Justice Clarence Thomas: 2021 Tocqueville Lecture, Transcribed

On Thursday, Justice Thomas delivered the 2021 Tocqueville Lecture at Notre Dame University. I’ve used Otter to transcribed the lecture here.

There are many gems during the lecture, and the Q&A session. Here I’ll highlight one question about how he handles cases in which his legal views and policy views diverge. Thomas approaches the question with candor and grace.

Question: Has there been times in your career when the legal questions you must resolve conflict with your Catholic faith? If so, how do you proceed?

Justice Thomas: No, not really. I think if it did, if I think if it gets something conflict, that great. Where I fundamentally think it’s wrong, I would just go and do something else. The I’m at a point, you know, I said that early on, and I still believe that, but I have lived up to my oath. There are some things that conflict very strongly with my personal opinion, my policy preferences. And those were very, very hard, particularly early on. But you don’t I don’t do a lot of hand wringing in my opinions and tell people ‘Oh, I’m really sad.’ That’s not the role of a judge. I mean, you do your job and you go cry alone. But there have been some words. But there have been some that broke my heart. And that just were really, really high. And I’ve been there sometimes, particularly early, you sit with the more seasoned members of the court, and you explain to them what’s wrong. And when I first became a judge in 1990. My colleague, Judge Silberman, Larry Silberman, sat down with me. And one of the things that’s really interesting is no judge ever tells you how to do your job. The only people who tells you tell you how to do your job, or people who’ve never been judges. But anyway, he said to me, he said, I’m just going to give you a little bit of advice, unsolicited advice. Before you sit on a case, ask yourself this question, what is my role, in this case, as a judge, not as a citizen, not as us as a as a as a Catholic or any What is my role, in this case, as a judge? That is a hard one. Because if you stay in that lane, there are some things that you as a citizen, or you as a personal preference would want to come out a different way. And that’s what I’ve tried to do the other thing, and then I’ll be quiet about it. But I have four law clerks, four wonderful law clerks. And they’re very, very bright like your students. And they watch you I tell them to watch me. And that’s something my grandfather always told us watch me and do as I do not, as I say. So he didn’t really mean that do as I don’t do as I say, part I can tell you that. But the I tell my clerks that you watch me for a full year, and my job is that you leave here with a clean with clean hands, clean hearts and clear conscience. We will never do anything that’s improper. And I encouraged them to tell me every clerk works on every case. So if you see something, your job is to let me know. And we sit and we talk about it. But in 30 years or 30 terms, we I don’t think a single Clerk will ever tell you we have that anything other than our job.

Well said.

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Review: The Eyes of Tammy Faye


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Gene Scott was my kind of televangelist. Whenever I was in LA in the 1980s I’d flick on his late-night talkfest (just him, talking) in whatever hotel room I happened to be staying and drink in his act—the carefully tended white hair, the fuming cigars, and the parade of eccentric hats (jaunty straw Panamas, jungle-ready pith helmets, salty captain’s caps) that he wore while dunning his viewers for cash. Which was often, if not always. (Gene described the pledging of money to his ministry as “a worshipful act.”) The man was shameless, and thus mesmerizing.

Scott wasn’t a run-of-the-mill Pentecostal primitive (he had a Ph.D. of some sort from Stanford University). But as Werner Herzog demonstrated in God’s Angry Man, his 1981 documentary about Gene, the pastor could thunder and howl with the best of his fiery tribe. His followers couldn’t get enough of this, and even non-believers found him highly entertaining.

I don’t doubt that Gene Scott loved the Lord, and I imagine the same could be said—although maybe more quietly—about his televisual contemporaries, the husband-and-wife gospel-floggers Jim and Tammy Faye Bakker, who rose to fame and (especially) fortune in the 1970s and ’80s before being brought down to earth (and in Jim’s case prison) by the tireless tax enforcers of the Internal Revenue Service.

Like Gene Scott, the Bakkers, too, were a fun watch—although for reasons of which the couple themselves might not have been entirely conscious. With Jim’s blindingly toothy grin and Tammy Faye’s bizarre, mascara-bomb eyes, the Bakkers were the sort of pitiful hicks who would likely be treated with jeers and condescension by most filmmakers. But Michael Showalter, the director of The Eyes of Tammy Faye, sees them in all of their flawed humanity. Basing his movie on a 2000 documentary by Fenton Bailey and Randy Barbato, and a script by Abe Sylvia, Showalter (The Big Sick) sketches in the backroads world of charismatic Christianity in the 1950s, and follows it through succeeding decades as it morphs into a very big business.

