Ted Cruz’s Legally Groundless Challenge to Biden’s Electoral Votes Was a Disgrace That Should Follow Him Forever

Ted-Cruz-floor-speech-1-6-21

There is a lot of blame to go around for the poisonous delusions that led to yesterday’s riot at the Capitol, starting with a president who incited his followers with loony conspiracy theories and wild tales of a stolen election. But the disgraceful performance of Sen. Ted Cruz (R–Texas) should figure prominently in histories of this shameful incident. By contrast, Sen. Rand Paul (R–Ky.), who also has reinforced some of Donald Trump’s fraud claims and even toyed with the idea of objecting to electoral votes, stared into the constitutional abyss and stepped back.

Cruz was one of six senators who voted against recognizing Arizona’s electoral votes for President-elect Joe Biden last night and one of seven who supported the challenge to Pennsylvania’s electoral votes. Ostensibly, these objections were based on the claim that the votes were not “regularly given,” as required by the Electoral Count Act. Yet Cruz offered no reason to think that was true, meaning he had no legal basis for his objections.

Cruz presented his challenges as an attempt to assuage the doubts of Americans who think the election was “rigged” by appointing an “electoral commission” charged with conducting “a 10-day emergency audit” to investigate unfounded claims of systematic fraud that have been decisively rejected by state officials and the courts. He knew there was no way that was going to happen, but he pursued his objections anyway, even after yesterday’s pro-Trump chaos, vandalism, and violence led several of his erstwhile allies to reconsider their support for his plan. His pointless grandstanding lent credence to the unfounded accusations underlying the riot—accusations recklessly hurled by the same man Cruz himself has described as a “pathological liar” who “doesn’t know the difference between truth and lies”—while forsaking his oath to support and defend the Constitution.

“Recent polling shows that 39 percent of Americans believe the election that just occurred was ‘rigged,'” Cruz said when it was his turn to explain why he was objecting to Arizona’s electoral votes. “You may not agree with that assessment, but it is nonetheless a reality for nearly half the country….Even if you do not share that conviction, it is the responsibility, I believe, of this office to acknowledge that it is a profound threat to this country and to the legitimacy of any administrations that will come in the future.”

Cruz insisted that he wasn’t “arguing for setting aside this election.” His concern, he claimed, was that “tens of millions of Americans will see a vote against the objection as a statement that voter fraud doesn’t matter, isn’t real, and shouldn’t be taken seriously.” Dismissing their concerns, he said, “jeopardizes, I believe, the legitimacy of this and subsequent elections.”

What was missing from Cruz’s little speech? Any mention of evidence indicating that Arizona’s electoral votes were not properly certified, which is the only legal justification for rejecting them. A senator who takes his responsibilities seriously does not lodge an objection under the Electoral Count Act simply as an excuse for outlining a cockamamie scheme that supposedly will alleviate the doubts sown by a president whose fantasy that he actually won the election by a landslide is impervious to evidence.

Cruz’s maneuver was cowardly as well as legally groundless. Eager to appease the Republicans who live in Trump’s alternate universe without seeming like a kook, Cruz refuses to endorse or reject their beliefs. More than two months after the election, the closest he can come to admitting that Biden won is his concession that “our candidate may not have prevailed.” At the same time, he presents the widespread “conviction” that Trump won not as his personal belief but as a “reality” that somehow justifies setting aside duly certified electoral votes.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R–Ky.) shares Cruz’s concerns about voter fraud and election “irregularities.” But as he noted before Cruz spoke, “nothing before us proves illegality anywhere near the massive scale…that would have tipped the entire election.” He added that “public doubt alone” cannot “justify a radical break” from historical practice “when the doubt itself was incited without evidence.”

McConnell rejected the notion that humoring conspiracy theorists will somehow bring the nation together. “We cannot keep drifting apart into two separate tribes,” he said, “with a separate set of facts and separate realities, with nothing in common except our hostility towards each other and mistrust for the few national institutions that we all still share.”

McConnell warned that “if this election were overturned by mere allegations from the losing side, our democracy would enter a death spiral” and “we would never see the whole nation accept an election again.” Instead, “every four years would be a scramble for power at all cost.”

