The Fracturing of Communist Cuba’s Propaganda Machine

“Information is entering through the pores” of Cuban society, journalist Yoani Sánchez tells Reason, a process that is causing the official narrative of the country’s dictatorship “to rupture.”

Sánchez, the founder of 14ymedio, Cuba’s first independent digital media outlet, gained international acclaim in the mid-2000s for her vivid accounts of life under a communist dictatorship—and for her courage in flouting government censorship. “When I started my blog,” she tells Reason, “it was like an exorcism of something that was inside of me.”

[U]nder the nose of a regime that has never tolerated dissent, Sánchez has practiced what paper-bound journalists in her country cannot: freedom of speech,” noted Time magazine in 2008, listing her as one of the 100 most influential people in the world that year. “The pieces she has been clandestinely sending out from Internet cafés—while posing as a tourist—are often funny, elegantly written and poignant.”

The 45-year-old writer and podcaster, who built her first computer in 1994, is also an avid technologist. In her speeches and public appearances, Sánchez often reflects on how the personal computer, the internet, USB flash drives, and Twitter and other digital platforms have empowered the Cuban people.

Sánchez sat down with Reason in February of 2020 in Guatemala City at a conference organized by the Reason Foundation, the organization that publishes this website. Shortly after she returned to Cuba, the government closed the borders because of the COVID-19 pandemic, which has led to an increase in the harassment and imprisonment of political dissidents.

Interview by Jim Epstein. Camera by Pablo Gordillo. Motion graphics by Lex Villena.

Music Credits: Cobalt 2 by Tom Quick, Feel It by Stoic

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Today Mike Pence May Find That All His Temporizing and Obfuscation About the Election Sacrificed His Integrity for Nothing

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Mike Pence reportedly had a difficult conversation with President Donald Trump yesterday. According to “people briefed on the conversation,” The New York Times reports, the vice president questioned the president’s belief that Pence has the unilateral power to reject electoral votes for President-elect Joe Biden when Congress officially tallies the results today. “Even as he sought to make clear that he does not have the power Mr. Trump seems to think he has,” the Times says, “Mr. Pence also indicated to the president that he would keep studying the issue.”

That description gives you a sense of the gymnastics required to stay on Trump’s good side and avoid alienating his supporters without endorsing his wild claims about the election. Pence, whose presidential aspirations depend on the support of Republicans who still think Trump won the election, has a lot of experience in that area. More than two months after the election, he still has neither conceded nor denied that Biden won.

Consider Pence’s stance on the objections that Republican lawmakers plan to lodge against electoral votes for Biden today. Last week, Pence’s chief of staff, Marc Short, said the vice president “shares the concerns of millions of Americans about voter fraud and irregularities in the last election.” Does Pence think there was enough “voter fraud and irregularities” to change the outcome, as Trump has been insisting for two months? He won’t say. Short added that Pence “welcomes the efforts of members of the House and Senate to use the authority they have under the law to raise objections and bring forward evidence before the Congress and the American people on Jan. 6th.” Does he think those efforts will or should succeed? He won’t say.

But today, in his role as president of the Senate, Pence will be forced to end this charade. His constitutionally mandated role in affirming Biden’s victory could make all his efforts to placate Trump a useless sacrifice of whatever integrity he has left.

Under the 12th Amendment, Pence’s function in today’s joint session of Congress is to receive certified election results from the states and “open all the certificates.” The amendment adds that “the votes shall then be counted.” It does not actually say that it’s the vice president who does the counting. The Electoral Count Act of 1887 assigns that role to four “tellers” representing the House and Senate. After tallying the electoral votes, the tellers deliver the results to the vice president, who is then required to “announce” them, declaring the victor. So as much as he might like to do so, Pence cannot avoid recognizing that Biden is the man who will be sworn into office in two weeks.

Last week, Rep. Louie Gohmert (R–Texas), one of the House members who plans to challenge electoral votes for Biden from several states today, filed a federal lawsuit claiming that the ceremonial role assigned to the vice president by the Electoral Count Act is inconsistent with the 12th Amendment. Gohmert claimed the Constitution gives the vice president exclusive, unreviewable authority to decide which electoral votes will be counted. His lawsuit, which named Pence himself as the defendant, was quickly dismissed by a Trump-appointed judge, and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit upheld that decision on Saturday. But Trump has taken up Gohmert’s argument, claiming that Pence has the power to overturn Biden’s victory, keeping Trump (and himself) in office.

“I hope Mike Pence comes through for us, I have to tell you,” Trump said at a rally in Georgia on Monday. “I hope that our great vice president comes through for us. He’s a great guy. Of course, if he doesn’t come through, I won’t like him quite as much.” Yesterday Trump reiterated his hope that Pence will save him, tweeting that “the Vice President has the power to reject fraudulently chosen electors.”

Pence’s position was already delicate. In response to Gohmert’s lawsuit, he argued that the congressman had sued the wrong defendant. “The Vice President is not the proper defendant to this lawsuit,” said the response brief filed on Pence’s behalf by Acting Assistant Attorney General Jeffrey Bossert Clark, who added:

Plaintiffs’ suit seeks to empower the Vice President to unilaterally and unreviewably decide objections to the validity of electoral votes, notwithstanding the Electoral Count Act. Plaintiffs are thus not sufficiently adverse to the legal interests of the Vice President to ground a case or controversy under Article III….To the extent any of these particular plaintiffs have a judicially cognizable claim, it would be against the Senate and the House of Representatives….A suit to establish that the Vice President has discretion over the count, filed against the Vice President, is a walking legal contradiction.

Pence’s brief did not address Gohmert’s highly implausible constitutional claim. But he can no longer dodge that issue.

Today Republicans in the House, joined by several senators, plan to lodge objections against electoral votes for Biden from Arizona, Georgia and Pennsylvania. The targeted states may also include Michigan, Nevada and Wisconsin. Under the procedures laid out in the Electoral Count Act (the same procedures that Gohmert and Trump claim are unconstitutional), any objection backed by at least one representative and at least one senator will be considered separately by the House and the Senate. Electoral votes can be rejected only by a majority vote of both chambers.