The director is fortunate—blessed, you might say—to have Jessica Chastain giving a sensational performance in the role of Tammy Faye, complete with all of the real woman’s alarming makeup choices (the tattooed lip liner, the gold and aqua-blue eyeshadow) and her genuine devotion to the God of mercy and forgiveness. The actress is both emotionally and physically convincing at each stage of Tammy Faye’s development—from the slim, sunny Bible college student who meets and then marries the borderline goofy Jim Bakker (Andrew Garfield, also fine) to the middle-aged woman at the end of the movie, her body thickened with age and her life crushed by the shame of her husband’s downfall. Shining along with Chastain are Cherry Jones as Tammy Faye’s disapproving mother and Vincent D’Onofrio as the scowlingly right-wing Moral Majority kingpin Jerry Falwell. (There’s also an intriguing scene featuring Mark Wystrach, who plays the late record producer Gary Paxton, a man who moved from making novelty pop hits to gospel music, and at one point guided Tammy Faye’s vocal performances in the Bakkers’ home studio. “I haven’t been this excited about working with an artist,” he tells her, “since I produced ‘Monster Mash.'”)

As itinerant soldiers in the fundamentalist faith army, the Bakkers started out employing puppets to court the kiddie audience (leaving Tammy Faye with a chronic Betty Boop vocal squeak). Moving to North Carolina, they founded their own satellite television network, which before long was broadcasting their own talk show, The PTL Club. (The acronym naturally standing for Praise the Lord.) Fat with viewer donations (and $400,000 in self-awarded annual compensation), they built a $3-million headquarters and a huge Christian theme park. Tammy Faye floated plans to start staging Christian rock concerts (“something for the kids”), and scandalized Falwell and other big-time evangelists by promoting gay rights on the air and conducting a sympathetic interview with a Christian AIDS victim. (“I can’t look at this,” Falwell tells Jim Bakker.)

Then the roof fell in. It was reported that Jim had paid $279,000 in hush money to a secretary named Jessica Hahn after she charged that he had raped her. (Bakker admitted having sex with Hahn, but denied it was rape.) The IRS announced that the Bakkers owed $55-million in back taxes. And that was pretty much that. Jim Bakker, indicted for fraud, willingly took the fall on his own, leaving Tammy Faye to fend for herself; she eventually divorced him.

There’s not a moment of glib ridicule in this movie. Chastain plays Tammy Faye Bakker as a woman of real faith, wronged not just by her worm of a husband, but by stuffed-shirt preachers and tabloid culture at large. At the end of the film we see her alone in a big empty bed, praying. “God?” she says. “Where’d you go?”

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As We Creep Towards The Debt Ceiling, Will The Trillion Dollar Coin Return?

At some point in October, the federal government will reach the so-called “debt ceiling.”  Back in 2013, the federal government faced a similar deadline. Several law professors urged the Obama Administration to mint a trillion dollar coin, which would–in theory at least–allow the government to continue borrowing money. Will the Biden Administration endorse this proposal if a the ceiling is not lifted?

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This Private Eye Was Denied a License Because He Criticized Police


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Occupational licensing has already been called out for hobbling opportunity, impeding mobility, protecting established practitioners from competition, and for raising prices of goods and services. Now there’s a new reason to object to turning working in a chosen field from a right into a privilege: the withholding of licenses as a means to punish those who criticize government officials. Specifically, Maine’s Department of Public Safety is denying a private investigator’s license to Joshua Gray because he publicly condemned a shooting by state troopers.

“Gray’s problems with the Department began after he criticized the conduct of Maine police in the fatal shooting of 25-year-old Kadhar Bailey and 18-year-old Amber Fagre in February of 2017,” the Institute for Justice (IJ) notes in an announcement that it has filed a petition for certiorari with the U.S. Supreme Court on his behalf. “Believing that the shooting could have been avoided had it not been for police recklessness, Gray expressed his criticisms on his Facebook page. But when Gray later applied for a license as a professional investigator in Maine, the Department denied Gray’s application on the ground that his online criticism contained factual errors, and therefore he lacked the ‘good moral character’ required for licensure.”

Gray has a contentious history with the authorities in Maine. A long-established private investigator in Massachusetts, he was arrested in 2011 for working without a license in the Pine Tree State. Charges were dismissed by a judge who pointed out that Gray was being prosecuted under a law that didn’t exist at the time of the alleged offense. Which is to say, abusive occupational licensing enforcement played a role in his life even before the recent conflict.

So, it’s fair to assume that Gray was already on the radar of Maine authorities when he criticized state troopers’ conduct in the controversial 2017 incident. His application for a private investigator’s license might well have stuck in the craws of officials who screwed up their earlier court case against him and had the opportunity to slap a critic through regulatory means. There’s really no question that the denial was punishment for Gray’s comments on Facebook.

