Black Hawk Helicopter Crash In Sinai Kills 8, Mostly Americans

Black Hawk Helicopter Crash In Sinai Kills 8, Mostly Americans

Tyler Durden

Thu, 11/12/2020 – 20:40

On Thursday a multinational peacekeeping force operating in Egypt suffered disaster when a Black Hawk helicopter went down in the Sinai Peninsula.

In total eight were killed, including six Americans, one French and one Czech national, according to a military coalition statement. 

Acting US Defense Secretary Christopher Miller also confirmed the deaths of the Americans and said the Defense Department is “saddened” by their loss. 

UH-60 Black Hawk file, Getty Images

One American reportedly survived the crash and was evacuated to an Israeli hospital for treatment, according to international reports. 

“During a routine mission in the vicinity of Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, nine members of the Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) were involved in a helicopter crash,” reads a statement from MFO. “We are deeply saddened to report that eight uniformed MFO members were killed; six U.S. citizens, one French, and one Czech. One U.S. MFO Member survived and was medically evacuated. Names are being withheld pending notification of next of kin.”

The MFO has been deployed in Sinai since the 1980s in order to monitor Egypt’s 1979 peace deal with Israel.  

Subsequent statements out of the Czech Defense Ministry, which was closely involved in the peacekeeping operations, described the deadly crash as “caused by technical issues” which happened in the area of Sharm el-Sheikh.

Via CNN

The restive Sinai region has in the past years seen a significant uptick in terrorist activity, including the presence of ISIS, given it is easy to hide deep in the mountainous terrain and within difficult to access areas for the Egyptian military.

The US military upped its presence in coordination with Egypt after a string of deadly ISIS terror attacks in 2016 and after, and has tried to rely on advanced technology to monitor the vast wilderness terrain which some reports have called “lawless”. 

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Official Overseeing Arizona Vote-Count Process Previously Tweeted About Trump’s “Neo-Nazi Base”

Official Overseeing Arizona Vote-Count Process Previously Tweeted About Trump’s “Neo-Nazi Base”

Tyler Durden

Thu, 11/12/2020 – 20:20

Authored by Paul Joseph Watson via Summit News,

Arizona Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, who is overseeing the vote counting process in the swing state, previously tweeted about President Trump pandering to his “neo-nazi base.”

In an August 2017 tweet that is receiving fresh attention, Hobbs asserted, .@realDonaldTrump has made it abundantly clear he’s more interested in pandering to his neo-nazi base than being @POTUS for all Americans.”

That wouldn’t be much of a shock for someone who lists her pronouns in her Twitter bio along with her support for Black Lives Matter, but given that Hobbs is now instrumental in the Arizona voting process, Trump supporters are understandably concerned.

“Anyone think we could possibly get a fair shake in front of this activist???” asked Donald Trump Jr.

The Secretary of State has already exercised her power to prevent an inquiry into Arizona’s voting machines.

“In recent days, the President of Arizona’s State Senate, Karen Fann, called on Hobbs’ office to authorize an independent review of the state’s voting machines. A call that Hobbs immediately shot down,” reports National File.

“It is patently unreasonable to suggest that, despite there being zero credible evidence of any impropriety or widespread irregularities, election officials nonetheless have a responsibility to prove a negative,” Hobbs wrote in response.

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Ticketmaster Unveils Plan To Verify Vaccination Status

Ticketmaster Unveils Plan To Verify Vaccination Status

Tyler Durden

Thu, 11/12/2020 – 20:00

With several COVID-19 vaccines reportedly just around the corner, Ticketmaster will be verifying concert fans’ vaccination status, or whether they’ve tested negative for the coronavirus within a 24 to 72-hour window, according to Billboard.

As we’ve noted several times over the past few months, immunity passports are the future of COVID-19.

The plan, still in development phase, will employ three prongs; the Ticketmaster digital app, third-party health status providers such as CLEAR Health Pass or IBM’s Digital Health Pass, and testing / vaccine distribution providers such as CVS Minute Clinic and Labcorp.

Here’s how it would work, if approved: After purchasing a ticket for a concert, fans would need to verify that they have already been vaccinated (which would provide approximately one year of COVID-19 protection [ZH: really?]) or test negative for coronavirus approximately 24 to 72 hours prior to the concert. The length of coverage a test would provide would be governed by regional health authorities — if attendees of a Friday night concert had to be tested 48 hours in advance, most could start the testing process the day before the event. If it was a 24-hour window, most people would likely be tested the same day of the event at a lab or a health clinic.

Once the test was complete, the fan would instruct the lab to deliver the results to their health pass company, like CLEAR or IBM. If the tests were negative, or the fan was vaccinated, the health pass company would verify the attendee’s COVID-19 status to Ticketmaster, which would then issue the fan the credentials needed to access the event. If a fan tested positive or didn’t take a test to verify their status, they would not be granted access to the event. –Billboard

According to the report, Ticketmaster will not store or have access to fans’ medical records, and will only receive ‘green light or red light’ on whether a fan is cleared to attend an event.

At present, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has yet to approve third-party health information providers for real-time verification, however Ticketmaster president Mark Yovich is confident that demand for such screening services will be in heavy demand for multiple applications such as air travel, employment verification and theme park entry.

“We’re already seeing many third-party health care providers prepare to handle the vetting — whether that is getting a vaccine, taking a test, or other methods of review and approval – which could then be linked via a digital ticket so everyone entering the event is verified,” Yovich told Billboard. “Ticketmaster’s goal is to provide enough flexibility and options that venues and fans have multiple paths to return to events, and is working to create integrations to our API and leading digital ticketing technology as we will look to tap into the top solutions based on what’s green-lit by officials and desired by clients.”

For Ticketmaster, two new technologies at the companies will help its clients scale the program. The first is digital ticketing that’s linked to a fan’s identity, eliminates paper tickets and can be restricted from being transferred or resold. Ticketmaster also plans to deploy its new SmartEvent system, which helps event organizers and fans manage social distancing, delayed entry and provide possible opportunities for contact tracing. Many of the safety parameters will be set by regional health officials and event organizers. Event organizers also have the ability to set their own prevention protocols, like sanitation, mask compliance and social distancing. –Billboard

According to the report, implementing this COVID-19 verification plan will be key to the survival of the live entertainment industry during the pandemic. 

