nothing wrong” with such acts of violence. (A view defended by other academics). Loomis is now back in the news with a declaration that “Science, statistics, and technology are all inherently racist because they are developed by racists who live in a racist society, whether they identify as racists or not.” It is a curious position from the person who heads graduate studies in history at the University of Rhode Island.

For many, science and statistics are fields that are inherently objective not racist. While racism can certainly impact any field in a myriad of ways, these fields are based on proven experiments and calculations. One can support scrutiny of our programs to root out racism without dismissing all fields as “inherently racist.” Yet, this view of math and science is being voiced by others, including those who denounce math as a “tool of whiteness.

Loomis’ statement came as part of a tweet in reference to a New York Times article and added “This is why I have so much contempt for those, including many liberals, who ‘just want the data.’ The data is racist!”

I have defended the right of Loomis to make his past comments as a matter of free speech. While Loomis has shown nothing but intolerance for opposing views, he has every right to express disturbing, extremist views.

On this occasion, he is making a statement that would appear to undermine the basis for graduate studies at his school and other schools.  While I still view the statements as protected, they would appear to undermine faith in the basis of much of the work of his colleagues.  The tweet prompted University of Rhode Island Assistant Director of Communications Dave Lavallee to issue a statement:

“Mr. Loomis’ recent social media posts on science, statistics and technology are entirely his own opinions, and in no way represent the positions or values of the University of Rhode Island..His recent tweet runs completely counter to URI’s first Cornerstone Value, which says, ‘We pursue knowledge with honesty, integrity and courage.

In making such remarks, Mr.Loomis calls into question the work of thousands of researchers and scientists across the country and particularly the outstanding work done by our talented and diverse researchers at URI. While Mr. Loomis has a First Amendment right to make such comments as a private citizen, he does not have the right to make such unsubstantiated claims in the context of his university position or role.”

From my perspective, the most important aspect of that statement is the acknowledgment that Loomis has First Amendment protections in uttering such viewpoints. The question for the university is whether those viewpoints undermine his role in leading graduate studies, particularly in dismissing the very basis for much of that work as racist.  Loomis claims that “all” science, statistics, and technology is racist. Period. It is a patently absurd statement that is devoid of any intellectual foundation or inquiry. It will certainly appeal to many who relish extremist and rejectionist views, including some in academia. However, it is the very antithesis of our intellectual mission as scholars and it does a great disservice to the many respected academics at the University of Rhode Island.

Nevertheless, Loomis wrote a column entitled “When Fascists Attack” for the site Lawyers, Guns, and Money. Loomis is listed as as one of a handful of “members” who contribute to the site. (For the record, that is the same site that ran a column by a Colorado law professor who claimed that raising questions about the 2020 was akin to Holocaust denial. That attack occurred a few days after the election when I noted that there were irregularities in the election, including an error in reporting the results from a district using Dominion software. I noted that the error involving a few thousand votes that was quickly corrected, did not indicate any widespread fraud, and would not affect the outcome of the election. It merely raised the question of whether such systems were still vulnerable to “human error.” The site denounced that statement was akin to denying that the Holocaust ever occurred.)

In his column, Loomis blasts the university by writing: “I guess this is how my administration responds to the need for anti-racism in American life and on campus, by openly throwing professors who talk about racism and technology under the fascist bus. Great job URI.”  It appears that now Rhode Island, in Professor Loomis’ view, is opposing anti-racism efforts and supporting fascists by rejecting his view of science, statistics, and technology.

Loomis insists that his rejection of all science, statistics, and technology as racist was [an]

“utterly uncontroversial point that when facial recognition technology is throwing innocent Black people in prison, it reflects much larger problems of how racism influences our technology and science in an inherently racist society. … This is…utterly uncontroversial? Or it should be anyway. We see this over and over and over again, from how the medical profession ignores pain in Black patients no matter their social status, how Black people are wary of the vaccine because of traditionally poor treatment by the scientific community, how all sorts of forms of technology end up exacerbating discrimination, etc.”