“In this case, the Department’s Notice of Denial shows that Gray’s application was denied because of the statements that Gray made on social media,” Maine Superior Court Judge Michaela Murphy wrote in 2019 on the way to remanding the case to the Department of Public Safety for reconsideration. “Further, the notice shows that the Department’s denial was based upon its disagreement with the viewpoints expressed in these statements. The Department reasons that Gray should not receive a private investigator’s license as the statements show that he is incompetent and lacks the necessary fitness of character. This finding is in turn based solely on what the Department characterizes as ‘materially false’ statements that Gray has made publicly. In other words, it is based on the Department’s disagreement with Gray’s publicly stated opinion that the State Trooper is a dirty cop with a history of internal affairs problems who committed murder.”

Unfortunately, upon reconsideration, officials annoyed by Gray’s comments just repeated their earlier denial of his license application. The Maine Supreme Court rubber-stamped that decision in the spring of this year, saying it was OK to deny the license because of “false, uninvestigated information that Gray presented as fact.” That is, the court agrees that it’s OK to withhold permission to work because of disagreement with what somebody says.

IJ notes that the Maine Supreme Court’s decision conflicts with the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2018 ruling in National Institute of Family & Life Advocates v. Becerra that licensing isn’t an end-run around free-speech protections. 

“This Court has not recognized ‘professional speech’ as a separate category of speech,” Justice Clarence Thomas wrote for the majority in that case. “Speech is not unprotected merely because it is uttered by ‘professionals.'”

But, rather than get into the legal weeds, let’s just note again that nobody disputes the point that Joshua Gray was denied a license to work as a private investigator just because his opinions offended officials. The disagreement is over whether or not it’s acceptable to punish him for his speech by denying him an occupational license. Honestly, that’s good enough reason to look askance at the whole business of requiring licenses to work. The conversion of practicing in a chosen field from a right into a privilege that can be withheld to penalize people for exercising the fundamental right to speak freely and criticize official conduct makes licensing too dangerous a barrier to permit to exist.

It’s not as if there aren’t already plenty of reasons to object to occupational licensing.

“Today, almost 30% of jobs in the United States require a license, up from less than 5% in the 1950s,” the Biden administration pointed out in July in a repetition of warnings by the Trump and Obama administrations of the damage done by requiring people to seek permission to enter trades and professions. “Fewer than 5% of occupations that require licensing in at least one state are treated consistently across all 50 states. That locks some people out of jobs, and it makes it harder for people to move between states.”

“Occupational licensing regulations sometimes have a blanket prohibition on individuals with any criminal convictions, or ‘good moral character’ clauses that allow a licensing board to deny a license for an arrest without conviction,” the Council of State Governments objected early this year. “This contributes to a large segment of the population being unable to work, even if their arrest or conviction occurred years prior to their application.”

“The higher the rate of licensure of low-income occupations, the lower the rate of low-income entrepreneurship,” found a 2015 report from the Goldwater Institute. “The states that license more than 50 percent of the low-income occupations had an average entrepreneurship rate that was 11 percent lower than the average for all states, and the states the licensed less than a third had an average entrepreneurship rate that was about 11 percent higher.”  

Occupational licensing reduces economic and physical mobility, blocks opportunity, and limits competition for those already admitted to a field, thereby reducing choice and raising prices. And now, licenses are being used as a means to punish people who exercise their right to criticize official conduct. We knew that licensing was a threat to prosperity and now we know that it endangers liberty. It needs to go.

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As We Creep Towards The Debt Ceiling, Will The Trillion Dollar Coin Return?

At some point in October, the federal government will reach the so-called “debt ceiling.”  Back in 2013, the federal government faced a similar deadline. Several law professors urged the Obama Administration to mint a trillion dollar coin, which would–in theory at least–allow the government to continue borrowing money. Will the Biden Administration endorse this proposal if a the ceiling is not lifted?

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via IFTTT

This Private Eye Was Denied a License Because He Criticized Police


jack-finnigan-mt3gtjvRp1U-unsplash-2

Occupational licensing has already been called out for hobbling opportunity, impeding mobility, protecting established practitioners from competition, and for raising prices of goods and services. Now there’s a new reason to object to turning working in a chosen field from a right into a privilege: the withholding of licenses as a means to punish those who criticize government officials. Specifically, Maine’s Department of Public Safety is denying a private investigator’s license to Joshua Gray because he publicly condemned a shooting by state troopers.