“In order for live events to return, technology and science are going to play huge roles in establishing integrated protocols so that fans, artists, and employees feel safe returning to venues,” says Marianne Herman, co-founder and principal reBUILD20, which focuses on helping entertainment and live events companies develop COVID-19 strategies (per Billboard).

“Integrating ticketing platforms with the guests verified testing results is one key way to reimagine how we’re going to get fans back to live events. The experience of attending live events will look completely different, but innovation married with consistent implementation will provide a framework to get the live sports and event industry back to work.”

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Gold Is A Lifeline For Many Indians During Pandemic

Gold Is A Lifeline For Many Indians During Pandemic

Tyler Durden

Thu, 11/12/2020 – 19:40

Via SchiffGold.com,

Gold has helped Indians weather the economic storm caused by the coronavirus pandemic.

The government response to COVID-19 has ravaged the Indian economy. As a result, many banks are reluctant to extend credit due to fear of defaults. In this tight lending environment, many Indians are using their stashes of gold to secure loans.

Using gold as collateral for loans has a long history in India. For generations, farming communities and rural households used gold as a means of financing, often pledging it as collateral to raise funds to plant the following year’s crops. Today, Indians in urban settings often use gold loans to meet expenditures for healthcare, business, education, and marriage.

According to a recent report by the World Gold Council, demand for gold loans, both through banks and non-banking financial companies (NBFC) has grown in response to the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Organized lending backed by gold is expected to grow from $47 billion in fiscal 2020 to $55.2 billion in FY2021. This doesn’t account for the massive informal gold lending market driven by pawnbrokers and private moneylenders, along with the robust grey market economy prevalent in rural parts of the country.

Somasundaram P.R., head of the World Gold Council’s Indian operations, told Reuters gold will continue to serve as a vital lifeline as credit shrinks.

As banks could exhibit greater risk aversion in the current context, gold loans would be a convenient route for many customers to raise liquidity and working capital.”

For many Indians, gold is a lifesaver, providing liquidity that they otherwise wouldn’t have.

Indians traditionally buy and hold gold. Collectively, Indian households own an estimated 25,000 tons of gold and that number may be higher given the large black market in the country. The yellow metal is interwoven into the country’s marriage ceremonies and cultural rites. Indians also value gold as a store of wealth, especially in poor rural regions. Two-thirds of India’s gold demand comes from these areas, where the vast majority of people live outside the official tax system.

Gold is not just a luxury in India. Even poor people buy gold in the Asian nation. According to an ICE 360 survey in 2018, one in every two households in India purchased gold within the last five years. Overall, 87% of households in the country own some amount of the yellow metal. Even households at the lowest income levels in India own some gold. According to the survey, more than 75% of families in the bottom 10% had managed to buy gold.

Gold was also a major source of liquidity in 2016 when the Indian government launched a demonetization scheme. In November of that year, the Indian government declared that 1,000 and 500 rupee notes would no longer be valid. They gave the public just four hours notice. The 1,000 and 500 rupee notes made up 86 % of the currency in circulation in the country. With a single pronouncement, the Indian government made virtually all of the cash in India valueless. Many Indians have thwarted a government policy to bring the underground economy out of the shadows by converting their “black money” into gold.

Indians understand that gold tends to store value, and that in the end, gold is money. If they have gold, they know they will be able to get the goods and services they need – even in the event of an economic meltdown. And while westerners may not embrace the cultural and religious aspects of the Indian love affair with gold, the economic reasons for their devotion to the yellow metal are every bit as applicable in places like the US.

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How Quibi’s Boomer Execs Sabotaged A $2BN Company By Being Completely Out Of Touch

How Quibi’s Boomer Execs Sabotaged A $2BN Company By Being Completely Out Of Touch

Tyler Durden

Thu, 11/12/2020 – 19:20

the downfall of Quibi has created an interesting counterpoint to the fall of Theranos. Though the companies were situated in very different industries, the Theranos story centers around a young woman who treacherously conned investors, journalists and even some of her own employees, before a small group of rebels gave the story up to the Wall Street Journal, which brough the whole sham crashing down.

On the other hand, Quibi wasn’t an illegal scheme; it remains an obviously legitimate business, and it’s certainly possible that a rival like Netflix or Hulu might scoop up some of the assets Quibi might be selling after Jeffrey Katzenberg announced plans to shut it down after an abysmal rollout during the pandemic that made the company into a laughingstock. Customers who signed up for Quibi’s free trial quickly discovered, much to their eventual disappointment, that there was no way to watch the shows on their laptop, or a TV. Quibi’s founders effectively engaged in an act of self-sabotage by ensuring that the smartphone app was the only venue in which their content – the quick “bites” from which Quibi’s name is (again, confusingly) derived – could be consumed.

Many seemingly bone-headed decisions about the product, programming and the rollout have been documented by Bloomberg and WSJ (we’ve added our two cents’ worth here and here), but since announcing plans to shut down, Katzenberg and Whitman, who have both been saddled with massive personal losses from the venture, have tried their hardest to project an air of humility and graciousness.

However, that task just got a lot harder, as Bloomberg’s Businessweek earlier today published a deeply sourced piece elaborating on the many flaws and failures in Katzenberg’s initial vision for the product. Those problems were only exacerbated by the out-of-touch arrogance exhibited by Katzenberg and his partner, Whitman, whom he recruited to the project, according to reports. Viewers who watched Whitman’s early CNBC interviews pitching Quibi probably remember cringe-worthy moments, like when she reveals that the company’s name is derived from the phrase “Quick Bites”, or when she described Quibi as a revolutionary new medium, seemingly without realizing that hilarious short videos, sometimes with scripted plots, have been posted to YouTube for free since the mid-aughts.

Between shelling out $6 million to Reese Witherspoon to do a voice-over for an animal TV program that nobody watched, to Whitman awkwardly placing her newly purchased LA condo back on the market without saying a word to anyone at the company, Bloomberg chronicles many details from a company that was driven into the ground by two stubborn, know-it-all boomer executives who thought their focus-group-backed wisdom was simply beyond reproach.

The Condo Incident

Whitman, one of Silicon Valley’s most powerful women, had moved to L.A. to work with people like that. She’d been recruited a year earlier by Jeffrey Katzenberg, the Hollywood megaproducer who co-founded DreamWorks Animation, who was betting that the future of entertainment was short-form videos with old-school studio production values. Whitman was to be the CEO of a streaming service with episodic programming that aimed to wow a generation raised on YouTube.