Depending on the number of objections and the amount of debate on each, this process could drag on into late tonight or early tomorrow morning. But the end result is not hard to predict, since the House is controlled by Democrats and enough Republicans in the Senate oppose these challenges to ensure their defeat.

The lengthy, pointless exercise will give Pence plenty of time to “keep studying the issue.” Maybe if he squints really hard at the 12th Amendment, he can see the same power that Gohmert and Trump perceive, a power that no one else seems to have noticed in the 217 years since the amendment was ratified.

But probably not. In the end, Pence will be forced to declare Biden the next president of the United States, at which point Trump, being Trump, might very well turn against him, as he has when other loyal allies dared to defy his whims. And if the same Trump fans who still believe Biden stole the election also believe Trump when he says that Pence failed him in his hour of need, the vice president may find that all his temporizing and obfuscation accomplished nothing but the obliteration of his reputation for honesty and decency.

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Republicans Got What They Deserved. America Will Now Have To Pay the Price.

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Donald Trump promised—or perhaps warned—Republican voters in 2016 that if he was elected president, they would become “so sick and tired of winning.”

In Georgia, at least, that appears to be true.

Democratic candidates Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff appear to have narrowly won the pair of high-stakes Senate runoff elections held in Georgia on Tuesday night. If those results are confirmed, it would leave the Senate evenly divided between the two parties and allow incoming Vice President Kamala Harris to be a tie-breaking vote for Democrats. Combined with the results of November’s elections, Tuesday’s outcomes mean that when Trump leaves office in less than two weeks, Democrats will have full control of the executive and legislative branches of government.

That means that in a span of two months Trump has presided over three losses in a state that hadn’t gone to Democrats in a presidential contest since 1992 and hadn’t elected a Democratic senator since 2000. It’s too soon to say whether this is evidence of a realignment in Georgia that Democrats have been hoping for years would materialize, versus a one-off rejection of Trump and his party. Either way, these results are a big deal.

This is the outcome that Republicans deserve after four years of not merely tolerating but largely embracing Trump’s authoritarian, spendy, and uninformed ways. It is the outcome the party deserves for rallying around a man who was impeached and defeated at the ballot box. It is what they should get for following Trump down an insane rabbit hole of conspiracy theories instead of rejecting him as the failed president that he is and moving in a different direction.

Republicans need to realize that “this is happening the way it is happening because you’ve allowed it to happen,” Michael Steel, a former chairman of the Republican National Committee, said on Tuesday night during an appearance on MSNBC. Like other anti-Trump voices within and around the GOP warning that Trumpism was a dead end, he’s been proven right.

The best thing that could come out of Tuesday’s results is a long-overdue reckoning for Trumpism. Already, the recriminations are starting—CNN’s Jake Tapper says some Republican strategists are blaming Sen. Josh Hawley (R–Mo.), one of Trump’s most loyal advocates in the Senate, for the losses in Georgia.

More of that would be welcome.

But easily the worst thing to come out of Tuesday’s runoffs is the unified control of government Democrats will now enjoy. When one party controls both Congress and the White House, the result is never a reduction in the size or cost of government. America will pay the price for Republicans’ failures.

In the short-term, a slim Democratic majority in the Senate means President-elect Joe Biden will be able to get more aggressive about his executive branch appointments. Biden was reportedly waiting to announce some of his cabinet picks, including his attorney general, until after the Georgia elections were finished, which could indicate that the nominee would have been different if Republicans had emerged victorious in the state. (Or it could be nothing more than strategic maneuver to avoid giving Republicans a new issue to campaign on in Georgia, the opposite of how Trump and Hawley likely helped Democrats with their post-election shenanigans.)

The same is true for judicial appointments, which are not subject to the filibuster anymore. Republicans who justified Trump’s bad behavior because they liked that he was packing the federal courts with conservative jurists will now have to watch Biden and Harris steer the judiciary in a different direction.

And it means we’ll likely see another major COVID-19 relief bill passed in the early days of the Biden administration. It could be loaded up with billions of dollars for states and local governments—an unnecessary bailout that Senate Republicans successfully and repeatedly blocked in 2020. Such a package will be Democrats’ top priority if they take the majority, likely Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D–N.Y.) said during a Wednesday morning press conference.

In the longer term, a slim Democratic majority in the Senate has murky implications for policy making. On one hand, the combination of the filibuster, the presence of conservative-ish Sen. Joe Manchin (D–W.Va.), and the fact that Democrats will have to defend seats in places like Arizona and New Hampshire in 2022 might limit some Biden aspirations.

On the other hand, however, the Senate rules allow a lot of flexibility if the majority is willing to play ball. Democrats could use the reconciliation procedure, which allows for certain tax- and budget-related bills to pass without a supermajority, to implement some stripped-down versions of their policy agenda. This is the same procedure that Republicans used to pass the tax reform bill in 2017, so it’s certainly possible to deliver big legislative accomplishments without a 60-vote majority.

Simply controlling committees and determining what gets to the floor of the Senate is a big deal too. With Schumer looking over his shoulder at a possible primary challenge from Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D–N.Y.), there will be added pressure to find ways to squeeze through a few of the items on the progressives’ wish list.

More spending, bigger government, and more liberal appointees to the executive branch and the federal courts—that’s where Trumpism has led. (In fairness, Republicans were already doing a lot of the first two things.)

The results of Tuesday’s runoff mean that those of us who care about limited government are going to face (at least) two difficult years ahead. For today, though, we can enjoy a little bit of schadenfreude.

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A Dem Sweep in Georgia Election Could Pave Way for Trillions in New Federal Spending

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Republican losses in Georgia look clear. Tuesday’s runoff elections in Georgia appear to have handed Democrats control of the Senate, with Democrat Raphael Warnock beating incumbent Republican Sen. Kelly Loefflerthough, taking a page from President Donald Trump’s election loss playbook, she isn’t concedingand Democrat Jon Ossoff on his way to beating incumbent Republican Sen. David Perdue.