“Gray’s problems with the Department began after he criticized the conduct of Maine police in the fatal shooting of 25-year-old Kadhar Bailey and 18-year-old Amber Fagre in February of 2017,” the Institute for Justice (IJ) notes in an announcement that it has filed a petition for certiorari with the U.S. Supreme Court on his behalf. “Believing that the shooting could have been avoided had it not been for police recklessness, Gray expressed his criticisms on his Facebook page. But when Gray later applied for a license as a professional investigator in Maine, the Department denied Gray’s application on the ground that his online criticism contained factual errors, and therefore he lacked the ‘good moral character’ required for licensure.”

Gray has a contentious history with the authorities in Maine. A long-established private investigator in Massachusetts, he was arrested in 2011 for working without a license in the Pine Tree State. Charges were dismissed by a judge who pointed out that Gray was being prosecuted under a law that didn’t exist at the time of the alleged offense. Which is to say, abusive occupational licensing enforcement played a role in his life even before the recent conflict.

So, it’s fair to assume that Gray was already on the radar of Maine authorities when he criticized state troopers’ conduct in the controversial 2017 incident. His application for a private investigator’s license might well have stuck in the craws of officials who screwed up their earlier court case against him and had the opportunity to slap a critic through regulatory means. There’s really no question that the denial was punishment for Gray’s comments on Facebook.

“In this case, the Department’s Notice of Denial shows that Gray’s application was denied because of the statements that Gray made on social media,” Maine Superior Court Judge Michaela Murphy wrote in 2019 on the way to remanding the case to the Department of Public Safety for reconsideration. “Further, the notice shows that the Department’s denial was based upon its disagreement with the viewpoints expressed in these statements. The Department reasons that Gray should not receive a private investigator’s license as the statements show that he is incompetent and lacks the necessary fitness of character. This finding is in turn based solely on what the Department characterizes as ‘materially false’ statements that Gray has made publicly. In other words, it is based on the Department’s disagreement with Gray’s publicly stated opinion that the State Trooper is a dirty cop with a history of internal affairs problems who committed murder.”

Unfortunately, upon reconsideration, officials annoyed by Gray’s comments just repeated their earlier denial of his license application. The Maine Supreme Court rubber-stamped that decision in the spring of this year, saying it was OK to deny the license because of “false, uninvestigated information that Gray presented as fact.” That is, the court agrees that it’s OK to withhold permission to work because of disagreement with what somebody says.

IJ notes that the Maine Supreme Court’s decision conflicts with the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2018 ruling in National Institute of Family & Life Advocates v. Becerra that licensing isn’t an end-run around free-speech protections. 

“This Court has not recognized ‘professional speech’ as a separate category of speech,” Justice Clarence Thomas wrote for the majority in that case. “Speech is not unprotected merely because it is uttered by ‘professionals.'”

But, rather than get into the legal weeds, let’s just note again that nobody disputes the point that Joshua Gray was denied a license to work as a private investigator just because his opinions offended officials. The disagreement is over whether or not it’s acceptable to punish him for his speech by denying him an occupational license. Honestly, that’s good enough reason to look askance at the whole business of requiring licenses to work. The conversion of practicing in a chosen field from a right into a privilege that can be withheld to penalize people for exercising the fundamental right to speak freely and criticize official conduct makes licensing too dangerous a barrier to permit to exist.

It’s not as if there aren’t already plenty of reasons to object to occupational licensing.

“Today, almost 30% of jobs in the United States require a license, up from less than 5% in the 1950s,” the Biden administration pointed out in July in a repetition of warnings by the Trump and Obama administrations of the damage done by requiring people to seek permission to enter trades and professions. “Fewer than 5% of occupations that require licensing in at least one state are treated consistently across all 50 states. That locks some people out of jobs, and it makes it harder for people to move between states.”

“Occupational licensing regulations sometimes have a blanket prohibition on individuals with any criminal convictions, or ‘good moral character’ clauses that allow a licensing board to deny a license for an arrest without conviction,” the Council of State Governments objected early this year. “This contributes to a large segment of the population being unable to work, even if their arrest or conviction occurred years prior to their application.”

“The higher the rate of licensure of low-income occupations, the lower the rate of low-income entrepreneurship,” found a 2015 report from the Goldwater Institute. “The states that license more than 50 percent of the low-income occupations had an average entrepreneurship rate that was 11 percent lower than the average for all states, and the states the licensed less than a third had an average entrepreneurship rate that was about 11 percent higher.”  

Occupational licensing reduces economic and physical mobility, blocks opportunity, and limits competition for those already admitted to a field, thereby reducing choice and raising prices. And now, licenses are being used as a means to punish people who exercise their right to criticize official conduct. We knew that licensing was a threat to prosperity and now we know that it endangers liberty. It needs to go.

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