But the service, called Quibi, premiered this past spring to crickets and jeers. Over the summer, Whitman talked her team through a retooling plan and acted as though she planned to remain in L.A. for a good, long while. But in early August, less than two years after she bought the Sierra Towers condo, she put it back on the market.

Her staffers noticed. Several circulated the real estate listing, spurring a wave of quiet searches for employment elsewhere. More than one marks that as the beginning of the end for Quibi. “When your CEO puts their L.A. home up for sale less than two years after buying it, that’s when you know the writing is on the wall,” says one former Quibi employee, who, like most of the 24 current and former staffers interviewed for this story, spoke on condition of anonymity to protect future job prospects.

That Song From ‘Trolls’

When Katzenberg and Whitman finally broke news of the shutdown to employees, an unexpectedly swift death for a company that had launched its product just 7 months before. As misty eyes filled the room, Katzenberg reportedly encouraged his team to listen to a song from the animated feature film “Trolls” (one of Katzenberg’s former projects) to help lift their spirits.

Toward the end of October, Quibi’s seventh month in the crowded streaming market, Whitman and Katzenberg assembled their employees on a video call to tell them the company would be shutting down around Dec. 1. A misty-eyed, apologetic Katzenberg encouraged employees to comfort themselves by playing the song Get Back Up Again from the DreamWorks movie Trolls.

TV On The Internet

In particular, several staffers told Bloomberg that Whitman and Katzenberg insisted on recruiting the most expensive Hollywood talent, instead of relying on cheaper social media stars with established followings among a younger audience that Quibi and its rivals covet. This was perhaps one of the biggest reasons why the company failed so quickly, as it blew its load by paying $6 million for Reese Witherspoon to do a voice-over for an animal show that nobody watched.

Bloomberg apparently saw a pitch-deck slide breaking down salaries paid for some of these “lighthouse” shows and…well…

Several current and former Quibi employees say Katzenberg built himself a punishing schedule. In the weeks after Quibi went live, he’d rise by 3:30 each morning, work out while reading the news from 5 a.m. to 7 a.m., and conduct as many as 20 FaceTime meetings a day, turning most any interaction along the way into an impromptu meeting about the company. He divided show ideas into three categories: the titular “quick bites” (short, one-off videos), “daily essentials” (news programs), and “lighthouse” shows (projects involving A-listers). The latter ate up most of the budget. According to a Quibi pitch deck seen by Bloomberg Businessweek, lighthouse shows generally cost $20,000 to $125,000 a minute, compared with roughly $10,000 a minute for daily essentials. Fuqua’s series, #FreeRayshawn, which stars Laurence Fishburne and Stephan James, cost $15 million for 15 episodes of 10 minutes each, a competitive budget for today’s streaming services. Netflix Inc.’s Stranger Things costs $6 million to $8 million for episodes that typically run for 45 minutes to an hour, and Disney+ is expected to spend as much as $25 million an episode on Marvel shows such as Hawkeye and WandaVision. But in another respect, Quibi sweetened the deals far beyond what other streaming services were willing to offer. Two years in, creators would be free to edit their Quibi shows together into an extended work and sell the longer version somewhere else. After seven years the company’s rights to the short-form versions would expire.

Katzenberg also applied his decades of development experience, something current and former employees say was part of the problem. The 69-year-old former wunderkind often insisted that he weigh in on everything from casting to wardrobe to graphic design, frequently via FaceTime with printouts of his notes next to him. He invested aggressively in somewhat out-there series with recognizable names attached, such as Most Dangerous Game, starring Liam Hemsworth and Christoph Waltz; Dummy, starring Anna Kendrick; and Thanks a Million, a giveaway reality show produced by Jennifer Lopez. To narrate voiceover for Fierce Queens, a wildlife program produced by BBC Studios, Quibi paid Reese Witherspoon $6 million. (Her husband, Jim Toth, was Quibi’s head of content acquisitions.)

What’s Next?

Though SJW reporters would like to have the world believe that only men are capable of ‘failing up’, Whitman just might be moving on from Quibi with a job in the Biden administration, despite her history of…running for office (albeit, in California) as a Republican.

Whitman is an early contender for several cabinet-level positions in President-elect Joe Biden’s administration, according to three people familiar with the matter. Weeks after she put her L.A. condo up for sale, the former Republican gubernatorial candidate appeared during the Democratic National Convention to endorse Biden on national TV. “For me, the choice is simple,” Whitman said. “I’m with Joe.” It’s unclear what Katzenberg will do next, but the producer seems less likely to leave the entertainment industry behind. “One might wonder why sailing off into the sunset on a boat in the Caribbean isn’t an option for Jeffrey,” says Shapiro, the producer of Let’s Go, Atsuko! “But I don’t get the sense he’ll want this to be the last chapter of his storied career.”

It’s worth noting that Katzenberg is also a major Democratic bundler, one of the biggest in Hollywood.

Many of her former employees weren’t so lucky. Several complained to Bloomberg about feeling ‘blindsided’ by the shutdown, as Whitman and Katzenberg apparently kept the true enormity of the company’s fiscal recklessness from the rest of the staff. In the end, many employees credited Katzenberg and his enormously over-inflated self-confidence, and his micromanaging style, for doing far more harm than good.

In the end, some $2 billion of investors’ money was wasted. But at least Reese Witherspoon managed to secure a pretty generous payday.

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Reconsidering Redressability and Traceability in California v. Texas

On Tuesday, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in California v. Texas. I previously wrote about the merits question, and what would happen if the Court found that Texas lacked standing. Here, I will focus on the standing of the individual plaintiffs. (I’ll presume general familiarity with the case, which I discussed in the Amicus brief I filed for the Cato Institute.)

Lujan identified three factors to determine whether a plaintiff has established Article III standing. The plaintiff must “allege (1) an injury that is (2) “fairly traceable to the defendant’s allegedly unlawful conduct” and that is (3) “likely to be redressed by the requested relief.” Most discussions of standing in California v. Texas have focused on the first element. How can a mandate with a penalty inflict a concrete injury? The second and third factors have received far less attention.