Cruz’s claim that he was not trying to overturn the election results is impossible to reconcile with his original plan, which involved objecting to electoral votes from six swing states, enough to change the outcome. “This objection is for the state of Arizona, but it is broader than that,” he said last night. “It is an objection for all six of the states.” In point of fact, it wasn’t. But if the Capitol Hill riot had not persuaded Cruz and his allies to scale back their objections, their efforts, if successful, would have done precisely what Cruz insisted he did not want to do.

Now consider what Rand Paul had to say about Cruz’s machinations:

Should Congress override the certified results from the states and nullify the states’ right to conduct elections? The vote today is not a protest; the vote today is literally to overturn the election!

Voting to overturn state-certified elections would be the opposite of what states’ rights Republicans have always advocated for. This would doom the Electoral College forever. It was never intended by our founders that Congress have the power to overturn state-certified elections.

My oath to the Constitution doesn’t allow me to disobey the law. I cannot vote to overturn the verdict of the states. Such a vote would be to overturn everything held dear by those of us who support the rights of states in this great system of federalism bequeathed to us by our founders.

The Electoral College was created to devolve the power of selecting presidential electors to the states. The Electoral College is, without question, an inseparable friend to those who believe that every American across our vast country deserves to be heard. If Congress were given the power to overturn the states’ elections…what terrible chaos would ensue. Imagine the furor against the Electoral College if Congress becomes a forum to overturn states’ Electoral College slates.

It is one thing to be angry. It is another to focus one’s anger in a constructive way. That hasn’t happened today, to say the least. We simply cannot destroy the Constitution, our laws, and the Electoral College in the process. I hope as the nation’s anger cools, we can channel that energy into essential electoral reforms in every state.

Paul is by no means blameless when it comes to vague allegations of election fraud. During a December 16 Senate hearing on election “irregularities,” he accepted the testimony of Christopher Krebs, who ran the Department of Homeland Security’s Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency until Trump fired him in a fit of pique on November 17, that vote-tabulating machines were not compromised, as the president has repeatedly alleged. But Paul said that does not mean “there was no problem in the elections.” He said he was concerned that “people broke the absentee [ballot] rules.” He also worried about votes by noncitizens and “dead people,” both of which are rare.

Later Paul declared that “fraud happened,” which no doubt is true, and “the election in many ways was stolen,” which is quite a leap. He added that “the only way it will be fixed is by in the future reinforcing the laws.”

In short, Paul has flirted with rhetoric similar to Trump’s but nevertheless agreed with McConnell that fraud was not pervasive enough to justify rejecting electoral votes. Cruz, by contrast, wanted to throw out electoral votes from Arizona and Pennsylvania without even bothering to allege that they were legally invalid. Whether or not you agree with Paul’s views about the merits of the Electoral College, his refusal to compromise his principles by going along with Cruz’s scheme shows that even loyal Trump supporters can find the courage to defy the president’s demands.

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Greenwald: “Obscene and Reckless” For Schumer To Compare Capitol Hill Riot To Pearl Harbor

Greenwald: “Obscene and Reckless” For Schumer To Compare Capitol Hill Riot To Pearl Harbor

Authored by Paul Joseph Watson  via Summit News (emphasis ours)

Following the riot, during which Trump supporters stormed the Capitol building, Schumer gave a speech on the Senate floor in which he said January 6 was a date which would “live in infamy,” mirroring President Franklin Roosevelt’s speech after the Pearl Harbor attack.

“It is very, very difficult to put into words what has transpired today. I have never lived through or even imagined an experience like the one we have just witnessed in this Capitol. President Franklin Roosevelt set aside Dec. 7, 1941, as a day that will live in infamy. Unfortunately, we can now add Jan. 6, 2021, to that very short list of dates in American history that will live forever in infamy,” said Schumer, before going on to label rioters “domestic terrorists.”

Greenwald shot back by lambasting Schumer for his hyperbolic comparison.

Obviously, it’s obscene to compare yesterday’s events at the Capitol to 9/11 or (as Schumer did) Pearl Harbor: obscene and reckless,” tweeted Greenwald.

 The journalist went on to urge Americans to exercise “restraint and deliberation” in response to yesterday’s events.

The attack on Pearl Harbor killed over 2,400 Americans and wounded a further 1,178.

Four people tragically lost their lives as a result of yesterday’s chaos, all of whom it appears were Trump supporters who stormed the building, including a 14-year Air Force veteran who was shot in the neck by police.