What is striking about this response is that it is divorced from his actual statement. It is raising insular issues like facial recognition that have been discussed by others without rejecting the entirety of science or statistics. Indeed, I just published a long study that addressed that issue and its underlying causes as part of a comprehensive look at biometrics and privacy.  See Jonathan Turley, Anonymity, Obscurity, and Technology: Reconsidering Privacy in the Age of Biometrics, 100  Boston University Law Review 2179 -2261 (2020).

Loomis’ reference a couple of specific areas where racism is a well-documented problem and many of us have sought to suggest ways to address racial injustice. It is not a defense of Loomis’ categorical rejection of all science, statistics, and technology.  That view is not “uncontroversial,” it is unhinged and irrational.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 01/28/2021 – 18:10

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After Failed IPO Disaster, WeWork Hopes To Ride SPAC Wave To Public Offering

After Failed IPO Disaster, WeWork Hopes To Ride SPAC Wave To Public Offering

If this week’s insanity surrounding Game Stop, AMC and a handful of other heavily shorted names wasn’t enough of a hint that something was very, very wrong in contemporary markets, well…

….Nearly 18 months after WeWork‘s long-anticipated IPO blew up in CEO Adam Neumann’s face, forcing him to abandon his executive role as WeWork’s CEO before turning around and suing many of the backers, including SoftBank’s Masayoshi Son.

This isn’t the first we’ve heard about WeWork possibly pursuing a SPAC. The company was reportedly exploring the possibility of hopping on SPAC train late last year.

With hundreds of investors scrambling for the next big-time SPAC deal target, it appears WeWork has caught their eye

WeWork is in talks to combine with a special-purpose acquisition company, according to people familiar with the matter, a deal that would usher the office-leasing company into the public markets more than a year after its high-profile failure to stage a traditional initial public offering.

WeWork’s board and its Chief Executive Sandeep Mathrani have been weighing offers from a SPAC affiliated with Bow Capital Management LLC and at least one other unidentified acquisition vehicle for several weeks, the people said. A deal could value WeWork at some $10 billion, some of the people said. It couldn’t be learned whether that includes debt.

The company also has received separate offers for a new private investment round, and it may well take that route instead, one of the people said. If it were to do so, WeWork would stay private and use the money to support its growth initiatives.

The talks are complicated and there is no guarantee WeWork will end up striking any dealsoon, the people cautioned.

SPAC’s have been around for decades. The first special-purpose acquisition company was created in 1993 by investment banker David Nussbaum and lawyer David Miller. Otherwise known as “blank check companies”, SPACs had a pretty shady reputation (partly due to their former name, “blind pools”) through the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, until changes in SEC rules made it easier for investors to get their money back before a deal went through.

Still, some investors are worried about whether SPACs are in the midst of a bubble since: “When you have everybody talking about SPACs, it raises the issue as to whether or not there is an element of speculative mania,” said Roy Behren, managing member at Westchester Capital Management and a SPAC investor. Former SEC chairman Jay Clayton said last year that the agency is examining how blank-check company creators disclose their ownership and how any of their compensation is tied to an acquisition. Clayton’s successor, Gary Gensler, a former CTFC head under Obama, has a reputation as a much more stringent regulator.

The average time required for a SPAC to drum up a deal dropped from 17 months in 2018 to five in 2020, and many lately have needed less than that. All of this has resulted in roughly 250 deals being struck in the US alone last year, with 2021 already on track to eclipse the prior year.

Infographic: SPAC Boom in the U.S. | Statista

You will find more infographics at Statista

It’s this immediacy that has helped inspire their popularity, since the dealmakers bringing SPACs to market face fewer obstacles, which of course creates more risk for investors. Still, Wall Street is launching a third exchange-traded fund that invests in SPACs, accelerating the rush to cash in on investors’ enthusiasm for so-called blank-check firms. What’s more, SPACs appear to be open to all, fromCNBC regulars like Chamath Palihapitiya and celebrities like Shaq. 

While some of these deals will undoubtedly succeed, investors are facing steep odds. We wonder: Will the same traders who lambasted WeWork’s S-1, where management promised to “elevate the world’s consciousness” change their minds and buy in this time around? Or will the backers of the WeWork SPAC become the first in the US (at least, since the latest SPAC craze began) to ignominiously return capital raised to investors, as Wall Street once again shows that there’s only so much outrageous deals that it can tolerate.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 01/28/2021 – 17:50

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