In this case, traceability and redressability are closely linked. If the injury can be traced to the actions of someone in the federal government, then that person’s actions can be enjoined to redress the plaintiff’s injury. But if the injury cannot be traced to actions of someone in the federal government, then the plaintiffs may not be able to show their injury can be redressed. For California v. Texas, redressability and traceability rise together, or fall together. Justices Gorsuch and Barrett asked about these two elements.

Justice Gorsuch asked Kyle Hawkins, the Texas Solicitor General, what precise remedy the “individual Plaintiffs” are requesting. “I guess I’m a little unclear who exactly they want me to enjoin and what exactly do they want me to enjoin them from doing?” In other words, which defendant is injury traceable to, and how can that defendant be enjoined to redress the injury. Justice Gorsuch continued that courts usually “require some proof that we can remedy a plaintiff’s injury more concretely than just [through] a mere declaratory judgment.” Gorsuch said “you’d have to show that there would be an injunction that would be available.” This case would “essentially [be] an anticipatory action” to halt some future enforcement action.

Later, Justice Barrett followed up on Justice Gorsuch’s questions. She asked the Texas Solicitor General about whether the individual plaintiffs can establish traceability. She assumed for purposes of her questions that the mandate makes “them feel a legal compulsion to purchase insurance, [which] has caused them a pocketbook injury.” She asked, “why is that [injury] traceable to the defendants that the individuals have actually sued here.” Justice Barrett said the injury could be “caused by or traceable to a mandate itself.” But, she asked, how is that injury “traceable to the IRS or to HHS.” Justice Barrett asked, “Why is it their action that’s actually inflicting the injury?”

The answer to these questions about redressability and traceability turns on the precise nature of the injury being asserted. And there are two ways to frame the individual Plaintiffs’s injuries. First, that the unconstitutional mandate, standing by itself, causes the injury. Second, that the unconstitutional mandate cannot be severed from other portions of the ACA, and the plaintiffs are injured by the mandate, as well as those other portions of the ACA.

Frame #1

First, the Plaintiffs can argue that the mandate, standing by itself, forces them to purchase unwanted health insurance. With this first frame, it is not clear that the Plaintiffs’ (assumed) injury can be traced to anyone. Who enforces what is, in effect, a self-executing statute? It is not clear that any case would have ever addressed such a statute. During oral arguments, Justice Kavanaugh questioned if Congress had ever enacted a “true mandate with no penalties” “to do something” or “to purchase a good or service.” In reply, Hawkins said that the mandate was an “unprecedented” statute. (I chuckled). 

In the Amended Complaint, the Plaintiffs sued five defendants: (1) The United States of America, (2) the Department of Health and Human Services, (3) the Secretary of Health and Human Services, (4) the Internal Revenue Service, and (5) the Commissioner of Internal Revenue. Under the first frame, where the injury is premised solely on a self-executing mandate, Defendants 2-5 play no role in enforcing the mandate. Therefore, the plaintiffs’ injuries cannot be traced to the those named defendants. And an injunction could not be issued against those four defendants. But the first Defendant is the United States of America. And the Plaintiffs contend that this defendant is broad enough to encompass the injury caused by the mandate for traceability purposes.

Justice Barrett pushed back on this theory. She said, “doesn’t it really seem that Congress is the one who’s injured the individual plaintiffs here.” Congress has immunity to such suits. Barrett explained, “You can’t sue Congress and say: ‘Hey, you’ve put us under this mandate that’s forcing us to buy insurance and that’s harming us,’ right?” Hawkins replied that the defendant was not Congress. Rather, “we’ve sued the United States.” He added, “It is the United States’ law that the individual plaintiffs have to acquire health insurance that the United States thinks is good for them.” I think Hawkins was trying to convey that at bottom, suing the United States is a broad enough umbrella to encompass every fact of federal law, including the self-executing mandate. I’m not sure there is any precedent to support this proposition. But again, Congress does not usually enact self-executing statutes without an enforcement mechanism. At that point, Justice Barrett “switch[ed] gears” to talk about state standing. It is not clear whether Justice Barrett accepted Hawkins’s response.

Suing the United States may address the traceability prong, but it creates problems for the redressability prong. Generally, a plaintiff cannot seek an injunction that runs against the United States. The doctrine of sovereign immunity bars that remedy.

The Plaintiffs had two responses. Hawkins explained the first answer to Justice Gorsuch. In the District Court, the United States “insisted that an injunction would not be necessary and that it would treat the declaration as an injunction.” Texas took the government at “its word.” Second, Count 4 of the Amended Complaint alleges a violation of the Administrative Procedure Act. Generally, the APA waives sovereign immunity against federal agencies. 5 U.S.C. 551 defines the term “agency” very broadly. Justice Barrett asked about Congress, but Congress is exempted. Franklin v. Massachusetts held that the President is not an “agency,” even though his position is not expressly exempted. The United States is not expressly exempted, so it could be covered. I don’t have a strong opinion on this question.

In short, if the injury is limited to the self-executing mandate, standing by itself, then Justice Barrett seems right: the traceability and redressability elements are much harder to satisfy. Acting Solicitor General seemed to agree with Barrett. He said that Justice Barrett “ask[ed] some very difficult questions about traceability with respect to the individual Respondents.” The SG’s brief stated “The individual plaintiffs can make this merits argument regardless of whether they would have Article III standing to challenge the individual mandate by itself.”

The Plaintiffs have characterized their case with a second frame. Here, redressability and traceability can be more easily established.

Frame #2

The individual plaintiffs have framed their injury as resulting from the mandate, working in conjunction with the ACA’s health reforms. They argue that that law’s  insurance reform regulations have increased the cost of policies. For example, Plaintiff Neill Hurley stated, “The ACA prevents me from obtaining care from my preferred health care providers and has greatly increased my health insurance costs.”

But wait a minute!? If the Plaintiffs argue that the mandate is unconstitutional, and the mandate injures them, how can the Plaintiffs rely on other provisions of the ACA to establish standing? The answer turns on severability. In short, their theory of standing turns on the mandate being inseverable from other parts of the ACA. But wait!? Isn’t severability a merits question that can only be decided after the court finds the Plaintiffs already have standing? Welcome to the ACA chicken-and-egg problem. If the mandate is inseverable from the remainder of the ACA, then the Plaintiffs have standing. If the plaintiffs lack standing, the the mandate is severable.