To compare what happened yesterday to Pearl Harbor or 9/11 is clearly demented and part of a ploy to exploit the riot to justify another political crackdown.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 01/07/2021 – 14:25

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Impeachment and Invoking 25th Amendment are not Mutually Exclusive Options

Impeachment

Since I wrote my previous post on the subject of impeachment, last night, the idea of removing Trump from office has gained additional momentum. Earlier today Democratic Senate leader (and soon-to-be majority leader) Chuck Schumer said that Trump should be removed from power by invoking the 25th Amendment. Failing that, he urges Congress to immediately go into session in order to proceed with impeachment. In a helpful recent post, co-blogger Josh Blackman describes the 25th Amendment process, and explains how it can potentially be used to remove Trump from office for the remaining fourteen days of his term. As Brian Kalt, a leading academic expert on the amendment, notes, the short timeframe make it more feasible to use the 25th Amendment in this case, than in other scenarios, where the president would have more time to resist.

Both Schumer and (as far as I know) everyone else who has publicly commented on the issue appears to assume that the 25th Amendment and impeachment are mutually exclusive alternatives. We must either pursue one or the other. In reality, nothing prevents pursuing both options simultaneously. Neither the Constitution nor any other law forbids it.

Schumer is probably right to say that “[t]he quickest and most effective way—it can be done today—to remove this president from office would be for the Vice President to immediately invoke the 25th amendment.” But Congress can still begin the impeachment and removal process at the same time.

The two processes serve distinct purposes. The 25th Amendment can be used to temporarily remove from office a president unable to perform his duties  (though, in this case, a temporary removal would likely cover the entire rest of Trump’s term). Invooking does not involve any assessment of whether the president has engaged in wrongdoing, does not necessarily involve any moral opprobrium (the president could be removed because he is unable to serve for reasons that are not his fault, such as injury or illness), and cannot be used to bar him from holding office again in the future.

By contrast, impeachment followed by conviction removes the president from office permanently, and does require a judgment that he has committed a “high crime” or “misdemeanor.” The latter need not be an actual violation of criminal law; but it does have to be some sort of significant abuse of power or threat to the constitutional order. Perhaps even more importantly, impeachment can be used to not only remove the president from office, but also to impose the additional penalty of “disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States.” The latter would be a useful step to prevent Trump from ever returning to power and thereby once again abusing it in the ways he has over the last four years.

To a much greater extent than the 25th Amendment, impeachment can create a valuable deterrent against the repetition of similar misconduct by future presidents. Most politicians fear permanent removal from power much more than a brief temporary suspension from it. And many (though perhaps not Trump) also worry about long-term damage to their reputations, which is likely to be greater in the event of a successful impeachment than with an invocation of the 25th Amendment.

Thus, I tentatively suggest that Vice President Pence and the cabinet indeed invoke the 25th Amendment, if they can. And Congress should move to impeach and convict Trump at the same time. The former step would eliminate the immediate threat Trump poses. The latter can impose proper moral and legal sanctions for his actions, and prevent him from ever returning to power again.

All of this assumes that Pence, the cabinet, and Congress have the political will needed to take these steps. I remain skeptical that either Pence or a majority of the cabinet will actually invoke the 25th Amendment. Most of them are longstanding Trump loyalists. And, for reasons noted in my last post, impeachment may not be a desirable strategy unless there are enough votes in the Senate to actually convict Trump, or at least enough to generate bipartisan opprobrium that can seriously damage his political position.

I also assume that the inability referenced in the text of the 25th Amendment (which requires the Vice President and cabinet to indicate that “the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office”) can include the sort of malevolence displayed by Trump, as well as a more conventional lack of physical or mental capacity to carry out his duties. The issue of the exact meaning of “unable” is one I must leave to specialists on the subject.

But, with these important caveats, there is no reason why impeachment and the 25th Amendment should be considered mutually exclusive options. They involve different processes and serve different purposes. A president can be simultaneously  guilty of “high crimes and misdemeanors” that justify removing him from office, and also “unable” to perform his duties properly. Indeed, it is possible that a propensity for criminality and abuse of power is one of the factors that make him “unable.”

 

 

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No, Antifa Wasn’t Behind the Capitol Riot

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In the wake Wednesday’s mob assault on the U.S. Capitol, some conservatives are trying to shift blame from the dozens of pro-Trump protesters who stormed the building to a fictitious antifa boogeyman.