“Trailing much of the night, Ossoff surged ahead of Perdue by more than 8,500 votes after batches of votes from Democrat-heavy DeKalb County were released,” notes USA Today this morning. “Most uncounted votes remain in Democratic strongholds in the metro Atlanta area.”

Decision Desk has already called the race for Ossoff.

A whole lot more than just who represents Georgia is at stake, of course. If Ossoff and Warnock are both victorious, which looks quite likely, it means a 50-50 split between Democrats and Republicans in the Senate, with Vice President Kamala Harris getting the deciding vote in a tie.

That means “trillions of dollars in spending and taxes might be determined” by the outcome of these races, as Benjy Sarlin of NBC News put it:

While Democratic priorities on issues like voting rights and immigration, as well as contentious proposals to expand the courts, would likely be off the table without GOP support, much of Biden’s agenda could pass via the same budget reconciliation procedure Senate Republicans used under Trump, which only requires a bare majority.

At the top of the list: A much larger coronavirus relief package. Democrats, including the Georgia Senate candidates, have echoed the president’s call for a round of $2,000 stimulus checks and want to fund state and local budgets. Biden’s “Build Back Better” plan calls for $2 trillion in investments related to climate change and $775 billion to help fund child and elder care, among other items.


FREE MINDS

Police dispute Hawley’s claims of vandalism. Sen. Josh Hawley (R–Mo.) claims that Antifa protesters vandalized his home and terrorized his family. Police say otherwise.

“Tonight while I was in Missouri, Antifa scumbags came to our place in DC and threatened my wife and newborn daughter, who can’t travel,” tweeted Hawley on Monday night. “They screamed threats, vandalized, and tried to pound open our door.”

However, “a local police spokesman says they have no reports of property damage in Hawley’s Virginia neighborhood,” reports Bryan Lowry, a correspondent for the Kansas City Star. “The police spokesman told me this was such a minor event that they’re not even putting out a press release,” Lowry added.

“The protest of about 15 activists was organized by Shutdown DC,” who “posted a more than 50-minute video of what it called a ‘Vigil For Democracy,'” says the Kansas City Star:

While the demonstrators mostly stayed on the public street and sidewalk, at one point four people walked onto Hawley’s property to place a pamphlet on his front door. The group said was a copy of the Constitution.

A local police officer said cops warned the group they were breaking the law by protesting outside a private home and writing in chalk on a public sidewalk, as well as violating a local noise ordinance, and the group left without any trouble.

The only reason this is a big deal is because it’s part of Hawley’s pattern of making things up that dates back to his time as Missouri’s attorney general. Currently, he’s one of the leading supporters of Trump’s doomed and disreputable election fraud claims.

Hawley is one of a dozen GOP senators saying they won’t vote to certify the election results, which has provoked huge amounts of condemnation from even other generally Trump-supporting colleagues and people in the conservative media. On Monday night, he got called out by Bret Baier on Fox News:

“The states, by the Constitution, say they certify the election, they did certify it,” Baier continued. “By the Constitution, Congress doesn’t have the right to overturn the certification. At least as most experts read it.”

As Hawley attempted to point to a statute to justify his plan, Baier jumped in to note that there appears to be no constitutional path for Congress to flip the results.



FREE MARKETS

His ban on TikTok failing, Trump tries to block more Chinese apps. Still in court over his attempt to ban TikTok and WeChata ban that looks increasingly unlikely to actually be allowed to take effect—the president is issuing more unconstitutional orders against apps based in China. In a Tuesday executive order, Trump says Americans are prohibited from transactions with the apps Alipay, CamScanner, QQ Wallet, SHAREit, Tencent QQ, VMate, WeChat Pay, and WPS Office.


QUICK HITS

  • Nope:

  • Again and again and again:

  • Hong Kong police are cracking down on pro-democracy activists using a new national security law. Police “arrested 53 opposition activists and former legislators Wednesday morning, accusing them of ‘subverting state power,'” reports Reason‘s Liz Wolfe. “The arrested leaders had been involved in organizing or attending a democratic primary last July, ahead of the fall Legislative Council elections. […] The arrests are part of Beijing’s attempt to crush dissent in Hong Kong, which had long been semi-autonomous under China’s ‘one country, two systems’ policy.”
  • “An ongoing tally by The Associated Press finds that more than 250 state lawmakers across the country have contracted COVID-19, and at least seven have died,” the news agency reports, warning that statehouses could become “hothouses” for coronavirus infections.
  • Outgoing Education Secretary Betsy DeVos pushed school choice and panned universal student loan forgiveness in a letter to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, writing that “across-the-board forgiveness of college debts is not only unfair to most Americans, it is also the most regressive of policy proposals—rewarding the wealthiest sector of our labor force at the expense of the poorest.”
  • “Arizona, California and Rhode Island are among the hardest-hit places in the world at this stage of the pandemic, with the highest rates of Covid-19 infections per capita,” reports NBC News.

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Crackdown: 53 Dissidents Arrested in Hong Kong

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Hong Kong police arrested 53 opposition activists and former legislators Wednesday morning, accusing them of “subverting state power.” The arrested leaders had been involved in organizing or attending a democratic primary last July, ahead of the fall Legislative Council elections. (Though the full elections were eventually postponed, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, more than 600,000 people voted in the primary.)

The arrests are part of Beijing’s attempt to crush dissent in Hong Kong, which had long been semi-autonomous under China’s “one country, two systems” policy. When a vague national security law was imposed in June, many Hongkongers feared it would give China cover to undermine the political freedoms they had long enjoyed. Since then, there have been steady, gradual encroachments: Public universities have culled dissident faculty members, police have arrested the pro-democracy media entrepreneur Jimmy Lai, and protesters who attempted to flee by boat to Taiwan have been sentenced to prison. This latest crackdown sends an even bigger message.

Early this morning, “the police also visited the offices of at least one law firm and three news media organizations to demand documents, broadening the burst of arrests that started before sunrise and sent a chill through Hong Kong’s already-demoralized opposition camp,” reports The New York Times. The authorities also arrested at least one American, John Clancey, a lawyer who assisted in the primary polls. CNN says that “Clancey could potentially be the first foreign citizen who does not also hold a Hong Kong passport to be arrested under the national security law.”