At several points, Justice Thomas asked questions about the sequencing of this case. He asked California Solicitor General Mongan to explain “why we would determine severability at the standing stage?” Mongan replied, “We don’t think that that’s a theory that’s ever been endorsed by this Court.” He added, “it seems like it would create some serious tension with this Court’s Article III precedent.” Mongan maintained that “typically, severability would be analyzed after a ruling on the legality of the provision.”

Justice Thomas asked Texas Solicitor General Kyle Hawkins whether the Court should “determine inseverability” “at the standing stage.” He suggested that severability is a matter of “statutory construction and something more suitable for the merits stage.

Justice Thomas posed the same question to Acting Solicitor General Wall (his former law clerk): “at what stage we should confront the inseverability issue.” Texas argued that it should be confronted when the court considers standing. But, Thomas said, “it seems more like a statutory construction issue that you consider at the merits stage.” The Solicitor General agreed with Justice Thomas. Texas, he said, “keep[s] referring to standing through inseverability.” But “that’s not right.” Standing and inseverability, Wall said, “are distinct things.”

The SG’s brief stated that the “individual plaintiffs may advance, and this Court may consider, legal arguments that (1) the individual mandate is invalid and (2) all other ACA provisions, including the insurance-reform provisions that injure the individual plaintiffs, are inseverable from it.” (p. 17). The key word is “inseverable.” In effect, the SG brief suggested that the Court could assume the plaintiffs were correct about inseverability at the standing stage, even if the Court ultimately finds that the mandate is severable. Warth v. Seldin, 422 U.S. 490, 501 (1975) (“One further preliminary matter requires discussion. For purposes of ruling on a motion to dismiss for want of standing, both the trial and reviewing courts must accept as true all material allegations of the complaint, and must construe the complaint in favor of the complaining party.”). The SG later stated, “Here, the plaintiffs challenge the insurance-reform provisions that do injure them, and the basis for their challenge is that the insurance-reform provisions are inseverable from the mandate, which is invalid.”

Once the Court assumes the Plaintiffs are correct on severability for purpose of the standing inquiry, the other two Lujan factors fall into place. The Secretary of HHS and the Commissioner of Internal Revenue enforce the insurance reform provisions, which cause the injuries. And the court can enjoin the enforcement of those provisions. The SG stated that “the individual plaintiffs have standing to obtain an injunction barring enforcement against them of the insurance reforms that injure them.” And “the facts plaintiffs aver establish a cognizable injury traceable to the insurance-reform provisions.” All three Lujan elements would be satisfied. And there are no Poe v. Ullman problems with the second framing of the injury.

Here, the Plaintiffs requested this second frame of relief. Count 5 of the Amended Complaint requested a “permanent injunction against Defendants from implementing, regulating, or otherwise enforcing any part of the ACA because its requirements are unlawful and not severable from the unconstitutional individual mandate.” Here the Plaintiffs did not merely request an injunction against the mandate. The Plaintiffs requested an injunction against other parts of the statute that could not be severed from the unconstitutional mandate. The District Court did not resolve Count 5. Hawkins told the Court that County 5 was “still a live issue before the district court.” And the individual plaintiffs “can pursue that remedy, if necessary.”

There is some daylight between the SG and the individual plaintiffs. The SG would limit the standing inquiry to the insurance-reform provisions that injure the plaintiff; the individual plaintiffs would allow the entire ACA to be in play for standing analysis. The Cato Institute brief, which we wrote before the SG filed, largely shares the SG’s approach. We focused on the ACA’s guaranteed issue and community rating provisions.

***

At bottom, the standing analysis is related to the severability analysis. If the Court assumes the material allegations from the Plaintiffs’ brief that the mandate is inseverable, then the unseverable reform provisions are part of the standing analysis. And the Plaintiffs’ asserted injuries are traceable to those provisions, and an injunction to halt those provisions would remedy the Plaintiffs’ asserted injuries. Ultimately, the Court can find that the mandate is severable.

Even if the Court assumes the mandate is inseverable for the purposes of the standing analysis, the Court can later find that the mandate is severable for purposes of the merits analysis. This duality reminds me of the Solicitor General’s argument in NFIB v. Sebelius: the exaction was a “penalty” for purposes of the jurisdictional Tax Anti-Injunction Act, but was a “tax” for purposes of the constitutional saving construction. Here, the Court would construe the mandate as inseverable for the constitutional jurisdictional analysis, but construe the mandate as severable for purposes of the statutory severability analysis.

Finally, the Solicitor General offered one other exit strategy in a colloquy with Justice Kagan. He said “the Court as a matter of avoidance can do severability before doing the merits.” In other words, assume there is standing, assume the mandate is unconstitutional, and declare the mandate is severable from the rest of the act. Wall stressed that “we don’t think [the Court] should [so] here.” But he stressed that “normally a court would.”

A crude prediction: Five Justices follow the SG’s “avoidance” approach, and then four Justices write separately to find that the parties have standing, and that the mandate is unconstitutional. Ultimately, I suspect zero Justices will vote to invalidate the entire ACA. Justices Thomas and Gorsuch have formally rejected that model in Barr v. AAPC.

Query what would happen if three justices find that the individual plaintiffs have standing, three justices find the states have standing, and three justices find that no party has standing. I think at that point, there could not be a merits ruling, because six justices ruled against individual standing and six justices ruled against state standing. But the SG’s avoidance punt could work. Following the ACA for a decade has taught me a valuable lesson: always prepare to be surprised.

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Beijing Faces Extreme Pressure To Publish Promising COVID-19 Vaccine Data

Beijing Faces Extreme Pressure To Publish Promising COVID-19 Vaccine Data

Tyler Durden

Thu, 11/12/2020 – 19:00

News about Brazilian regulators’ decision to halt a Phase 3 Sinovac trial amid rumors that a patient had died under questionable circumstances heaped more humiliation on Beijing this month, adding insult to injury after Pfizer unveiled the first “extremely promising” headline immunity data for its mRNA vaccine, snagging a “win” in the race for the West.

Just weeks ago, Beijing may have indulged in some schadenfraude as AstraZeneca’s partnership with Oxford finally got its trial in the US back up and running after a month-plus delay. But now the shoe was on the other foot.

Though the Brazil trial was reinstated within two days, it allowed Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro to declare “victory” by appearing to validate his persistent questioning of the Chinese vaccination effort. His comments have no doubt become a problem for Beijing, which must secure the trust of partner nations in the developing world to develop markets for the vaccines its producing for the virus it helped to unleash.