“Those who stormed the capitol yesterday were not Trump supporters,” claimed Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton. “They have been confirmed to be Antifa. Violence is not the answer.”

Paxton’s sentiments were echoed by other pro-Trump figures, including Rep. Matt Gaetz (R–Fla.), Rep. Mo Brooks (R–Ala.), and the conspiracist attorney L. Lin Wood, who touted “indisputable photographic evidence that antifa violently broke into Congress today.” This assertion, like Wood’s previous claims that Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts is part of a pedophile cabal and that Vice President Mike Pence will face execution by firing squad, is wrong, as are all other claims that antifa was responsible for the Capitol riot.

For one thing, this isn’t antifa’s m.o. Antifa protesters typically use “black bloc” tactics: They dress in black and conceal their faces with masks and hoods. Individuals will quickly smash windows and set fires, then blend back into a crowd of similarly dressed people. They don’t aim to get caught.

The people who stormed the Capitol, by contrast, were captured in numerous photos and videos. Their faces are easily identifiable. Many are obviously sincere Trump supporters associated with the far right. Several of them, including “groyper” leaders Nick Fuentes and Baked Alaska, are well-known to the media by now. The woman who was sadly killed by police under circumstances that require further investigation was genuinely pro-Trump. The guy who sat in House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s chair and stole her mail is definitely not antifa, nor is the half-naked fur-and-horns guy. This latter individual is named Jake Angieli, and he is a conspiracy theorist—the self-stylized “Q Shaman”—who has appeared at multiple Trump rallies.

I covered the unrest at the Capitol, and it’s simply not possible that these acts of violence and property destruction were carried out by undercover antifa agents. The people smashing windows, climbing walls, and knocking down police barriers were often the leaders of the crowds; they were known to the other protesters. For these activists to be secret agents of the left would have required a covert operation far beyond antifa’s capabilities, and at odds with antifa’s typical behavior.

Andy Ngo, a writer with a record of harshly criticizing antifa, agrees.

“The people occupying the Capitol building do not look like antifa people dressed in Trump gear or Trump costumes,” he told The Washington Examiner. “I have seen no evidence that they are able to coordinate a mass infiltration on this scale before, so I’m really skeptical that they would have been able to do it here without any of that information leaking out.”

An article in The Washington Times claimed that a “facial recognition firm” had confirmed antifa’s involvement in the attack. That article was debunked, and it has since been deleted.

Thousands of people were at the Capitol on Wednesday, and many of them caused trouble. It’s possible that someone, somewhere, was trying to falsely pin a crime on a Trump supporter. But the many acts of violence and intimidation that transpired in the halls of Congress yesterday were overwhelmingly and provably committed by the president’s most fervent supporters.

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Impeachment and Invoking the 25th Amendment are not Mutually Exclusive Options

Impeachment

Since I wrote my previous post on the subject of impeachment, last night, the idea of removing Trump from office has gained additional momentum. Earlier today Democratic Senate leader (and soon-to-be majority leader) Chuck Schumer said that Trump should be removed from power by invoking the 25th Amendment. Failing that, he urges Congress to immediately go into session in order to proceed with impeachment. In a helpful recent post, co-blogger Josh Blackman describes the 25th Amendment process, and explains how it can potentially be used to remove Trump from office for the remaining fourteen days of his term. As Brian Kalt, a leading academic expert on the amendment, notes, the short timeframe make it more feasible to use the 25th Amendment in this case, than in other scenarios, where the president would have more time to resist.

Both Schumer and (as far as I know) everyone else who has publicly commented on the issue appears to assume that the 25th Amendment and impeachment are mutually exclusive alternatives. We must either pursue one or the other. In reality, nothing prevents pursuing both options simultaneously. Neither the Constitution nor any other law forbids it.

Schumer is probably right to say that “[t]he quickest and most effective way—it can be done today—to remove this president from office would be for the Vice President to immediately invoke the 25th amendment.” But Congress can still begin the impeachment and removal process at the same time.

The two processes serve distinct purposes. The 25th Amendment can be used to temporarily remove from office a president unable to perform his duties  (though, in this case, a temporary removal would likely cover the entire rest of Trump’s term). Invooking does not involve any assessment of whether the president has engaged in wrongdoing, does not necessarily involve any moral opprobrium (the president could be removed because he is unable to serve for reasons that are not his fault, such as injury or illness), and cannot be used to bar him from holding office again in the future.