The national security law has been roundly criticized, in the Times‘ words, “for introducing ambiguously defined crimes such as separatism and collusion that can be used to stifle protest.”

Hongkongers have long enjoyed several basic rights—free speech, due process, the right to elect some of their legislators. When Britain handed the city over to China in 1987, a condition of the transfer was that Beijing would allow Hongkongers to maintain these political freedoms and a separately functioning system until 2047, at which point the agreement expires.

Beijing recently opted to seize control prematurely and suppress dissent, moves that have sparked months of protests and led to hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of people marching in the streets demanding that their freedoms be preserved.

In the January 2020 issue of Reason, I wrote:

Privately operated newspapers in Hong Kong run scathing critiques of politicians without political reprisal. This does not happen in Shenzhen. While mainland China claims to have freedom of association and expression, it also has vague anti-subversion laws that let the authorities target dissidents….

Hongkongers realize winning full autonomy is unrealistic. But Chinese rule would ruin the freedoms they cherish, and it’s unlikely those freedoms would be restored in their lifetimes.

Hong Kong’s revolutionaries just want to keep what they have. They’re fighting for nothing more, and they will settle for nothing less.

A year later, the city’s newspapers no longer run scathing critiques of politicians without fearing political reprisal. But it remains true that full Chinese rule would ruin the freedoms Hongkongers cherish. We’re seeing that happen right before our eyes.

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Online Criticism of Retirement Community + Picketing Lead to Ohio Criminal “Harassment” Prosecution

Gina Criscione is being prosecuted for “telecommunications harassment” and “menacing by stalking,” under Ohio’s extraordinarily broad laws. Her crime? Posting sharp criticism of a retirement community at which her mother died, and in particular a manager at the community; according to the harassment complaint, she “did knowingly post several text and video/audio messages to a social media website with the purpose to harass and annoy” the manager. She also picketed outside the community (and apparently once drove on the grounds of the retirement community, I assume in the parking lot).

Our invaluable local counsel Jeffrey M. Nye and I (with the help of UCLA School of Law student Skyler Ross) have filed an amicus brief, on behalf of Profs. Jonathan Entin, Andrew Geronimo, and Ray Ku (Case Western), Profs. David Forte, Stephen Lazarus, and Kevin O’Neill (Cleveland-Marshall), and me, supporting a motion to dismiss. (Thanks, as always, to Scott & Cyan Banister for their support of the UCLA First Amendment Clinic.)

We think the relevant part of the statutes are unconstitutionally overbroad, and also unconstitutional as applied. Whether Criscione could have been prosecuted for simple trespassing, setting aside her constitutionally protected commentary and picketing, is a separate matter: The menacing-by-stalking charge that mentions the trespassing also relies on Criscione’s “knowingly engag[ing] in a pattern of conduct with purpose to cause mental distress by posting multiple negative messages to a website,” and is thus not limited to the alleged trespassing.

Summary of Argument

[1.] The telecommunications harassment statute and menacing by stalking statute are unconstitutionally overbroad:

  • The telecommunications harassment statute bars knowingly posting anything “on an internet … web page for the purpose of abusing, threatening, or harassing another person,” R.C. 2917.21(B)(2)—criminalizing any online statement that is seen as being ill-intentioned.
  • The menacing by stalking statute bars people from making multiple posts online if they know that their pattern of conduct would cause another “mental distress” (or, possibly, would cause another to believe that future conduct will cause mental distress), R.C. 2903.211(A)(1)-(2).

These statutes criminalize a substantial amount of protected speech, including speech on matters of public concern. They could, for instance, expose a person to criminal liability for repeatedly ridiculing a local community leader based on a political position the leader has taken—though such a prosecution would violate the First Amendment, see Rynearson v. Ferguson, 355 F.Supp.3d 964, 972 (W.D. Wash. 2019). Moreover, even speech on matters of private concern is protected by the First Amendment. See Bey v. Rasawehr, __ N.E.3d __, 2020-Ohio-3301, ¶ 59.

Unlike traditional telephone harassment statutes, these statutes are not limited to unwanted speech said to an unwilling listener—speech that can in some situations be properly restricted, regardless of its subject matter. Rather, they extend even to critical public expression of opinions or true statements of fact about a person, which is generally constitutionally protected.

[2.] The statutes are not saved by their mens rea requirements. Even if speakers are “motivated by hatred or ill-will,” their speech on matters of public concern is still protected by the First Amendment. Bey, 2020-Ohio-3301, ¶ 59. And Bey makes clear that the same is true of speech on matters of private concern. Id. There is no First Amendment exception for discomforting or upsetting speech made to the public, even if the speech is made with bad intent or with knowledge that some will find it disturbing.

[3.] The telecommunications harassment and menacing by stalking statutes are thus facially unconstitutional—but they are also unconstitutional as applied as well. Ms. Criscione spoke publicly on her personal social media page and while picketing on a public sidewalk. She criticized a healthcare organization and its employees for what she perceived as poor job performance. Statements regarding the “quality of … medical care” involve “a public issue of community concern.” Mucci v. Dayton Newspapers, Inc., 71 Ohio Misc. 2d 71, 75, 654 N.E.2d 1068 (Ct. Com. Pl. 1995). Yet Ms. Criscione is being prosecuted for her statements anyway.

[4.]  Since these statutes criminalize speech based on its content, they are unconstitutional unless they pass strict scrutiny. This they cannot do. Even if there is a compelling governmental interest in protecting people from abuse, harassment, and mental distress, barring a broad range of public criticism cannot be narrowly tailored to serve that interest. See Snyder v. Phelps, 562 U.S. 443, 458-59, 131 S.Ct. 1207, 179 L.Ed.2d 172 (2011) (holding that even outrageous speech that causes emotional distress is still constitutionally protected).

East Park and its employees might prevail in a defamation lawsuit against Ms. Criscione, if they can prove that her allegations are false. But Ohio cannot constitutionally prosecute Ms. Criscione for such criticism under the state’s tele­communica­tions harassment and menacing by stalking statutes, which require no showing of libelous falsehood. These charges should therefore be dismissed.