Even Russia has produced data showing the Gameleya Institute vaccine is “92% effective”. As Reuters pointed out in a piece published Thursday, Beijing needs a win on the vaccine front.

“As China continues to push its own vaccines through the final stage of clinical trial in the midst of Pfizer’s announcement, the need for Beijing to address public perception about its vaccine safety issues is more pressing now than ever,” said Xiaoqing Lu Boynton, a consultant at Albright Stonebridge Group who focuses on health care and life sciences.

Reporters for Reuters have detailed a “”vaccine web” illustrating various markets where Chinese vaccine makers have agreements to test, and market, their vaccines, provided they’re approved by domestic regulators.

There’s little question, according to other experts who spoke with Reuters, that the US’s wins on the vaccine front threaten China’s “vaccine diplomacy” plans, since Beijing has now transformed the race for a vaccine into an opportunity to exhibit China’s technological superiority to the world.

The “problem for me is global public good or China public good — it’s two different notions,” said Nicolas Chapuis, the European Union’s ambassador to China. While he praised China’s decision to join the WHO-backed vaccine program, he said many questions remain on distribution, price and international certification.“To be certified samples have to be given,” he said. “Samples have not been given.”

China has promised to prioritize providing doses for more than 60 countries, including governments that have received infrastructure loans under Xi’s Belt and Road Initiative. Indonesia, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Morocco have formal agreements with China’s major vaccine manufacturers, and countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have been promised a $1 billion loan to purchase doses from them.

Still, China’s setback in Brazil combined with Pfizer’s breakthrough “puts China’s vaccine diplomacy in jeopardy,” said Yongwook Ryu, assistant professor of East Asian international relations at Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore.

But before China can start swapping vaccines for favorable RBI deal terms, Beijing needs to curry trust. And although China has already started using SinoVac’s vaccine on hundreds, if not thousands, of people under a wide-ranging emergency program, that approach might not be enough. China’s biotech leaders need to provide real transparency, experts said.

“The issue is the lack of transparency,” Ryu said. “So the right thing for the Chinese government to do is to make its trial results and related information public, so that experts can scrutinize them.”

China has already administered the vaccine, including the one from Sinovac Biotech Ltd. whose trial was just paused in Brazil, to hundreds of thousands of people under an expansive emergency use program. But none of the Chinese frontrunners have published any preliminary data from Phase 3 trials as Pfizer has done.

Reuters points out that even if China ultimately lags in the vaccine race, it could still emerge as a global leader in distributing the vaccines. A Chinese company already has a deal to distribute the Pfizer vaccine in China. Yet, somehow, we imagine Beijing won’t be satisfied with simply leading on the distribution end.

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Reconsidering Redressability and Traceability in California v. Texas

On Tuesday, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in California v. Texas. I previously wrote about the merits question, and what would happen if the Court found that Texas lacked standing. Here, I will focus on the standing of the individual plaintiffs. (I’ll presume general familiarity with the case, which I discussed in the Amicus brief I filed for the Cato Institute.)

Lujan identified three factors to determine whether a plaintiff has established Article III standing. The plaintiff must “allege (1) an injury that is (2) “fairly traceable to the defendant’s allegedly unlawful conduct” and that is (3) “likely to be redressed by the requested relief.” Most discussions of standing in California v. Texas have focused on the first element. How can a mandate with a penalty inflict a concrete injury? The second and third factors have received far less attention.

In this case, traceability and redressability are closely linked. If the injury can be traced to the actions of someone in the federal government, then that person’s actions can be enjoined to redress the plaintiff’s injury. But if the injury cannot be traced to actions of someone in the federal government, then the plaintiffs may not be able to show their injury can be redressed. For California v. Texas, redressability and traceability rise together, or fall together. Justices Gorsuch and Barrett asked about these two elements.

Justice Gorsuch asked Kyle Hawkins, the Texas Solicitor General, what precise remedy the “individual Plaintiffs” are requesting. “I guess I’m a little unclear who exactly they want me to enjoin and what exactly do they want me to enjoin them from doing?” In other words, which defendant is injury traceable to, and how can that defendant be enjoined to redress the injury. Justice Gorsuch continued that courts usually “require some proof that we can remedy a plaintiff’s injury more concretely than just [through] a mere declaratory judgment.” Gorsuch said “you’d have to show that there would be an injunction that would be available.” This case would “essentially [be] an anticipatory action” to halt some future enforcement action.

Later, Justice Barrett followed up on Justice Gorsuch’s questions. She asked the Texas Solicitor General about whether the individual plaintiffs can establish traceability. She assumed for purposes of her questions that the mandate makes “them feel a legal compulsion to purchase insurance, [which] has caused them a pocketbook injury.” She asked, “why is that [injury] traceable to the defendants that the individuals have actually sued here.” Justice Barrett said the injury could be “caused by or traceable to a mandate itself.” But, she asked, how is that injury “traceable to the IRS or to HHS.” Justice Barrett asked, “Why is it their action that’s actually inflicting the injury?”

The answer to these questions about redressability and traceability turns on the precise nature of the injury being asserted. And there are two ways to frame the individual Plaintiffs’s injuries. First, that the unconstitutional mandate, standing by itself, causes the injury. Second, that the unconstitutional mandate cannot be severed from other portions of the ACA, and the plaintiffs are injured by the mandate, as well as those other portions of the ACA.

Frame #1

First, the Plaintiffs can argue that the mandate, standing by itself, forces them to purchase unwanted health insurance. With this first frame, it is not clear that the Plaintiffs’ (assumed) injury can be traced to anyone. Who enforces what is, in effect, a self-executing statute? It is not clear that any case would have ever addressed such a statute. During oral arguments, Justice Kavanaugh questioned if Congress had ever enacted a “true mandate with no penalties” “to do something” or “to purchase a good or service.” In reply, Hawkins said that the mandate was an “unprecedented” statute. (I chuckled). 

In the Amended Complaint, the Plaintiffs sued five defendants: (1) The United States of America, (2) the Department of Health and Human Services, (3) the Secretary of Health and Human Services, (4) the Internal Revenue Service, and (5) the Commissioner of Internal Revenue. Under the first frame, where the injury is premised solely on a self-executing mandate, Defendants 2-5 play no role in enforcing the mandate. Therefore, the plaintiffs’ injuries cannot be traced to the those named defendants. And an injunction could not be issued against those four defendants. But the first Defendant is the United States of America. And the Plaintiffs contend that this defendant is broad enough to encompass the injury caused by the mandate for traceability purposes.