By contrast, impeachment followed by conviction removes the president from office permanently, and does require a judgment that he has committed a “high crime” or “misdemeanor.” The latter need not be an actual violation of criminal law; but it does have to be some sort of significant abuse of power or threat to the constitutional order. Perhaps even more importantly, impeachment can be used to not only remove the president from office, but also to impose the additional penalty of “disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States.” The latter would be a useful step to prevent Trump from ever returning to power and thereby once again abusing it in the ways he has over the last four years.

To a much greater extent than the 25th Amendment, impeachment can create a valuable deterrent against the repetition of similar misconduct by future presidents. Most politicians fear permanent removal from power much more than a brief temporary suspension from it. And many (though perhaps not Trump) also worry about long-term damage to their reputations, which is likely to be greater in the event of a successful impeachment than with an invocation of the 25th Amendment.

Thus, I tentatively suggest that Vice President Pence and the cabinet indeed invoke the 25th Amendment, if they can. And Congress should move to impeach and convict Trump at the same time. The former step would eliminate the immediate threat Trump poses. The latter can impose proper moral and legal sanctions for his actions, and prevent him from ever returning to power again.

All of this assumes that Pence, the cabinet, and Congress have the political will needed to take these steps. I remain skeptical that either Pence or a majority of the cabinet will actually invoke the 25th Amendment. Most of them are longstanding Trump loyalists. And, for reasons noted in my last post, impeachment may not be a desirable strategy unless there are enough votes in the Senate to actually convict Trump, or at least enough to generate bipartisan opprobrium that can seriously damage his political position.

I also assume that the inability referenced in the text of the 25th Amendment (which requires the Vice President and cabinet to indicate that “the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office”) can include the sort of malevolence displayed by Trump, as well as a more conventional lack of physical or mental capacity to carry out his duties. The issue of the exact meaning of “unable” is one I must leave to specialists on the subject.

But, with these important caveats, there is no reason why impeachment and the 25th Amendment should be considered mutually exclusive options. They involve different processes and serve different purposes. A president can be simultaneously  guilty of “high crimes and misdemeanors” that justify removing him from office, and also “unable” to perform his duties properly. Indeed, it is possible that a propensity for criminality and abuse of power is one of the factors that make him “unable.”

 

 

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Why Was Founder Of Far-Left BLM Group Filming Inside Capitol As Police Shot Protester?

Why Was Founder Of Far-Left BLM Group Filming Inside Capitol As Police Shot Protester?

During yesterday’s protest in Washington D.C., a Turmp-supporting US Air Force Veteran, Ashli Babbitt, was shot dead by a Capitol Police officer (who has been placed on leave) as she attempted to climb through a broken window to bypass a barricade, along with other Trump supporters.

Filming the incident from behind Babbit, however, was Utah resident John Sullivan – founder of the far-left organization “Insurgence USA” who made headlines in July after he was arrested for intimidating drivers in Provo. Sullivan was interviewed by the Daily Mail and CNN following Wednesday’s shooting – both of which failed to provide a satisfactory answer as to why he was there in the first place.

Sullivan told the Mail that “he was not at the Capitol as part of the protest but did not specify what exactly brought him there.

Sullivan isn’t the only leftist believed to have been part of Wednesday’s ‘insurrection,’ as internet sleuths have produced unconfirmed evidence that several of those pictured taking ‘trophy shots’ in the Capitol were in fact Antifa.

Meanwhile, Trump supporters physically stopped someone from trying to break into the Capitol Building.

What were these people doing inside the Capitol?

Tyler Durden
Thu, 01/07/2021 – 14:05

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China Mocks “Beautiful Sight” Of Capitol In Chaos, Blasts US ‘Double Standard’ On Hong Kong

China Mocks “Beautiful Sight” Of Capitol In Chaos, Blasts US ‘Double Standard’ On Hong Kong

Entirely to be expected, Beijing is gloating over the dramatic images of Wednesday’s ‘Stop the Steal’ protest chaos which briefly saw Trump supporters occupy the Capitol Building and the Senate chamber itself. 

On Thursday morning state-run Global Times compared the security breakdown which significantly delayed the Congressional certification of Biden as the next president to recent anti-government unrest in Hong Kong, for which Chinese officials have lately come under Trump administration sanctions for clamping down on.