Argument

[A.] The Telecommunications Harassment and Menacing by Stalking Statutes Are Unconstitutionally Overbroad

In a facial overbreadth challenge, a plaintiff “must show that [a statute’s] potential application reaches a significant amount of protected activity.” City of Akron v. Rowland, 67 Ohio St. 3d 374, 387, 618 N.E.2d 138 (1993). Criminal statutes are unconstitutionally overbroad if they are “susceptible of regular application to protected expression” “even if they also have legitimate application.” Id. (internal citations omitted). The telecommunications harassment and menacing by stalking statutes are facially overbroad, because they criminalize much political and personal commentary of the sort that is routine when people discuss matters that outrage or greatly concern them.

[1.] The telecommunications harassment and menacing by stalking statutes are alarmingly broad speech restrictions

The telecommunications harassment statute, R.C. 2917.21(B)(2), states:

No person shall knowingly post a text or audio statement or an image on an internet web site or web page for the purpose of abusing, threatening, or harassing another person.

It excludes persons who are “employed or contracted by a newspaper, magazine, press association, news agency, news wire service, cable channel or cable operator, or radio or television station” and speaking as part of their jobs, R.C. 2917.21(F); but that exception covers only a tiny fraction of all Ohioans.

Ohio courts have understood “abuse” to be a synonym for “mistreat,” and “harass” to mean “to annoy or torment repeatedly and persistently.” See, e.g., State v. Dennis, 3d Dist. Allen No. 1-97-42, 1997 WL 691448, *2 (Oct. 30, 1997) (reading “purpose of being abusive, threatening, annoying, or harassing” as meaning a “purpose to mistreat another person, to express a threat to another person, to irritate another, or to persistently torment”); State v. Dart, 2d Dist. Montgomery No. 23955, 2010-Ohio-5637, at 9 (defining “harass” as “to annoy or torment repeatedly and persistently”).

The menacing by stalking statute, R.C. 2903.211(A)(2), reads:

No person, through the use of any form of written communication or any electronic method of remotely transferring information … shall post a message or use any intentionally written or verbal graphic gesture with purpose to … violate division (A)(1) of this section.

R.C. 2903.211(A)(1), in turn, provides:

No person by engaging in a pattern of conduct shall knowingly cause another person to believe that the offender will cause physical harm to the other person … or cause mental distress to the other person ….

The statute defines “mental distress” as “[a]ny mental illness or condition that involves some temporary substantial incapacity,” R.C. 2903.211(D)(2)(a), or that “would normally require psychiatric treatment, psychological treatment, or other mental health services,” R.C. 2903.211(D)(2)(b). The statute (in R.C. 2903.211(A)(2)) also restricts speech about people’s employers, since people’s mental distress may flow from,

words or conduct of the offender that are directed at or identify a corporation, association, or other organization that employs the other person or to which the other person belongs.

Under both of these statutes, public posts critical of government officials or other important figures could be criminally punished if they are seen as being made with the requisite intents. For example, the statutes encompass harsh ridicule or parody of public figures, which are clearly protected forms of expression. See Hustler Magazine, Inc. v. Falwell, 485 U.S. 46, 55­-56, 108 S.Ct. 876, 99 L.Ed.2d 41 (1988) (holding that a public figure cannot sue for intentional infliction of emotional distress resulting from a parody because the parody is protected speech). A blogger who repeatedly ridicules a local community leader for a political position the leader took, for instance, could face prosecution under these statutes—even though “speech uttered or typed with the intent to embarrass a person … is protected speech.” Rynearson, 355 F.Supp.3d at 972 (striking down the Washington criminal harassment statute).

The statutes also cover speech about private figures on matters of private concern. Imagine a woman breaks up with an unfaithful boyfriend, and repeatedly posts on her Facebook page her real feelings about him. A prosecutor could conclude that the woman posted her Facebook message intending to “abuse” her ex-boyfriend or cause him “mental distress.” Yet such speech about the details of one’s daily life is constitutionally protected. Even “[w]holly neutral futilities” that lack political, artistic, or similar value are “still sheltered from government regulation.” United States v. Stevens, 559 U.S. 460, 479-480, 130 S.Ct. 1577, 176 L.Ed.2d 435 (2010) (internal citation omitted).

[The court’s] role … is not to pass judgment on the … First Amendment value of [a speaker’s] allegations. To the extent [the speaker’s] statements involve matters of both private and public concern, we cannot discount the First Amendment protection afforded to that expression. We most assuredly have no license to recognize some new category of unprotected speech [referring to private-concern speech] based on its supposed value.

Bey v. Rasawehr, __ N.E.3d __, 2020-Ohio-3301, ¶ 59.

These statutes are also not limited to speech directed to an unwilling listener. Traditionally, criminal harassment laws covered speech directed to a particular and unwilling recipient—for instance, telephone calls, letters sent to a particular home, or e-mails sent to a particular person. For that reason, the Supreme Court upheld a federal law forbidding people from sending certain material to others once the recipients have told senders to stop: “no one has a right to press even ‘good’ ideas on an unwilling recipient.” Rowan v. U.S. Post Office Dep’t, 397 U.S. 728, 738, 90 S.Ct. 1484, 25 L.Ed.2d 736 (1970); cf. Frisby v. Schultz, 487 U.S. 474, 486, 108 S.Ct. 2495, 101 L.Ed.2d 420 (1988) (upholding a ban on targeted residential picketing, because such picketing “is narrowly directed at the household, not the public,” and is thus “fundamentally different from more generally directed means of communication that may not be completely banned”). Similarly, Ohio has banned unwanted e-mails or telephone calls after the recipient has told the speaker to stop. R.C. 2913.01(X), 2917.21(A)(5).