Justice Barrett pushed back on this theory. She said, “doesn’t it really seem that Congress is the one who’s injured the individual plaintiffs here.” Congress has immunity to such suits. Barrett explained, “You can’t sue Congress and say: ‘Hey, you’ve put us under this mandate that’s forcing us to buy insurance and that’s harming us,’ right?” Hawkins replied that the defendant was not Congress. Rather, “we’ve sued the United States.” He added, “It is the United States’ law that the individual plaintiffs have to acquire health insurance that the United States thinks is good for them.” I think Hawkins was trying to convey that at bottom, suing the United States is a broad enough umbrella to encompass every fact of federal law, including the self-executing mandate. I’m not sure there is any precedent to support this proposition. But again, Congress does not usually enact self-executing statutes without an enforcement mechanism. At that point, Justice Barrett “switch[ed] gears” to talk about state standing. It is not clear whether Justice Barrett accepted Hawkins’s response.

Suing the United States may address the traceability prong, but it creates problems for the redressability prong. Generally, a plaintiff cannot seek an injunction that runs against the United States. The doctrine of sovereign immunity bars that remedy.

The Plaintiffs had two responses. Hawkins explained the first answer to Justice Gorsuch. In the District Court, the United States “insisted that an injunction would not be necessary and that it would treat the declaration as an injunction.” Texas took the government at “its word.” Second, Count 4 of the Amended Complaint alleges a violation of the Administrative Procedure Act. Generally, the APA waives sovereign immunity against federal agencies. 5 U.S.C. 551 defines the term “agency” very broadly. Justice Barrett asked about Congress, but Congress is exempted. Franklin v. Massachusetts held that the President is not an “agency,” even though his position is not expressly exempted. The United States is not expressly exempted, so it could be covered. I don’t have a strong opinion on this question.

In short, if the injury is limited to the self-executing mandate, standing by itself, then Justice Barrett seems right: the traceability and redressability elements are much harder to satisfy. Acting Solicitor General seemed to agree with Barrett. He said that Justice Barrett “ask[ed] some very difficult questions about traceability with respect to the individual Respondents.” The SG’s brief stated “The individual plaintiffs can make this merits argument regardless of whether they would have Article III standing to challenge the individual mandate by itself.”

The Plaintiffs have characterized their case with a second frame. Here, redressability and traceability can be more easily established.

Frame #2

The individual plaintiffs have framed their injury as resulting from the mandate, working in conjunction with the ACA’s health reforms. They argue that that law’s  insurance reform regulations have increased the cost of policies. For example, Plaintiff Neill Hurley stated, “The ACA prevents me from obtaining care from my preferred health care providers and has greatly increased my health insurance costs.”

But wait a minute!? If the Plaintiffs argue that the mandate is unconstitutional, and the mandate injures them, how can the Plaintiffs rely on other provisions of the ACA to establish standing? The answer turns on severability. In short, their theory of standing turns on the mandate being inseverable from other parts of the ACA. But wait!? Isn’t severability a merits question that can only be decided after the court finds the Plaintiffs already have standing? Welcome to the ACA chicken-and-egg problem. If the mandate is inseverable from the remainder of the ACA, then the Plaintiffs have standing. If the plaintiffs lack standing, the the mandate is severable.

At several points, Justice Thomas asked questions about the sequencing of this case. He asked California Solicitor General Mongan to explain “why we would determine severability at the standing stage?” Mongan replied, “We don’t think that that’s a theory that’s ever been endorsed by this Court.” He added, “it seems like it would create some serious tension with this Court’s Article III precedent.” Mongan maintained that “typically, severability would be analyzed after a ruling on the legality of the provision.”

Justice Thomas asked Texas Solicitor General Kyle Hawkins whether the Court should “determine inseverability” “at the standing stage.” He suggested that severability is a matter of “statutory construction and something more suitable for the merits stage.

Justice Thomas posed the same question to Acting Solicitor General Wall (his former law clerk): “at what stage we should confront the inseverability issue.” Texas argued that it should be confronted when the court considers standing. But, Thomas said, “it seems more like a statutory construction issue that you consider at the merits stage.” The Solicitor General agreed with Justice Thomas. Texas, he said, “keep[s] referring to standing through inseverability.” But “that’s not right.” Standing and inseverability, Wall said, “are distinct things.”

The SG’s brief stated that the “individual plaintiffs may advance, and this Court may consider, legal arguments that (1) the individual mandate is invalid and (2) all other ACA provisions, including the insurance-reform provisions that injure the individual plaintiffs, are inseverable from it.” (p. 17). The key word is “inseverable.” In effect, the SG brief suggested that the Court could assume the plaintiffs were correct about inseverability at the standing stage, even if the Court ultimately finds that the mandate is severable. Warth v. Seldin, 422 U.S. 490, 501 (1975) (“One further preliminary matter requires discussion. For purposes of ruling on a motion to dismiss for want of standing, both the trial and reviewing courts must accept as true all material allegations of the complaint, and must construe the complaint in favor of the complaining party.”). The SG later stated, “Here, the plaintiffs challenge the insurance-reform provisions that do injure them, and the basis for their challenge is that the insurance-reform provisions are inseverable from the mandate, which is invalid.”

Once the Court assumes the Plaintiffs are correct on severability for purpose of the standing inquiry, the other two Lujan factors fall into place. The Secretary of HHS and the Commissioner of Internal Revenue enforce the insurance reform provisions, which cause the injuries. And the court can enjoin the enforcement of those provisions. The SG stated that “the individual plaintiffs have standing to obtain an injunction barring enforcement against them of the insurance reforms that injure them.” And “the facts plaintiffs aver establish a cognizable injury traceable to the insurance-reform provisions.” All three Lujan elements would be satisfied. And there are no Poe v. Ullman problems with the second framing of the injury.

Here, the Plaintiffs requested this second frame of relief. Count 5 of the Amended Complaint requested a “permanent injunction against Defendants from implementing, regulating, or otherwise enforcing any part of the ACA because its requirements are unlawful and not severable from the unconstitutional individual mandate.” Here the Plaintiffs did not merely request an injunction against the mandate. The Plaintiffs requested an injunction against other parts of the statute that could not be severed from the unconstitutional mandate. The District Court did not resolve Count 5. Hawkins told the Court that County 5 was “still a live issue before the district court.” And the individual plaintiffs “can pursue that remedy, if necessary.”