Reminding American leaders they once called the often violent Hong Kong independence protests “a beautiful site to behold” – as Nancy Pelosi once did, GT used her words for a bit of trolling with a photo of a protester occupying her office and sitting in the speaker’s chair during yesterday’s mayhem. 

“It remains yet to be seen whether she will say the same about the recent developments in Capitol Hill,” the publication later added.

Further Thursday commentary featured by GT said, “Even though the US has boasted itself as a beacon of democracy, it has never been a paradigm of global democracy. US democratic system has been vandalized, demonstrating how fragile the system is.

And separately China’s Communist Youth League described the DC unrest as a “beautiful sight” on tthe popular Weibo platform.

Across the web Chinese state sources along with popular pro-Beijing commentators took the US to task for its double standard and inability to handle its own ‘democratic uprising’ and protests.

Global Times even hastily put together and published a montage of footage comparing anti-mainland HK protests with Wednesday’s largely out of control spectacle on Capitol Hill:

“China’s internet erupted in mirth at America’s troubled democracy…” AFP observed, and further described the following:

The hashtag “Trump supporters storm US Capitol” pinballed across Weibo on Thursday, racking up 230 million views, as users compared the global support for Hong Kong’s protesters with the outpouring of condemnation for the pro-Trump mob.

“At present, all European countries’ leaders have shown double standards and condemned it (Washington rioting),” read one Weibo comment which gained over 5,000 likes.

“I don’t know what kind of double-standard reports will be carried by Hong Kong or Taiwan media this time.”

“What happened in the Hong Kong Legislative Council last year is being repeated in the US Capitol,” wrote another user in a comment with over 4,500 likes.

Prominent commentators in the Chinese social media sphere also underscored the fact that there were at least four fatalities as protesters clashed with police. 

They compared this to what they held up as the relative restraint of Hong Kong police.

Indeed very similar scenes did play out last year when in Hong Kong protesters had stormed the legislature – with the images going around the world and hailed at the West at the time as a blossoming of a democratic movement.

And then there’s this that GT is only too happy to feature…

Ironically just this week before all eyes centered on the dramatic events at the capitol, China renewed a fierce crackdown on Hong Kong activists, even going so far as to arrest an American lawyer. We expect Beijing now has “cover” and will use the distraction of uncertain US events to continue its purge.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 01/07/2021 – 13:48

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Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao First Cabinet Member To Resign Over Capitol Unrest

Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao First Cabinet Member To Resign Over Capitol Unrest

So far, those who have actually resigned from the Trump Administration over the unrest at the Capitol have included a smattering of lower-tier bureaucrats (Mick Mulvaney was one, though he no longer holds a major role in the administration anyway, and Melania Trump’s chief of staff Stephanie Grisham was another).

After Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin and Homeland Security Secretary Chad Wolf both said they would stay on (though they offered some sharply-worded statements), the first member of Trump’s cabinet to actually resign over the incident appears to be Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao, also known as the wife of Sen. Mitch McConnell.

While her husband blames the unrest on “unhinged criminals”, Chao has penned an email, seen by the Washington Post, denouncing the unrest as “a traumatic and entirely avoidable event”.

Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao will resign from her post, making her the first Trump administration Cabinet member to leave after the president incited a mob that attacked the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday.

Chao is the wife of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and has served in the Cabinet all four years of the Trump presidency.

She told others of her decision early Thursday afternoon, according to two individuals familiar with her plans who spoke on the condition of anonymity to disclose the matter.

“Yesterday, our country experienced a traumatic and entirely avoidable event as supporters of the President stormed the Capitol building following a rally he addressed. As I’m sure is the case with many of you, it has deeply troubled me in a way that I simply cannot set aside,” Chao wrote in a drafted email to the entire staff.

Democratic leader Chuck Schumer has called on VP Pence and the rest of Trump’s cabinet to invoke the 25th Amendment to remove him from office.

AOC was among the first to respond to the news, claiming that if Chao truly “objects” to the events of yesterday, then she should be “working the Cabinet to invoke the 25th Amendment,” as Dem leader Chuck Schumer has insisted.

But when Chao was first appointed to the job 4 years ago, Dems accused Trump, Chao and her husband, McConnell, of blatant nepotism.

Olivia Nuzzi of NYMag tweeted a list of administration employees who have resigned over yesterday’s events.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 01/07/2021 – 13:47

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