But while “attempting to stop the flow of information into [one’s] own household” (speech to a person) is constitutional, trying to block criticism of a person said “to the public” (speech about a person)—as the statutes here do—violates the First Amendment. Organization for a Better Austin v. Keefe, 402 U.S. 415, 420, 91 S.Ct. 1575, 29 L.Ed.2d 1 (1971) (distinguishing Rowan on this basis); see also David v. Textor, 189 So.3d 871, 876 (Fla. Ct. App. 2016) (setting aside an injunction against speech on First Amendment grounds because, “The injunction prevents not only communications to Textor, but also communications about Textor.”).

The telecommunications harassment and menacing by stalking statutes are thus “criminal prohibition[s] of alarming breadth,” Stevens, 559 U.S. at 474. They potentially punish a vast range of harsh rhetoric so long as a prosecutor can persuade the factfinder that the speaker had a supposedly culpable mental state.

[2.] The telecommunications harassment statute is not saved by its requirement of bad purpose

The telecommunications harassment statute prohibits making a post on the Internet “for the purpose of abusing, threatening, or harassing another person.” R.C. 2917.21(B)(2). “The critical inquiry of telecommunications harassment is … whether the purpose of the [speaker] was to abuse, threaten or harass [another].” State v. Kronenberg, 8th Dist. Cuyahoga No. 101403, 2015-Ohio-1020, ¶ 15.

Yet a “speaker’s motivation” is generally “entirely irrelevant to the question of constitutional protection.” Fed. Election Comm’n v. Wis. Right to Life, Inc., 551 U.S. 449, 468, 127 S.Ct. 2652, 168 L.Ed.2d 329 (2007) (Roberts, C.J., joined by Alito, J.) (citation omitted); id. at 495 (Scalia, J., concurring in part and concurring in the judgment) (likewise rejecting a test based on speaker motivation).

Thus, in Garrison v. Louisiana, 379 U.S. 64, 78, 85 S.Ct. 209, 13 L.Ed.2d 125 (1964), the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the view that even truthful reputation-injuring speech could be punished because of the speaker’s allegedly bad motives, such as a “wanton desire to injure.” “If upon a lawful occasion for making a publication, [a speaker] has published the truth, and no more, there is no sound principle which can make him liable, even if he was actuated by express malice.” Id. at 73 (internal quotation marks and citation omitted). Likewise, in Hustler Magazine, the Court overturned an intentional infliction of emotional distress verdict, concluding that a bad motive does not strip speech of constitutional protection. 485 U.S. at 53. And in Snyder v. Phelps, 562 U.S. 443, 458, 131 S.Ct. 1207, 179 L.Ed.2d 172 (2011), the Court applied this principle to speech about private figures as well as public figures.

The Ohio Supreme Court has also rejected a motives-based test for speech protection. Even if speakers are “motivated by hatred or ill-will,” their speech on matters of public concern is still protected. Bey, Slip Op. No. 2020-Ohio-3301, ¶ 58. And, as discussed above, Bey makes clear that the same is true for speech without regard to its perceived value or public significance. Id. ¶ 59.

“Bad intent” requirements have not saved statutes similar to Ohio’s. For instance, a federal district court struck down a Washington law that prohibited “[a]nonymously or repeatedly” making electronic communications “with intent to harass, intimidate, torment, or embarrass any other person.” Rynearson, 355 F.Supp.3d at 969, 972. Similarly, the New York Court of Appeals struck down a cyberbullying statute that prohibited “electronic communications that are meant to ‘harass, annoy … taunt … [or] humiliate’ any person or entity.” People v. Marquan M., 19 N.E.3d 480, 486 (N.Y. 2014). Though the statutes in those cases only applied to speech made with a hostile intent, they were still facially unconstitutional.

The U.S. Supreme Court has given two reasons for holding that a speaker’s purpose does not generally strip speech of First Amendment protection. First, speech remains valuable even if its motives may be unsavory. “[E]ven if [a speaker] did speak out of hatred, utterances honestly believed contribute to the free interchange of ideas and the ascertainment of truth.” Garrison, 379 U.S. at 73.

Second, restricting speech based on its bad motive risks chilling even well-motivated speech. “Debate on public issues will not be uninhibited if the speaker must run the risk that it will be proved in court that he spoke out of hatred … .” Id. “No reasonable speaker would choose to [speak] if its only defense to a criminal prosecution would be that its motives were pure. An intent-based standard blankets with uncertainty whatever may be said, and offers no security for free discussion.” Wis. Right to Life, 551 U.S. at 468 (Roberts, C.J., joined by Alito, J.) (internal quotation marks omitted). “First Amendment freedoms need breathing space to survive,” and “[a]n intent test provides none.” Id. at 468-69 (citations omitted). Any effort to distinguish restricted speech from unrestricted speech “based on intent of the speaker … would offer no security for free discussion, and would compel the speaker to hedge and trim.” Id. at 495 (Scalia, J., concurring in part and concurring in the judgment, joined by Kennedy and Thomas, JJ.) (cleaned up).

Thus, in cases like this one, where a consumer criticized the performance of a company and its employee, a bad intent test risks chilling speech. Consumers often speak about a business after having bad experiences. When they do so, their motive often includes the legitimate desire to alert other consumers to the business’s poor performance.

Even if that motive is mixed with some form of intent to get back at the business, consumers should be free to speak without inquisition into their specific motives—or else they would be more likely to “hedge and trim,” or avoid criticizing the business altogether. The statutes therefore “offer[] no security for free discussion” and provide little “breathing space” for online speech that is critical of others.

[3.] The menacing-by-stalking statute is not saved by its requirement of knowledge

R.C. 2903.211(A)(1) provides that, “No person by engaging in a pattern of conduct shall knowingly cause another person to believe that the offender will cause physical harm to the other person … or cause mental distress to the other person” (emphasis added). This clearly requires a showing only of “knowledge,” not “purpose”—but “knowledge of what”? “A conflict exists among the appellate districts regarding whether R.C. 2903.211(A)(1) requires that the victim actually experienced mental distress or whether the victim’s belief that the stalker will cause him or her mental distress is sufficient.” Fondessy v. Simon, 142 Ohio St.3d 147, 2014-Ohio-4638, 28 N.E.3d 1202, ¶¶ 16-18 (Kennedy, J., dissenting, joined by French & O’Neill, JJ.). The first reading of the statute would prohibit “knowingly … caus[ing] mental distress.” The second would prohibit “knowingly caus[ing] another person to believe that the offender will … cause mental distress.” Id. ¶¶ 19-20 (Kennedy, J., dissenting, joined by French & O’Neill, JJ.).