There is some daylight between the SG and the individual plaintiffs. The SG would limit the standing inquiry to the insurance-reform provisions that injure the plaintiff; the individual plaintiffs would allow the entire ACA to be in play for standing analysis. The Cato Institute brief, which we wrote before the SG filed, largely shares the SG’s approach. We focused on the ACA’s guaranteed issue and community rating provisions.

***

At bottom, the standing analysis is related to the severability analysis. If the Court assumes the material allegations from the Plaintiffs’ brief that the mandate is inseverable, then the unseverable reform provisions are part of the standing analysis. And the Plaintiffs’ asserted injuries are traceable to those provisions, and an injunction to halt those provisions would remedy the Plaintiffs’ asserted injuries. Ultimately, the Court can find that the mandate is severable.

Even if the Court assumes the mandate is inseverable for the purposes of the standing analysis, the Court can later find that the mandate is severable for purposes of the merits analysis. This duality reminds me of the Solicitor General’s argument in NFIB v. Sebelius: the exaction was a “penalty” for purposes of the jurisdictional Tax Anti-Injunction Act, but was a “tax” for purposes of the constitutional saving construction. Here, the Court would construe the mandate as inseverable for the constitutional jurisdictional analysis, but construe the mandate as severable for purposes of the statutory severability analysis.

Finally, the Solicitor General offered one other exit strategy in a colloquy with Justice Kagan. He said “the Court as a matter of avoidance can do severability before doing the merits.” In other words, assume there is standing, assume the mandate is unconstitutional, and declare the mandate is severable from the rest of the act. Wall stressed that “we don’t think [the Court] should [so] here.” But he stressed that “normally a court would.”

A crude prediction: Five Justices follow the SG’s “avoidance” approach, and then four Justices write separately to find that the parties have standing, and that the mandate is unconstitutional. Ultimately, I suspect zero Justices will vote to invalidate the entire ACA. Justices Thomas and Gorsuch have formally rejected that model in Barr v. AAPC.

Query what would happen if three justices find that the individual plaintiffs have standing, three justices find the states have standing, and three justices find that no party has standing. I think at that point, there could not be a merits ruling, because six justices ruled against individual standing and six justices ruled against state standing. But the SG’s avoidance punt could work. Following the ACA for a decade has taught me a valuable lesson: always prepare to be surprised.

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Biden Administration Expected To Revamp Focus On White Collar Crime

Biden Administration Expected To Revamp Focus On White Collar Crime

Tyler Durden

Thu, 11/12/2020 – 18:40

With an incoming President-elect Biden, it’s looking like the party for Wall Street – and the white collar fraud that it brings with it – could be coming to an end.

While during the Trump administration fines and prosecutions related to white collar crime fell, lawyers anticipate it “ramping up” under a Biden administration. White collar defense attorney Robert Anello told Bloomberg that his practice “ground to a halt” during the Trump administration. 

In addition to prosecuting white collar crime on Wall Street, tax cheats and foreign bribes will also be in focus under a Biden administration, Anello said. There will also be plenty of interest in the government funding provided as part of the Paycheck Protection Program, he said. 

Brandon Garrett, professor of law at Duke University, said the change under the Biden administration may not be noticeable right away, as white collar cases take time to assemble. But he expects more cases overall, including insider trading and accounting scams. We have a few suggestions as to where they could get started…

Garrett said: “There’s often kind of a life cycle to fraud. If we have lax enforcement for a number of years, there will be a lot of serious misconduct and fraud that will have been brushed under the rug and so I would expect a serious backlog of cases of all types.”

The Trump administration, trying to present itself as “pro-business”, has overseen a large decline in enforcement. Prosecution of white collar crime has hit record lows, helped along by the slowing of the courts as a result of Covid-19. Syracuse University’s Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse shows a 30% drop in annual prosecutions since the Obama administration. 

Corporate fines were down 76% in Trump’s first 20 months in office, compared to the 20 final months during Obama’s administration. During the same time, corporate penalties totaled $3.4 billion, spread out between 17 financial institutions and 13 public companies, compared to $14.15 billion, 71 financial institutions and 34 public companies during Obama’s administration. 

Cheryl Bader, a professor at Fordham Law School in New York, said: “Anything would be a step up from Trump’s complete neglect of white-collar crime. He wants to see himself as the business-friendly president.”

“When Trump talks about law and order, he’s not talking about law and order as relates to white-collar crime. He’s talking about law and order, frankly in terms of minority people,” said Joel Cohen, a former federal prosecutor in New York now in private practice.

The Trump administration did, however, oversee a $2.9 billion penalty for Goldman Sachs’ Malaysia unit and felony charges lodged against Purdue Pharma LP, over the last four years. 

A. Brian Albritton, who served as the top federal prosecutor in central Florida under Presidents George W. Bush and Obama, said Trump was more focused on violent crime: “Violent crime has been a priority for the Trump administration. I would anticipate fewer resources devoted to immigration crimes.”

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Daily Briefing – November 12, 2020

Daily Briefing – November 12, 2020


Tyler Durden

Thu, 11/12/2020 – 18:25

Real Vision managing editor, Ed Harrison, is joined by editor, Jack Farley, to break down a day of heavy selling across sectors as COVID-19 cases surge to unseen levels. Ed interprets what the Citigroup Economic Surprise Index means and shares his views on how, shutdown or not, the rise of coronavirus will likely depress economic activity. Ed and Jack discuss the flattening of the U.S. Treasury yield and the heavy selling of value equities, with Jack asking Ed whether the rotation into value will resurge or is in fact over. After quickly reviewing price action in volatility markets, Ed and Jack give a sneak peek of the “Paradigm Shift: Investment Ideas for a World in Flux” featuring Jim Chanos, Mike Green, Chamath Palihapitiya, Hugh Hendry, Kyle Bass, Jeremy Grantham, Jim Grant, William White, and many other legends of the investment world. In the intro, Peter Cooper explores the current state of the coronavirus epidemic in the States and reviews the jobless claims report that came out today. For the charts that Ed and Jack discuss, click here: https://rvtv.io/3lrQLY0.

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