But under either interpretation, the “mental distress” part of the statute would cover a substantial amount of constitutionally protected speech. Much constitutionally protected speech knowingly causes mental distress to its subject, or causes the subject to believe that more such distressing speech is coming:

  • Accurately publicly accusing someone of committing a crime would qualify, if said more than once (so that the statements are a “course of conduct”).
  • Accurately publicly accusing someone of sexual harassment would as well.
  • Accurately informing friends, for instance on a Facebook page, that one’s spouse has been unfaithful may well knowingly cause mental distress to the spouse.
  • Accurately informing fellow community members that someone is refusing to comply with a popular boycott, or with a strike, and may thus be seen by some as a traitor to one’s community. See NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware Co., 458 U.S. 886, 904, 910, 102 S.Ct. 3409, 73 L.Ed.2d 1215 (1982) (holding that such speech about black citizens who declined to comply with an NAACP-sponsored boycott of white-owned businesses is constitutionally protected, even though the speech may have led to some violent attacks on such citizens).
  • The same is true of harsh public insults, including of public figures, for instance if the material in Hustler Magazine were published online. (It had indeed been published more than once, 485 U.S., at 49 n.1, so that would qualify as a “course of conduct.”)
  • The mental distress would be magnified if the accusations come in online newspaper columns or in other publications with a large circulation. Unlike the tele­communications harassment statute, the menacing by stalking statute has no exception for professional journalists.

People would naturally be extremely upset if their past misconduct has been publicly revealed; they might well become depressed, which is a “mental … condition that would normally require … mental health services.” R.C. 2903.211(D)(2)(b). In Hustler Magazine, Jerry Falwell testified that he had indeed been extremely “hurt” by the public scurrilous attack on his character. Falwell v. Flynt, 797 F.2d 1270, 1276 (4th Cir. 1986), rev’d, 485 U.S. 46, 108 S.Ct. 876, 99 L.Ed.2d 41 (1988). Yet all the speech listed above would be constitutionally protected, for the reasons given in preceding sections.

Likewise, even ordinary constitutionally protected consumer criticism risks violating the menacing by stalking statute, if the statute is interpreted to cover Ms. Criscione’s speech. A person who makes multiple social media posts harshly critical of goods or services may well be “aware that the person’s conduct will probably cause” business owners to suffer mental distress, or to believe that the speaker will cause them mental distress by future posts.

[4.] Since the statutes restrict protected speech based on its content, they must be judged under strict scrutiny, which they cannot pass

The statutes therefore restrict a substantial amount of protected speech. They do so based on the content of the speech, and are thus unconstitutionally overbroad unless they pass “strict scrutiny.”

The government generally “has no power to restrict expression because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter, or its content.” Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155, 163, 135 S.Ct. 2218, 192 L.Ed.2d 236 (2015) (citation omitted). A restriction is content-based when “enforcement authorities” must “examine the content of the message that is conveyed to determine” if a criminal statute bars the message. McCullen v. Coakley, 573 U.S. 464, 479, 134 S.Ct. 2518, 189 L.Ed.2d 502 (2014) (internal citation marks omitted). “Some facial distinctions based on a message are obvious, defining regulated speech by particular subject matter, and others are more subtle, defining regulated speech by its function or purpose. Both are distinctions drawn based on the message a speaker conveys, and, therefore, are subject to strict scrutiny.” Reed, 576 U.S. at 163-64 (emphasis added).

The telecommunications harassment statute criminalizes speech that is intended to “abuse” or “harass.” “[E]nforcement authorities” cannot apply these statutes without examining the “function or purpose” of the speech, so the statutes are content-based. See People v. Releford, 104 N.E.3d 341, 350-51 (Ill. 2017) (holding that a statute criminalizing speech that could reasonably cause emotional distress is a content-based speech restriction). Likewise, the menacing by stalking statute criminalizes speech that the speaker knows will cause others “mental distress” (or perhaps speech that will cause others to believe that they will experience “mental distress”)—and the speech, as in this very case, may be potentially distressing precisely “based on the message [the] speaker conveys.” “[T]he emotive impact of speech on its audience is not a ‘secondary effect’ unrelated to the content of the expression itself.” Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 412, 109 S.Ct. 2533, 105 L.Ed.2d 342 (1989) (internal citation omitted). Restrictions that target speech based on such “emotive impact” are content-based. Id.

The telecommunications harassment and menacing by stalking statutes are thus subject to strict scrutiny. They are “presumptively unconstitutional” unless they are “narrowly tailored to serve compelling state interests.” Reed, 576 U.S. at 163. Only in a “rare case” would such a restriction “survive[] strict scrutiny.” Bey v. Rasawehr, __ N.E.3d __, 2020-Ohio-3301, ¶ 52 (quoting Flood v. Wilk, 125 N.E.3d 1114, 1116-17, 430 Ill.Dec. 96 (2019)); Susan B. Anthony List v. Driehaus, 814 F.3d 466, 474 (6th Cir. 2016). Yet there is no compelling state interest in forbidding almost all online speech (as opposed to, say, just threatening speech) that is seen as having a hostile motive or that is seen as highly distressing.

Moreover, these statutes are far from narrowly tailored, because they restrict a broad range of speech that falls far beyond any recognized First Amendment exception. They bar speech about people or their employers so long as the prosecutor and the jury conclude the speaker had a hostile intention or knew the speech would cause “mental distress.” Indeed, the telecommunications harassment statute is not even limited to situations where the subject of the speech is aware of the ill-intentioned statement. See State v. Bishop, 787 S.E.2d 814, 820, 368 N.C. 869 (N.C. 2016) (reasoning that an anti-cyberbullying statute did not satisfy strict scrutiny in part because the statute did not require that the victim suffer an injury or even know about the speech).

[B.] The Telecommunications Harassment and Menacing by Stalking Statutes are Unconstitutional as Applied

The telecommunications harassment and menacing by stalking statutes are not merely facially unconstitutional; they are unconstitutional as applied as well. Ms. Criscione’s public speech about how East Park Retirement Community supposedly treated her mother is fully protected by the First Amendment (except to the extent that someone can prove it to be false and defamatory in a libel lawsuit).

Ms. Criscione was criticizing the job performance of a health care organization and its employees. Statements about the “quality of … medical care” involve “a public issue of community concern.” Mucci v. Dayton Newspapers, Inc., 71 Ohio Misc. 2d 71, 75, 654 N.E.2d 1068 (Ct. Com. Pl. 1995); see also Lippincott v. Whisenhunt, 462 S.W.3d 507, 510 (Tex. 2015) (“the provision of medical services by a health care professional constitutes a matter of public concern”); St. Margaret Mercy Healthcare Ctrs., Inc. v. Ho, 663 N.E.2d 1220, 1224 (Ind. App. 1996) (“the fitness of a particular professional healthcare provider is a matter of legitimate public concern”).

More broadly, statements by consumers about the quality of goods or services are also on matters of public concern. See, e.g., Wilbanks v. Wolk, 121 Cal.App.4th 883, 900 (2004) (holding that warnings to avoid a financial professional’s services are “directly connected to an issue of public concern”); Abrams v. Sanson, 458 P.3d 1062, 1066, 136 Nev. 83 (2020) (holding that a statement about a lawyer’s courtroom conduct was on a matter of public concern because “it serves as a warning to both potential and current clients looking to hire or retain the lawyer”); Obsidian Finance Grp., LLC v. Cox, 740 F.3d 1284, 1292 (9th Cir. 2014) (giving “a business owner’s refusal to give a refund to a customer who bought an allegedly defective product” as an example of speech on “a matter of public concern”); id. (likewise as to “claim that a mobile home park operator charged excessive rent”).

If Ms. Criscione were being prosecuted for speaking directly to a particular person, after that person had told her to stop, this would be a different case; likewise, if she were being prosecuted for true threats of illegal conduct. But this case involves fully protected speech: consumer complaints conveyed to the public. Even if Ms. Criscione knew that her posts would cause East Park or its employees “mental distress,” or if she knew that her posts would cause East Park or item employees to believe that she would cause them “mental distress,” or if she was in part actuated by a desire to mistreat or to persistently annoy, her public speech would remain constitutionally protected.

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Brickbat: Bringing Out the Big Guns

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Police in Brooklyn, New York, touted a raid they made last December that seized 22 firearms, even posting a photo of themselves with their haul online. But the police department’s own lab quickly figured out that 21 of the 22 guns were not real firearms but replicas, starter pistols, and air guns. And the one real firearm had been rendered inoperable by the removal of the trigger and some internal components. But the district attorney is refusing to drop weapons charges against the owner of the fake guns, Elizaveta Zlatkis, who leases the weapons to people shooting music videos. The NYPD and the Brooklyn DA’s office refused to answer questions from a local newspaper about why Zlatkis is still facing charges.

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Georgia Senate Runoff Elections Still Undecided, But It Looks Good for the Democrats

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Georgia Republican Sen. Kelly Loeffler appears to have been handed her walking papers by Georgia voters, who put Democratic challenger Raphael Warnock in her seat and Democrats one person closer to controlling the Senate.

But even with the vast majority of the votes tallied, it’s not clear whether fellow Republican incumbent Sen. David Purdue fended off his challenger. As midnight eastern came and went Tuesday, Purdue remained in a tie with Democratic challenger Jon Ossoff with 97 percent of the vote counted.

If both Democratic candidates win, the next Senate will be split 50-50 between Democrats and Republicans, meaning incoming Vice President Kamala Harris will have the tie-breaking vote in favor of the Democrats. If either Democrat loses, the Senate remains in Republican control.

Beyond control of the Senate, the race is also a political culture test to determine whether continued loyalty to President Donald Trump is necessary for Republicans to win their own elections as Trump clings to wild, disproven conspiracy theories that his election loss was due to widescale fraud. Perdue and Loeffler have been reluctant to publicly acknowledge that Trump lost the election while Trump rallied on their behalf (well, sort of).

As of 10 p.m. Tuesday evening, Loeffler and Purdue were both leading, but the vote was close and major networks and media outlets had not called the races. Initial tallies had both Democrats in the lead, but those were predominately absentee ballots. As with the November election, Democratic voters had been urged to mail in their ballots. By about 9:30 p.m. both races were neck-and-neck.

But even as the incumbents picked up votes and took the lead, there was no surge putting either of them inescapably ahead. With 88 percent of the vote counted at about 10:45 p.m., Loeffler was ahead of Warnock by just 80,000 votes, and Perdue was ahead of Ossoff by 120,000 votes. Even though Loeffler was slightly ahead, Dave Wasserman, U.S. House editor of the Cook Political Report concluded that she had lost to Warnock. By 10 p.m., other outlets, like The New York Times and its election needle, predicted that Warnock was very likely going to win.

The logic for calling against the Republicans even though they were ahead was because at that time, only 42 percent of DeKalb County’s votes had been counted. DeKalb is a  Democratic stronghold that contains part of the City of Atlanta and ranks fourth in the state in population. As of 11 p.m., election officials in DeKalb county indicated they had more than 171,000 votes to report out.

Trump responded to the delay in DeKalb County results by suggesting there was fraud afoot:

Once the DeKalb votes started coming in at 11:30 p.m., the shift was immediate. Warnock pulled ahead of Loeffler by 20,000 votes while Ossoff pulled within 20,000 votes of Perdue with 96 percent of the vote counted. Then within minutes, more votes came in for Ossoff and the two men were put in a virtual tie. As of 11:45 p.m., less than 500 votes separate the Perdue and Ossoff. Warnock, meanwhile, extended his lead over Loeffler to 30,000 votes.

Neither race has actually been “called” by major media outlets, but most of the remaining uncounted votes are in areas with significant Democratic populations.

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